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Azalea, Habersham co. Aug. so, is-* To ATcssrs- Whitten, Moms and-Degn , Committee : GeStuemeß— l have received your communi cation, covering a resolution ot the meeting ot the citizens of Carnesville, on the 6th inst. by which I am called upon to express my opinions on cer tain noints therein specified. By the last man, 1 received, through the public prints, a like call irotn certain of my fellow-citizens ot the county ->1 Taliaferro: To these calls I cannot for a mo ment hesitate to respond. r l lie instant I consent ed to become a candidate for Congress, every citi zen became entitled to know my political opin ions. In replying therefore to you, I avail mjselt of the occasion, freely and fully to spread those opinions before tire whole people of Georgia ; and ; im not unwilling, but anxious, that they should reach the eve or the ear ot every citizen of the .state. By those opinions lam willing to stand or fall, according to the judgment of an houcst and 'dependent people. By many, perhaps by whoh unties, these opinions will never bo heard; hut lions will be sent to them as mine, as unlike t mine, as black to white. Beit so. If I declare ■n fully, and fairly and honorably, and send i forth to'be published, I have discharged my duty to my conscience, and my obligations, in that regard to ray fellow-citizens. I premise the views [ am about to give, with no professions of sincerity, or of devotion to the in terests of Georgia. Professions are not worth a straw.- I-was born in Georgia; I have no interests but Georgia interests; I reside in her mountains, where there are no Banks; and I own not a dollar of Bank Stock; mv prosperity and welfare, and tii-it of my children, are fast linked in with the prospenG Georgia. Jfthese are not sufficient guarantees for my and fidelity to the State, no professions I can make -„uld give you a better security. Id the course of my remarks, 1 may «-~press opinions on matters not called for by the inquirers. If I give more than you ask, you cannot complain. If I am forced to impugn the opinions of others, I will do it respectfully, I mean to impugn no man’s motives; all 1 ask is the benefit of the golden rule “that others will do unto me, as I would do unto them-" I will now proceed to auswer the inqui rics; The first is relative to the constitutionality of a United States Bank. As the President, it is well understood, will veto any bill which may pass Con gress for that purpose, and if I am elected, my term of service will end with his, iny opinion or vote will, probably, not be called for, or, if called for. will be of no avail. But you have asked for it, and you shall have it, and that as plainly as I can give it to you. Every one knows that the Constitution was a ri iromise of conflicting interests and views to ‘■/•t a inure perfect union between thirteen sovc ogu and independent Stales. The best evidence if the mo leration and love of country of our an- chors is that such a union, under the circum stances, was formed at all; the best evidence of their wisJtrn* that it has been preserved so long; rad the best hope of their children, that it may otifinue forever as they formed and left it to us. it would never have been adopted, if they had not agreed upon a particular rule, as the basis of the whole structure—it will never be preserved, if that ru.c is not strictly adhered to and enforced by their posterity. That great rule is, that while all powers were granted to tbe Federal Government which w=re necessary for the safety and welfare of the whole, and which could only be used effectu ally by one common head—no power should be granted or exercised to protcr.t or foster the inter ests of one State or section, at the expense of any other. Powers were specified, and Congress was vested with further power to make all laws necessa ry and proper for carrying into execution the spe cified powers. Without this last clause, the Con stitution would be but waste paper; but like many othei good tilings, it has been most grossly per verted and misrepresented. Some have made it to give all power; some no power at all; as usual the truth ties in the middle. The law, to be con stitutional, must be both necessary and proper —not necessary or proper. It must not only be neces sary for the end, but proper, that is just, which is one of the meanings of the word proper, and in my opinion the true mcauiug, as it isthere used in the constitution. Just, for in exercising the uecessa rv power, Congress must not invade the rights or privilege* reserved,to the .States. In the contest power, necessary has preserved its name, but lost its character; proper has not only lost its character, but its name. The Supreme Court on this very question of the Bank, changed it into “appropriate.” General Jackson found the Pet Bank system a very jit instrument to breakdown the Bank of the United States; and Congress found the Force Bill, and the Army and Navy ve ry convenient to sue tain the Tariff and to put down nullification. Thus “proper” first became “ap propriate.” then “fit,” then “convenient;” which 1 ast. means all a eonsoludafionist can desire. I wiil give unto Cwsar that which is Caesar’s—not one jot more. There is no express power granted to Congress to establish Bank— has it the impli ed power under the clause above referred to?—- Genera] Washington, as President, sanctioned the charter of the first Bank of the United States ; Mr. Madison the charter of the late Bank-—which last was advocated by Mr. Crawford, and by Mr. Calhoun, the present great author advocate of the m clause of what is now called the Sub-Trea - v Bill, Thus all these distinguished men, »n --:i»;■ • the most solemn sanction of their oaths of offi ce, pronounced these charters as not only con s''tutional but expedient: If Mr. Calhoun erred •• * he may err now; at any rate, I am neither i nor ashamed to be found in such good corn- believe that a Bank of the United States, un :i-?r proper restrictions, is a necessary aid of the t reasury for two purposes: first, to erable it to transfer its funds with facility, ■ safety and cheap ness, from points where they are not wanted, to re mote points where they are warned; and second -• Iv, to give to the whole country a currency of e tjual, or nearly equal value every where ; that while the Government receives its full dues in a yuedium at par value, the importer at the North ' whaling procure that medium without cost, while the importer 2t the South shall be obliged to pay five or tsn per cent ti> obtain it; as was lately, and perhaps is now the case. I s this the uniformity ol •the duties intended by the constitution, and can -the South, under such circumstances, hope to comnefe with the North in the foreign trade ? But you will ask, how is this equality to be es tablished and maintained ? I answer, that all ex '* Has nroved that it can only be procured F j *T . • i " Bank of the UnltC* and maintained thrangu a , I '“states; an J the same experience has also proven, . that it is only by the aid of such a Ban k, that the Treavi/y can be pf.pi'reatly able to make its transfers to remote points, w itn facility, cneapnc.s, and safety. I make this assertion in full confi dence of its truth, and challenge proof to the con trary. All other means hitherto to effect these important objects, have failed. Ihe let Banks as they are called, with the aid m millions of public deposites failed, and the gov ernment will probably lose several millions by the experiment. The wagoning specie across the mountains, and transporting it by sen, are, l think you will all admit, neither SYCry cheap, expedi tious, nor very safe mode of transferring the pub lic funds, especially in times of war; when both safety and dispatch may be all important. An ex clusive specie circulation, which was sag zest and as I the proper and constitutional mode of eqn di/.ing the currency, was nicknamed the Benton Hum bug, and was immediately rejected by all as im practicable, and by most persons as ruinous to the prosperity and trade of the whole country. Under tiie existing system, can these great objects be accomplished without the aid ol a L nited Zstatos, Bank, obliged by its charter to furnish a sound medium ol circulation, and to transfer the public funds promptly and cheaply to any point required by the Treasurer? Every merchant knows that bills of exchange for large amounts cannot always bp purchased t or it purchased* can only bo obtain ed at large and ruinous premiums. Without such a Bank, the Government will be obliged to purchase bills for remittance on the same terms as the merchant, and be subject to the incon veniences, delays, and losses. It l am right in these views, a Bank of the United States is a neces sary aid to secure to the country an equal circu lation, anil to the Treasury, its just dues, and a cheap, sate, and expeditious mode ol making its transfers; and to the people of the South an equality in the payment of duties. For these purposes and these alone, I consider the power to create a Bank a necessary power. But it must not only be a necessary, but a prop er power, that is, it must be so used, that while the Bank can accomplish these necessary ends, it cannoi '.«o,. r fere with, or control the rights reserv ed to the States. \ charter may indirectly be gifted with powers, wind, are contrary to the spirit of the constitution. Iwm illustrate this by the Tariff acts. No one doubts the constitutional power of Congress to lay and collect duties. That power is expressly given—that power, however, must be limited to an amount necessary for the wants of the Treasury. To go beyond this for purpose of ptotecting and fostering manufactures in one section, at the expense of another section, I Is a violation ot' the fundamehUi rule I have laid down, and iu my opinion, aud in the opinion ol most, if not all of you, unconstitutional, unjust and oppressive to the planting interest. \et a court would pronounce such an act constitution al, because not within its province to determine the precise amount requisite to meet the wants of the Government, iso with the charter of the late Bank of the United States. The powers granted on the face of the Instrument, were probably all such as any court would dacide to be constitu tional and yet it did possess the power, indirectly, not onlv to regulate and control the State institu tions, but to raise or depress the market in any particular place or State, almost at will; a power not granted to Congress, and therefore not grant able by Congress to the Bank. This indirect power, as I conceive, was derived in a great meas ure, if not altogether, from the almost exclusive right of the Bank, under its charter, to receive an 1 pay out the public monies, and varied from time to time, as the public deposites were increased or diminished. That this power was ever used im properly, Ido not mean to say; for I do not be lieve that institution was ever managed with more ability and more honesty, for the attainment of the great ends for which it was established, than that institution was, iiuder the charge of Air. Cheves, and afterwards of Air. Biddle; but the last named gentleman, in his late cotton speculation, which I think was both honorable to hitnself and bene ficial to you, has given you a hint of what could be doue, iu tire exercise of such a power by a board of New York or Philadelphia merchants, not quite so honest as himself. If lam right in the source from which this mischievous and un constitutional power was derived, remove that, and you have a Bank with all the necessary capacities for doing good, without the capability of mischief. If the refusal to give the Bank a right by its charter to receive and pay out of the public monies is what is called a divorce of the Government from the Banks, then lam in favour of the divorce.— This divorce has been objected to by many who dread the influence of the President more than that of the Bank. But whether the funds are deposited in the United States Bank, in a State Bank, or locked up in safes, the Secretary of the Treasury, or the Treasurer can always draw them, without being questioned; and if these officers are corrupt, aud the creatures of the President, they are just as much subject to his influence iu one place as iu another. Gen. Jackson took the deposites by force from the late Bank, not because he couid not control them while in its vaults, (for die very fact of taking them proved that he could control them at will) but to weaken and destroy the Bank. There was another privilege accorded to the Bank by the Supreme Court which I believe is contrary at least to the spirit of the constitution. I allude to the freedom from taxation by the States. To have protected it from a greater tax than the State Banks were subjected to by their own Legislatures, would have been just and con stitutional; but to exempt it from all taxation, was giving it greater privileges than the constitution secures to a citizen of one State, having property or business iu another. The charter ought also to require of the, Rank payments in specie of all its obligations under a given amount a f aov of its offices at which they may be presented, no mat ter where issued, or where payable. I think a charter, subject to the restrictions I have stated, would be in accordance with the spirit of the constitution; and as such a Bank is neces sary to the Treasury for the two purposes I have named, I think it would, token so limited, be expe dient. In determining upon this question of expedien cy, it behoves the people of Georgia to consider well, the situation in which they aru placed. Ex perience has proved, that as a general rule, the paper of our State Banks, even when they pay specie, will not circulate at par. much beyond our own borders. Our neighbor. South Carolina, has secured for herself a great Bank of Twelve Mil lions of Dollars Capital, with the privilege of es tablishing branches in North Carolina and Ten nessee, the paper of which will circulate at par, or above it, in all those States, and perhaps be yond them; she therefore requires no United Bank to g ; vc her a par circulation in those States in which it will be most needful for her. " - merchant will take the paper of this The Caronu« _ -» par, and make his Bank, which be wilj obtain *«. TllH GHOIMxIA MIRROit. purchases in the Western market, paying away, the same paper, perhaps at a pienumn, certainly without loss. The merchant of Georgia will into the same market with our State Bank Bills, wlftch cost him also par at home, but being there i, do,,- no ii»nst submit to a discount; or he must draw specie trom our Banks to use in that trade, Ac ttiereby cri;>plo them. 1 am no merchant mvself. but it strikes me that the result must be. to throw the whole Western trade into the hands of Carolina. Our only chance of escape from this, in the notes of the Insurance Bank of Co lumbus, which, backed by the United States Bank of Pennsylvania, will command credit n the W est, because receivable in Philadelphia. That Bank has now branches in several of youi cities, and the very capability to command a ciydit in the West, will enable it to control your State Banks to the same extent that a B. mch of the United States Bank would without the public deposites. That it will have this power y our State Banks know. The moment that Bank was purchased, it was to our State Banks as a ball of fire on the mast to the mariner; they hurried to make all snug by curtailing their discounts. The truth is, Mr. Biddle is on your shoulders, whether von will or no, and you cannot shake him off; and the only alternative left you, in order to get your share of the Western trade, is to cherish the In surance Bank or to get a branch ofa United States Bank. South Carolina may well condemn Ore er pediency of establishing a Hank of tie l sited States; but is it the policy of Georgia to do likc wi se f My fellow citizens of Taliaferro, have inquired of me my opinions on the Pet Bank system. 1 was opposed to that system trom the beginning, am now, and ever will be. It is calculated to give to the President an influence more widely extern fled, and more destructive, to our free institutions, than tlm influence secured to him by ill his other patronage. It was calculated K* ma te, not only the Directors, but all the Stockholders of all the State Banks throughout the Union, supplicants for his bounty. It penetrated into the cottage as well as the counting room. It subjected aJilgctiia rich and the poor stockholder; the One tiiro’ his avarice, the other thtoiigh |ii J poverty. It gave him the absolute coupoi of the money power of the country. 1”e Divorce has been made an I 1 hope, toc-'l’Cr, it was a union against the spirit of the constitution, and destructive to the rights of the States. Do not understand me as being op posed to the State Banks. In my opinion, they are not only valuable institutions, but. necessary to the improvement and prosperity of the country; strictly guarded and limited by Legislative watch fulness and wisdom, they are a blessing to the country. A cry has been raised against them— the cry of monopoly—-I do not join in that cry— it is calculated to produce the very monopoly you dread—make the State Bank system unpopular, and the refusal to create new Banks to meet tire just wants of the daily increasing commerce of our State, will at once give to the existing Banks that very monopoly. Destroy the present State Banks, and you throw the monopoly into 4 the hands of the monied usurer and extortioner, who will then demand twenty five per cent for his loans—-I ask von to look well into this matter. Again : My fellow citizens of Taliaferro, ask my opinion on wtiat is called the Sub-Treasury question—by this I understand the system of con fining the government receipts and expenditures to gold and silver coin and Treasury notes, or in other words, the twenty third section of the bill stricken out on motion of your Senator Mr. Culli bert. lam obliged to understand it in this limited way, for when that clause was stricken out bv the combined votes of Van Buren men and Clay men, Southern men aud Northern men, Union men and Nullifiers, the great advocate of the Bill, declared that its life and soul was gone, and he himself voted against it:—- 1 ain unwilling to speak of the dead Unless l can say good of it. 1 knvo admired the great author of that specie clause while standing on the floor of the Senate, as tlip fearless advocate of Southern rights, and from tay heart have thanked him. I have admired him vrhilo unyielding and alone, he there battled forthisvery clause, I have examined it with all the lightswhich his wonderful mind could throw around it, but I am unable, to see it as he has done, 1 am unable to see how the South, paying as she does, and as that gentleman has so often proved that she does, the greater amount of taxes to the government, can be bene fitted by paying those tase in specie, which specie is again to be transferred to office holders uid con tractors, who principally reside at the North, and who will command a premium upon it. lam un able to see why the general government should and maud specie from the people, and leave the peo ple and the State governments with a depreciated currency—for if the Bank paper is good as the specie, why should not the government take it. I No one can respect that gentleman's ability and ! sound southern feeling more than I do; but have j his opinions suddenly become so infallible in Geor- I gia, that I am condemned for differing with him, ! even bv those who but yesterday called him TRAITOR? Have Carolina opinions, too, sud denly become so infslible in Georgia, that I, who less th m two years ago was condemned for agree ing with her, am now to sufler the condemnation for disagreeing with her? 1 impeach uot Mr. j Calhoun's honesty of purpose, hut still I cannot ! agree with him. 1 impeach neith r the honesty, j nor the devotion to Southern interests, of those southern men, who agree with him, (on points of far more vital importance to the South, ’ our opinions are the saaie:) among these is Major Mark Cooper, a candidate before, you. and as an evidence of my sincerity, I will vote for him with i as much pleasure as for any man on the ticket— When I meet with a real Christian, l extend the I hand of fellowship to him without inquiring- into what keeping he is willing to entrust the funds of his church, °i in what currency to receive them.— I have answered the question, and l have meant ludu it, plainly and respectfully. You may now ask. what system I would adopt in regard to the monies of the government. To this I answer, first, I would reduce the government wants as low as a proper economy would allov, and I would re duce the public revenues to ni amount merely sufficient to meet those wants. I would receieve in payment, as is now authorized, and lias been for years hitherto, the notes of sjncie paying banks, as well as specie and Treasuri notes. 1 would bind.,the public rece : vers by strong bonds, and leave them to deposite the Homes as they re ceive them, in any place they may select. making them responsible for the resn't. aud re pining quarterly returns, not only of the amounts, but of the kinds of money received and paid out. and proper evidence that the balance on ha g! is there in the kind ol* money which it ought to be in, and if deposited in a bank, a certificate of that bank of tho amount deposited. To such a system combined with a banit of tlje United States, res- tricted as I have stated, 1 can see uiu uujw tion—aud that must exist, to the same extent, un der whatever other system may be adopted. Ihe objection is that the public money is left under the control of the President, but this cannot be remedied unless the appointment and removal o. the heads of the Treasury is taken away trom the President, aud vested in the House of Represen lives. This will require an alteration of the con stitution, which ought to be made. It you divorce the government from the banks, be equally care ful to divorce the President from the public purse. If in the opinions 1 have expressed, I have gone to neither extreme, it is not for the purpose ot buvinw favor with every side. It is the difficulty, wh'.clfgrows necessarily out olthe subject, of de termining the exact line where the rights ol the Federal Government end, and those of the States begin,—an I if 1 have offered a plan, it is only to show, that, in rejecting all otheis, 1 have one of my own to propose. Bv the resolution I am requested “to make known inv choice for the next President, between V m Buren, Clay, Webster, aud Harrison.” Ido not understand that the two last named gentlemen are candidates fur that office,and it does not, there fore, seem necessary to know mv opinion with regard to them; but l respect the call ot 'he .nee ting, and as 1 wish not to be misunderstood, I re plv\ that the opinions of those gentlemen, as I un deistand-thein, on tlie points ot vital importune* to the South, are such that no southern in:i:i couid safely trust either of them with that offir.o. ]t iS< in mv opinion, a melancholy evidence of the weak condition to which tue wuole South h.i.- - , been re duced, by distractions and divisions on minor points, that she is forced to fne necessity of mak ing a choice among the iour gr-i'itleivica v -u h>v named, all oi whom have, at one t'.mo or another, advocated measures, or declared opinions, deci dedly hostile to her best interests, a id to lief safe ty aud prosperity—ail of whom have advocated or voted fora hi-/; tariff, and no: one of whom, as far as l ku»:w. has everdeclafe 1, though pressed to dy it, that abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia would be unconstitutional —and yet there is th.c point at which the gangrene is to com mence. and from which all the slave-lidding fc-fates may he diseased, and ultimately destroyed, if the abolitionists should succeed,in their effort to plant the disease at that point. Would you be willing to entrust that inviurtuni outwork ot our safety to the guardianship of any man who will not swear to defend ft —who, in Fed, after he has sworn, is liable to be surrounded by such strong influences, as to be willing to surrender it as a iigattm of ex pediency ! In answering the inquiry, 1 will state, that by the constitution, the election of the Presi dent is vested in the people of the respective States. If a majority of the whole are not in favor of a particular candidate, then the selection devolves upon the House of Representatives, voting by States. In such case, 1 consider the Represen tative as a mere agent of the majorit y of the peo ple of his State, and bound to vote as that major ity had declared in the electoral College. Accor ding to this principle, under such circumstances, 1 would represent the will of mv State, by voting for him in favor of whom the majority of my State shall have declared.—lndeed, 1 should consider that 1 had no more discretion in the any other mere agent would have in ordinary af fairs. But yon have asked which l would prefer among the four named. I have stated my views with re gard to Webster and Harrison. It seems to be now generally understood, that Mr. Van Buren ami Mr. * lay. are t':c two candidates.—On Ihe subject ol* the Taraff, I consider both as siaml ini in a.position equally objectionable. On the subject of abolition, they hav? both declared that it would be unconstitutional to abolish slavery in the States, and inexpedient in the District ol'Uol mnbia and the Territories. — It is understood that Mr. Van Buren advocate;! the abolition of slave ry in New York, and if my recollections are cor rect, he voted to instruct the New \ ork Senators to vote forthe Missouri restrictions, and Mr. ( lav compromised that dangerous question. Mr. Clay is called the father of the protective system, and Mr. Van BuVen voted tor it in G-B, umlec instruc tions. So far, they both stand upon pii'V.V equal grounds as to claims upon southern conb'dence. Iu whom can the South trust with most confi dence, (ora veto of the bill, should one be passed ! to aboil hslav'rv in the District of Columbia? In votknvr fir tin' TarafV of 1828, Air. Van Buren . either obex ed the instructions ol Now \ ork be ! cause his opinions were in conformity to the bill, or he voted for the bill agairr-s his own opinion of its constitutionalUv and expediency It in the firit case, he is a high Tariff man, iu the last, he wants independence, and voted agaiust Ins oath. Dur ing the last vear, Mr. Van Buren declared de cisively to the merchants of New York, that it was unnpcessnrv to call an extra session ol Congress, and yet, immediately after called such session. This, to say the least of it, was a want of firmness of purpose. In December, Mr. Van Buren declared to John Ross,througli the Secretarv'of War,that the Cher okee Treaty would be rigidly enforced and exe cuted, at the appointed time. In May, he recom mended to Congress to suspend the removal for two years, if the States would consent, of which he had little doubt. This change, whether for weal or woe, is evidence that little reliance istobe placed noon his declarations.—Mr. Clay, whether right oi wrong, has always been firm in his pur poses. Mr. Ciav lives in a slave-holding State, and, I believe, owns slaves. ,\lr. Van Buren lives in the midst o‘ the abolitionists. Let me ask, which is most likely to be acted upon by bad in fluences, and on whose firmness and decision can the South with most confidence rely,in this matter? Attain, Mr. Van Buren is surrounded by a swarm, | from all quarters, who have already tasted the | sweets of the Treasury crib,. James tlpe First, ot j England, humbled himself before his predecessor, ; to obtain the throne. He was fond of power,-but 1 luckily wanted the daring and commanding ener- j gv of that predecessor, to use it. He inivht have \ made a good king, if he had not been surrounded , by a hungry swarm of expectants and courtiers ; it is to that swarm I object more than to James.' ! 1 have answered your question. 1 have ans wered all the questions, and l trust explicitly and fully : an 1 if it shall prove the last lime I shall have occasion to address vou, I will at least? have the consolation of knowing, that I have dealt honest ly by vou. In truth, 1 consider the Sub-Treasury and Bank questions, at best, cf very secondary importance to th<» South, u hen the war against the right! reserved to the States, is con-tantly waging, and vh*m the storm of abolition has only moder ated for a moment, to gather new strength, and burst with destructive violence over our beloved con ntry. h our fellow cittzen, RICHARD \V. HABERSHAM. From the Sew York Whig. MORE GOVERNMENT TYRRANNY. The President of the United States, fiuding that the energies of our merchants were not to be overcome eitln r by the suspension, or the sub treasury. has wantonly issued a mandate putting a duty 0f25 percent, upon silks, as we stated in our Saturday’s paper. It was reported yesterday m \\ all street, aud the notice found its way to some of the bulletins, that the attempt to exact duties upon free goods, was abandoned. The report was incorrect, the government having “suspended the cncular lor the present, for tlm purpose of amendment.” The President is determined to grind our mer chants to the very cellars of their stores, and ho will do it, unless they come out to a man, and op- pose him desperately. The Executive is at no child pkiy. Late defeats have rendered him more head strong and tyrranical than ever, and he is re solved to ruin the commerce of tlze country to reign monarch ever beggars. Our merchants can expect no favor from the despot until they come out in a body, and resist his measures, lie must be taught int to trample on freemen, is to spurt \v f ,h ygurptoies. —There is but one way to* mUig h;m to his senses, anil that is to teach that wear-r t to he ruined TvltliOUC determined and uo»*'cnite. It hf been said m Washington, within a few. days past, thir since business had partially revi ved, the governmental officers cczAt do pretty much what they piers: A with merchants, and; that the Whigs lr.d no longer any de- ire to enter warmly into opposition to the President. Welear there is au apathy pta.vailing amo us our friends, and if so, wc shall most certainly lose the State of New \ ork. i lie cry ol victory conies to oui: ears from every quarter of the 1 jiion, and yet supineness marks the conduct of the leading men of on r own state. If the state is lo t, we tel’the \\ higs they will have only themselves to blame; If, after destroy ing the army and navy, mjr tyrant cuts the throats of our merchants, they will have only themselves to blame for it. Martin Van Buren would not dare to abuse them, did he see them ptoperly or ganising to defeat him. What can be expected of the master w hen lie allows his servants to enter such goods for duty as he considers proper ? The Star states that Mr. Fergusen, thp Deputy Collector, not find ing silk braid in the new circular, immediately wrote “Silk braid twenty five per cent.” From the Star we copy also the follow ing : An importing merchant who says he has paid to. government a million of dollars duty, without being charged in a single instauce with improper conduct, states, that in remonstrating with the col lector on this new and uuiooked for duty, the dep uty collector remarked that “we” the merchants “had been indulged long enough;” the copsruc-, tion of which is that they had long been indulged by law, but now it was time to, try what could be done without-the color of law. The crusade against merchants on P ar ? of the Government is no new thing. If they stand on the defensive, and parry tfie attack w ith spirit itid firmness they can materially aid in producing a better and more honorable condition of things. ANTICIPATED INDIAN HOSTILITIES. The Nash vile Banner of the 22d ult. contains a correspondence between t.ren. Gaines and Gov. Cannon, of an important character. We give be low the lettei of Gen. Games entire, which dis closes a movement of the Indians on one West ern front er, iti the highest degree alarming, if the views of the General be correct. He has, in con sequence, applied to the Secretary ol War (or permission to raise ten thousand volunteers, aud hn< also requested Governor Cannon to be pre pared to fund-ii pit of them from Tennessee Governo ('. has replied, promising to furnish promptly any number that may be required from, that State. We sincerely hope tlirrt Geo. Gaines and Col. Mason have misconceived the object of the meet ing oftbe Indians, and that it may prove to be on lv for some business purposes of a pacific charac ter, having reference to their peculiav- and mutual interests. Oivainnutti Whig. Here is the General’s letter ; Head Quarters, Western Division, } St, Louis Aug, 8. 1838. jl Sir Ido myself the honor to transmit here with, for your information' a copy ofa letter which t have just now received from Lieut. Col. R. 11. Mason, Ist Dragoons, commanding at Fort Leav enworth* reporting to me the well-ascertained fact that the Cherikee Indians of the Arkansas have in vited all the Chiefs, together with all the princi pal braves of all the tribes (excepting the Usages and Kansas ) residing near our Western frontier north of the Red river, to meet them in council in the Cherokee country, on the Illinois river a few miles above the mouth of the Barren fork, about the 11 th of September, next mouth. The object of the council, and the reason for excluding the Usages and Kansas, are unknown; but the Lieut. Col. states tiiat there is no doubt in his mind that the object ofthe council 'Sto ef fect a union of the different tribes preparatory to striking a simultaneous blow upon the settlements of Arkansas and Missouri, from Red liver to the upper Mississippi. Concurring as I do in this opinion, aud bring convinced that the Chorokeos of Texas and Ar kansas have been instigated by the agents of Mex ico, who have been endnvoring for more than two years past to organize a combination of Cherokees with all the nations west of Arkansas and the State of Missouri—a combination capable of bringing into action upon our frontier over twenty thousand mounted warriors—a" force that, under enterpri sing leaders, vwnld lay waste the w hole line of theirs<'ttlements from t e mouth of the Sabine to the Falls of St. Anthony, including the richest cotton- .'rowing section ol" A luerica, on Bed river, with soipc <:i the.most valuable sugar districts of Loin .‘ana, if indeed the enemy is suffered to com mence the work of destruction before our measures of protection are matured—with these impressions I cannot but anticipate authority to concentrate upon the Arkansas frontier a suftieent force to en able me to check the incipient movements ol the Indians. Five thousand mounted Kentuckians and Teu ne .scans, added to our present regular forces, a* mong which is the IstKegiment of Dragoons- (the Best I have eversren,) would enable rne effectually to thwart the designs ofthe enemy, and give l et ter protection to the frontier than five times that force would accomplish, after the concentration of the enemey and hi successful commencement i:i his savage work of destruction. 1 have therefore to request of your Excellency the promulgation of authority for the formation of volunteer companies—to be organized and he I ready to march by the Ist of September, or 89