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the rear of the bull by putting liim w ith small j shot in the shape of winter pippins. This holy war lasted three quarters of an hour, I and the bull seemed likely to win the day. Icha bod fancied himself already reduced to the ne necessify of taking up his quarters in the tree for the night; but luckily at this moment a reinforce ment arrived, and the bull began to retreat; the assailants, headed by Bill Mugs, pressed their ad vantage, carried the stone wall by escalade, formed a solid column, and in a short time the bull was driven from the field without the loss of a single man. And thus the victory being achieved, Icha bod came down from the tree. But it was all over with him. His sermon was gone, the afternoon was gone ; and he soon found that his hopes in a pulpit, were gon3. The bull wes never out of his mind. He never had the courage to attempt another sermon, and at the very thought he imagines, to this day, he hears a boo-booing and sees a pair of horns. A SERMON, BT REV. MR- TAPPAN, 1.. L. D. AtSD A. S. S. The tex in Adams—“We laid stone wall eber since we build brush fence.” Dis scripteryou will find accorded in de belev enteenth .omething, I shant teII zackly where bouts, cause dose ob you dattegd de scrip wuluut tallin. and hab no bisness 10 KIIU'V auuut. nunvwci, i oiinii urrjrrco spinifl it to you, and may be de Lord bress de frnfe to de eberlasting salvation ob your mortal souls; cause widout de Lord’s bressings it will he like de pun kin seed planted among de blackberry bush, neb cause and« toms choke cm. I spose vou all know if not I am gwinc to tell you dat niter de Lord done makin dts cireumnlar globe, and enter ing on it he made man, and at ter he made hint he look at hir»a minit, hesayall berry good. Well dare he made c!e fust inan jist like he own image pictur—de bible say, arter he own image, but he mistake ob de translation, caus de Lord savs dou shalt not make graven image, cause he dimt like to see him, and sartin if he do likes de looks ob etn, he neber makes em heself. Well, nr ter he makes up some clay and makes em de right shape, be lay em down on a bord, and blow in him nose, end he, gush he mighty ! he jump right tip like 3 stufl Irog. Sense de comparison ment, cause J xvant to hab you all understand. And %o dare stood de first man dat eber libed. And de Lord put on specks on arter he look at him. he say him good, so he chaistendiled him Adam, as it was summer, so he put him in de best garden he had, where dare was all sorts of fruitihat eber grew.— Well, de next day he see him look a kind alone some, so night come he gib him dose laudnnm for put him sleep, just like de doctors do wlyn day going to amplicate mans leg, dat means, cut it off. And when he got sound sleep de Lord gouged out he rib, and fore morning made it right into' a wo man ; well, when come day light he put he specks on he Took at her a minit, he shake he head, much as to say, dats a spilt job. So he chfisteu diled her Eve, cause she was made in de cbesing, or else she looks best in de night when so dark vou cant see her. Well, de Lord tell Adam and Eve day might eat any ob de fruit in de garden except one apple tree in de middle ob it, but if day eat one ob dem apples day shall sort inly cite. So as day were doing well, so you see about dis time de debil hapen long dat way, so he thought he would play a trick, so pretty soon found Adam was sleep out de toder side de garden, so lie kill a big snake and put on de skiu and walked right up to , i. e u nd axe d her very perlitelv how she dn : and fe}) her what fine lot she hab to lib on. and axed her w-edder she rnay eat any ob do apples dat she liab to lib on. As mind to know you see, if Adam had only been dar he would known better den stana talking wid de snake walking bout on two legs, and jist as like as not him pictard de debil de fence. }>ut dis foolish woman went to felling satan all about what de Lord tell em, how . if day eat any ob dem apples on dat tree in de mid dle ob de garden day would sartinally die of col lammbus Well, de debil tell her dis was all lie, ajid dat tree was de best one in de garden; so nr ter while, he talked to her so, sl.e took one and eat it up, and den she carry one to Adam, widout tel ling him where she got em, and so he eat one too. What exemplification! Dis was ob dal text, sar tiu goes bout like a roaring lion seeking whom lie ketch somebody. Or as de samist hartfully spres ses it, now sartin like a roaring iioutravils about , eaithly sfion, sometimes he pretends to gib poor sinners daie a beating. Well, darede Lord come along in dc aiternoon, he Sec two apples missing from de forbidden tree. Sto he ax Adam and Eve right off what clay bin done. So Eve tel! him de snake tell her to eat dem apples—don de Lord curse dc snake and tell em day should always crall on de ground, since it aint zactly known how day use to go fore dat time, but 1 spose its more likely day use to go on fore legs like de rest ob de brute creation. As for Adam and Eve de Lord pictured em hcek ober head right out ob de gar den, aud say shall work lorlibing, and dat always “ hot wedder day shall sweat. You see my dear bredren dat some ob you hub to carry de hoe, and some hab to make mortar, and some hab to bh.ck hoots, and sweat yourselves almost to death dis hot w-edner to git a libing, all tor dat one foolish stupid woman dat rudder belebc de debil dan dc jjord. But dare is one consolation for you my breoreu, aud dat is, dare is more chance for you to gtt to heaben arter your work is done, but as for all woman dare aint one text in de whole bible dat say a woman shall eber go to heben. De bible says he dat belebes shall be sabed. it neber says she dat belebes one time, cause woman always rudder belebe de debel dan de Lord. You know de postle Soloman says, dat in hebben day neder marry uor be gibea in manage. Well dare be bery good reason for dat, cause dare is no woman dare, and I tink it is bery reasonable to spose dat day will hab to go dare for eber widout de woman, cause if de woman dont go to heben da must go to hell, and if da tarfllant us so in dis and, its likely in de udder, if any ob tts should he so unspeakably miserable as to be cast off a ynong de goats and de women. I see great many , track wear foes hnb got m wearing de trousaloous ■7 C tall em panter letts, arid l spose uay ealclate to dress as much like de gentleman -3S dr» e'tn.nnd so slip into heben dat way. But it wont (io, <te Lord will know yon de minit lie gits on his specks, so you need not to try to cheat aim. J Froin dis subjiet we learn two very inj larntil tmgs, in de first place nebertalk wi Ia snake- u ni on? finding out if de debil aint in him, anti se condly, nebertalk wid a woman widout finding out whederor not she aim been talking wid.de debil, and may be He Lord will h ive mercy on vpu, and save you all finally to kingdom come, wiier-wiii sing hull.ilujalis an.l keep batehe -1 nail, to eboi iast.ug salvation, world widout eftu, Amen. yfy. dare bredren, let tts inpltrde by srnginj de iventy lebenteenth him, tickler meter. Please i sing it to Jim Crow. - Dare will he a fore days meeting in dis house ebery ebening dis week, except Weusday arter noon. EXTRACT FROM THE SPEECH OK MR. BELL (of Tennessee,) On the Message <f the Pnsident of the U. S. YV eon esimy, Dec.‘JO. 183d. I now propose to uotiee mother part of the Message, which, from its connexion with the sub ject of grealest interest at the prestnt time, will be regarded as the most interesting and important of the whole. After adverting to the defalcation of the late Collector of the port of New York, (Mr. Swart wout,) and very naturally associating with it *ie idea of the necessity of a more “secure and sale system lor the safe-keeping and disbursement of the public moneys,” the President insists. ‘ That the application of the public money to private uses should be a felony, and visited w ith severe and ignominious punishment.” “The Government, it must be admitted,” (says the President, in the same paragraph,) “has been, from iff commencement, comparatively fortunate ,CT,..0r,- Here, then, is a fair admission that until recent ly but a small portion of the public moneys has been embezzled by the officers charged with its collection ; yet the method of collecting and safe keeping heretofore in use is denounced and re pudiated; anew system is projected and insisted on; and the further security is suggested of se vere and ignominious penalties. The enormous abuses successively brought to light under this Administration continue to be imputed to any but their trite cause. The system of collection and disbursement is detective; the method of ac counts is defective; the laws are defective! This has been the re idy apology of the late and pre sent Administrations for all abuses. There were no serious complaints of abuses or defalcations in the Post Office Department until the party now in power undertook, as they said, to bring about a general reform of the Government; but when a few years of maladministration had brought about a general derangement aud the most corrupt practices in that Department, it was immediately proclaimed that the laws regulating the Depart ment were eminently defective; the system of accountability in use, was a bad one; in fine, that nothing could retrieve its condition but anew organization. The same excuses have re - peatedly been urged in defence of the gross abu ses which have prevailed in the War Department, in the Departments of Indian Affairs ami of the Public Lands. Bad laws and a bad organization are the only causes of abuse ever admitted by the friends of power; and the only remedies proposed or applied are new laws and anew organization. But I now take leave to notify the gentlemen fioin New \ oik. (Mr. Camberling,) that when he shall introduce his bill to provide the remedies sugges ted in this Message, I shall insist that the rules of this House be strictly enforced, and that his bill shall rake rank in the rear of a bill now on the calendarof the House, entitled “A bill to secure the freedom of elections;” but it might with more propriety be called “A trill to secure in future a skilful at and honest administration of public af fairs;” a bill, sir, which provides the very best and the only effective remedy in the power of Con gress to adopt, for all the abuses in the public service. Lest the provisionsof this bill may have been forgotten, 1 hope the Clerk will be allowed to tea.l it. [The Clerk read the bill, which proposes in the preamble to declare removals from office ufion political grounds, or for opinion’s sake,” a viola tion of the freedom of elections, an attack upon the public liberties, and a liigh misdemeanor.” The first section provides a penalty of not more thou Si ,000. removal from office, and perpetual disability to hold office, against any officer, agent or contractor 1 , under the Federal Government, convicted of intermeddling in any manner with elections, State or Federal, except in giving his own vote. The second section provides a penalty of $5,000, removal from office, and perpetual dis ability, against any officer of the Federal Govern ment. having, under the Constitution and laws, the power to appoint, or nominate and appoint, any officer or agent of the Government, who shall be convicted of promising or bestowing any office or agency, Upon any agreement on the part of the appointee to render political or other services in elections or otherwise; and a penalty not olkeee ding SI,OOO, dismissal from office, and perpetual disability, against any subordinate officer convic ted of receiving office upon such terms. The President and judges of courts are excepted as to the penalty of removal from office.] The remedies proposed in this message are ap plicable to evils iu subordinate offices, which are but the consequences of greater ones which exist in higher places. 1 insist, sir, that when we be gin again to apply remedies, we shall begin higher up on tiie calendar; that we Shall begin at the head of the list. There exist a canker at the core which must be eradicated before we can expect to heal the eruptions on the surface of affairs. All the remedies devised by the Administration are applicable to others and to subordinates only, while the radical vice is in themselves. It is the spoils principle—it is the principle of corruption itsell which has been adopted by the party in pow er as the only effective party cement —it is the false, corrupt, and corrupting principle upon which the appointing power has been and contin ues to be exercised under the present scriptive dynasty—it is the practice of appointing desper ate, worthless, and unprincipled men to office men who, in general, possess no other merit than their partisan services and efficiency in “lections. This, then, sir, is the great and fundamental evil. And now, sir, when most of the offices of greatest trust in the country are tilled bv this class of men; by clamorous and needy favorites—when their abuses and defalcations have become so monstn ’is that their own patrons are compelled to acknowl edge that nothing but the fear of the penitentiary can resfrtln them, a vain aud idleattempt is made to substitute ignominious pains and penalties for an honest course of Executive appointment and supervision ; and a hope equally idle and the de lusive is thrown out to the Public that unprinci pled public officers may be made honest men by law ! And who are they who are set to watch— whose duty it is to watch defaulting receivers and collectors of the public moueys? Men, them selves, who acquired and now hold their stations by the successful operation of the same false and corrupt principle of appointment which placed ali those who are subordinates to them in office.— The one class cannot be supported without the , other—all must be sustained or fall togctlcpr. TIIE GEORGIA MIRROR. But, Mr. Chairman, this is an old and thread bare theme with me. i have employed my time for years iu an effort to attract the attention ot the Public to this subject iu vain. I have often re peated all the arguments which have suggested theinseves ujxm this subject on this floor, and, I am sorry to say, with small effect. I have ever believed, since I became advised of the extend to which the appointing power continued to be abused, that there could be but one result, under the gross abuse ol the appointing power which lias prevailed of late. I have never doubted that time wouid develop an amount of fraud, specula tion, and corruption, which would amaze aud arouse the Pdoplc, if the system should not ef fectually undermine the public morals, and des troy all sense ol national pride aud honor before their eyes could beopened. I mav claim to have penetrated still turthet into the probable re sults of this system. I foretold, upon this floor, that other results besides mere injury to the public service, would necessarily, indue course of time, follow in the train of the spoils system, as estab lished and acted upon in some of the States in the l niou as wellasat Washington. I predicted that the time would no me when those contest lor the spoils, into which all elections would sooit re solve themselves, would be decided by the sword. We have receipt}' had a very fair illustration ol the working of this system at Harrisburg; & that, sir, is l !“ ttac i fteginniugahe first-fruits of ihe system. W e sha 1 sec the same scene exhibited bv and by upon a larger theatre. When this detestable prin ciple ol party aggregation shall extend itse'f into nil or nsfcrly all, the States of the Union, as it pro mises soon to do, we shall see our national elec tions eoitested and settled by the direct interven tion ol odice-holders and olficeseekers, backed by their respective partisans, made furious and desper ate by th» prospect of losing their share ofthe pub lic spoilt, and resolved to incur every hazard to themseljes and the country in asserting their clai ms Rot, having so often urged the abuse of the ap pointing power as the true cause of the gross a ouses kripwn to exist in the public service. 1 am unwiilma that the ground assumed, shall rest upon iny own assertion, when so many proofs are at b ind to confirm what I have said. In tiie report olthe committee of the Senate appointed so inves tigate the condition of the I’os‘t Office Depart ment in 1834. (page 8,) it will appear, by the ad mission of the head of that Department himself, (Mr. Barry.)that, between the Ist of April, 1849, and the Ist of September, 1834, there had been one thousand three hundred and forty removals from office in that Department alone ! The eommitte resolved to inquire into the grounds of so many removals; and, that there might be no want of specification, they took up the case of John Herron, who had been appoin ted postmaster at Putnam, in Ohio, in the place of Henry Salford, removed. [Air. Bell here read so much of the report of the eommitte as relates to the case alluded to, by which it appeared, from the statements furnished by the Post Office Department, that Herron was appointed in July, 1825, and continued in Office until Nov. 1831, when he was dismissed. The a monnt due from him to the Department, during die time he continued in office was estimated at $558 64, no part of which had ever been paid, and he had finally absconded. The committee then called upon the Postmaster General for the grounds upon which Salford had been removed, and Her ron put in his place; but the Postmaster General denied the fight of the Senate t) go intosnch an inquiry.] But, said Mr. 8., the committee of the House, appointed in the same year, (1834,) and charged with the same duty, resolved to take up the in quiry into this case, where t!_e Senate’s commit tee were stopped in die inquiry. It appears from the report of the minority of the committee of the House (Doe. 103, p. 215) that the Postmas ter Geueral promptly communicated the letters and other papers on file in that Department relatin ' to the removal of Salford and the appointment of Herron ; but the majority of the eommitte, con sisting of Mr. Beardsley, of New York, Mr. Connor, of North Carolina, Mr. Stoddert, of Mary land, and Mr. Hawes, of Kentucky, passed an order t tat they should be returned to the Post master General before they were copied. In this way it happened that these papers have never been communicated to the Public ; but the minority of the committee, consisting of Mr. Whittlesev, of ()l)i», Mr. Everett, of Vermont, and Mr. Wat tnough, of Pennsylvania, state the contents of them from memory, they having heard them read in committee ; and by that statement it appears that an application was made to remove Salford upon the ground that although he was a profes sed friend of the Administration, yet he was be lieved not to be thorough in his feelings, llis friends, hearing of the attempt to get him removed, represented to the Department that lie was a true friend of the Administration. There was no ex ception taken to liis capacity or integrity, yet he was removed, and Herron, whose party fidelity was unquestioned by auy one, was appointed in his place. Here is a pretty specimen of this evil, in the bud, which has since expanded into such monstrous shapes of abuse ! But there is yet a more important circumstance connected w ith this inquiry. Besides the strange development, that a Postmaster General sliouid not appear to be conscious of any misconduct in having dismissed an honest and competent public servant from office upon such grounds, the still more astonish ing fact appears in the shape of an order adopted by the majority of the committee that they sanction the principle ol thisremovai. r l he committee de clare, in express terms, that they can see “nothing in the letters and petitions transmitted by flic Post master General, touching the removal of H. Saf foid as postmaster at Putnam, Ohio, and the ap pointment ot J.Herron as his successor, which in the slighcsl degree, impeaches the motives or criminates any act oj the Postmaster General, or is, in any inspect, material to any object of legislation, or of 2’uolic interest or concern." neie is the solemn opinion of a majority of the committee of the House, composed of some of the most prominent men ot the party in power, pronounced in favor of the principle of removals for opinion’s sake ; nor did they regard the ques tion as of any frublie interest or concern Though the successor, brought into office upon the ground of his superior fidelity to the party, had turned out * ( > be knave, and had actually run away with every cent of the revenue collected at his office in his pcckef, still the Public were declared to have no inteiest in the principle upon which the appointment had been made ! This case also presents a good specimen of the refinement upon simple prescription which prevailed with the late Adminstration, in the footsteps of which the pre sent one treads. It was not sufficient that a man should be a friend of the Administration ; if he 1 ■ was susjvrcted of lpketyartnogss by *ny ngpi of undoubted standing w ith the party, it was enough' to destroy him. i hese are the principles upon winch the appointing power has been exercised iu tins country; and this the manner in which the patronage ol the Government has been distribu ted for the last nine years. Is it auy wonder that the loss ot millions of the public treasure should be the consequence l We have seen, by the order adopted in the committee of the House, how the further progress of the inquiry into the grounds upon which the great number of removals iu the Post Office Department was urrested. Further inquiry was, iu fact, useless, if the principle as sumed by the committee was well founded. I am not willing to lay aside these valuable re ports, without adverting to the facts which were incidentally brought to light before the commit tee ol the .Senate, relating to the removal of Wy man, postmaster at Lowell, Massachusetts, and the appointment of Case. It belongs to a class of abuses which are now well known, 1 suppose, in every part of the Union. 1 alkide to the cor ruption ol the public press, and the direct con nexion which exist between the Administration papers generally and the Post Office Department. It appers by the report of this committee, (page 11,) that William Wyman, an honest and com petent postmaster was removed from office, on the recommendation of the “Democratic Com mittee” of Lowell, without any other reason being assigned than that lie was not a friend of the Ad ministration, and Eliphalet Case, the editor of the Lowell Mercury, a paper zealously devoted to the Administration, was appointed in his place. It was a condition of this appointment, plainly implied in the arrangement made between the several parties, that Case should continue to edit the Mercury for nothing, he having formerly re ceived S6OO per annum for tiiat service; audit was proved that he complied with his bargain.— How many hundreds of worthy men have been removed from their employment in this Depart ment, upon pretences and suggestions equally repugnatto reason and equally corrupt, the people ot this country can never be informed; lor, while the evidence was in existence, the Postmaster General either refused to allow the papers in his of fice to beinspected, which in general, was the only evidence that could be reached, or the parly in the majority in Congress refused to investigate. But, sir, the door w hich might once have been opened upon a mass of evidence and proof is now closed fbrever! The papers in the office of appoint ments have been consumed by fire! Still enough remains to stamp with shame and dishonor the character of a party which could sanction a prin ciple so intolerant, so tyrannical, and so utterly subversive of all public virtue. It is a fact which ought.to be more publicly known, that he who is now President of these U. States was the first man of any great political dis tinction in this country who, as a party man, open ly and shamelessly proposed that the Post office Department should be administered upon party principles, ami the immense influence of the ap pointing power connected with that Department should be prostituted to such uses. But this fact will sufficiently appear from the correspondence which took place in 1822 between Air. Van Bureu and President Monroe, and also with Air. Meigs, the Postmaster General, upon the subject of the appointment of a postmaster at Albany, in New York. There every observant reader will find the germe of the spoils system. In that corres pondence it will appear that the appointment of a political partisan was claimed as a matter of right on the one side, and of duty on the other, (the ap pointing power.) in order to give to the dominant party in New \ ork the advantages of a political partisan at a point so important as Albany; but the patriotism and independence of Mr. Monroe anil Air. Meigs resisted the application. They re fused to act upon any such principles ; and when a man was appointed, who had the misfortune to be a federalist in politics, an appeal was taken from the decision of the Postmaster General to the People. A public meeting was held in Alba ny, vindicating their right to have a republican appointed to the office in question, and calling upon the President to apply the constitutional remedy in such cases for their relief. And what do you suppose, sir, these republicans meant by a constitutional remedy in such cases? It was the remedy of removal from office for opinion’s sake! But to return to the Message. Why consume our time in debating the remedies proposed bv the President ? Why pursue with relentless ven geance the incumbents of subordinate offices, particularly the miserable speculator w ho has only made off with a few thousand dollars ? Why pursue such small game, when the great delin quents are still allowed to revel in the uninterrup ted enjoyment of power, possessing neither the principles nor the capacity to be useful to the public, and daily absorbing their trusts, to the infinite prejudice of every public inteiest ? 1 al lude, of course, »o the leading Executive chiefs, and, in a party point of view’, the most influential ; the very men who are the original and responsible authors of all defalcations and abuses committed bv the subordinates, to whose zealous and efficient support in the public elections they owe their own elevation, and without which aid they could not remain a single day in office, but for the impedi ment which the Constitution interposes to prevent their immediate downfall. 1 repeat, it is small game w hich we are pursuing, in an economical point ol view. I had occasion to speak of the defalcations disclosed in the report of the Secre tary of the Treasury made to the House at the last session, and I made an estimate of the gross amount for which Hawkins, Harris, Boyd, Linn, and others, were deficient, and found the aggre gate about -8400,001). If we set down the defal cations of Swartwout and Price both at a million and a half, the entire sum of the late defalcations will not exceed two millions—perhaps the ultimate loss w ill rmtexeeed one million of dollars. Now I conjure honorable members to reflect that this sum, though large, is but a fraction of the losses in dollars and cents, which this country has sus tained by an incompetent, unprincipled, and elec tioneering Administration, and he will at once see that our business now is with higher game than that upon tiie track ot which we have been put by \ the 1 resident. A\ ffhout pretending to estimate ‘ the indefinite injury, the hundreds of millions in 1 losses, which a few years of great commercial oud financial derangement must have inflicted up on a great nation like this, let us take a more practical view of the-subject. Let us set down a few of the leading items in the account, whichthe People may, upon clear and tangible grounds, state against thso- great national defaulters to whom j I have a,luded, and who have not been removed or dismissed from office. First. There was the Black Hawk w ar—a war which originated in the sheer neglect and culpa* ble negHgenceofthe Administration, md which stor’ihe country ‘JOO dolfsrs. Second. There was the late Creek war a war notoriously caused or instigated by the specula tors iu Indian lands, and which might have been averted, but for the imbecility of some, and tii want of principle iu others, of the public agents intrusted by the Administration with cution of the treaty of 1833. 1 estimate the cost of that war at $1,500,000. Third. YVe may safely estimate the extra cost ot the b lorida war, or the clear excess above wriiat a competent aud laiihlui system ol administration would have expeuded on this war, at •5l2 > 000,000 I, sir predict that the entire cost of this war, tci the country will not be less than $20,000,000 And when it is borne iu mind that this disastrous war Would have been prevented by a judicious selection of agents in the management of the Indians, the charge which 1 moke against the Administration of an excess of expenditure up on it will be considered moderate. This, it must be recollected, was purely an Executive war—a war commenced and Waged entirely af Executive discretion. Congress was only appe; led to, from time to time, to vote the sums of money which were said tobe essential to its successful prosecution and these appeals were ol’cn madealtc: the troops were in the field, and no alternative was left but to vote the money. 1 take this occasion to remark that it was for voting for such appropriations as these and occasionally for large sums stimulated in In dian treaties ratified by tbe Senate, that the V\ r hi<Tj in Congress have been charged by the apologists of the Administration as equally to blame with'theni seives fur the large expenditures incurred under these heads,with what justice the Public will decide Fourth. The iucreased cost of Indian treaties and Indian emigration, in consequence ol the un necessary multiplication of officers and agents em ployed, the incapacity and dishonesty of many of them and the general want of skill and fidelity in the superinteudency—l estimate the loss cmder this head at $5,000,000 at least. b ilth, and last. I will mention the item of sl,- 000,000, which the country has been taxed with to suppress disturbance* or the Canada frontier. Eve ry cent ot this expenditure, 1 maintain, would have been saved to the nation if the President, instead of temporizing and waiting to see what public senti ment would be, and suffering the feeble proclama tions of the Governors of States to go forth as a substitute for his own, had, upon the first indica tion ol disturbances in that quarter, issued such a proclamation as he has only done within a few weeks (r.ist But, sir, that did not suit the poli cy of an electioneering Administration. It was hazarding quite too much to take around in ad vance of public opinion throughout the Union; and so the inhabitants on the border not being ad vised of the real intentions of the Government, many of them became committed, of course, ac cording to their natural sympathies and feelings, and t lie national character has consequently suf fered with the I reasury. These few items, sel ected only because they’are the largest and most obvious, make, in the agregate, a loss of upwards of $20,000,000. Let us, then, instead of wasting our energies in the pursuit ot small detaultcrs, direct our in quiries, and point the indignation of the country against tiie great official delinquents—against those who, being the real authorsof all the abuses which exjst in the land, still h.vld their places, and arrogantly seek to gain credit with the People by proposing remedies for evils of their own creation. 1 his country is peculiarly situated in reference to a weak and unprincipled Administration. In England, a bad ministry can be brought to the bar of public opinion at once ; and upon the heel ot any great official delinquency, judgment is pro nounced upon them, and they are hurled from power before time shall have softened public in dignation, or afforded the offenders the opportu nity of diverting public attention to some oilier subject. Here it is only at stated times, fixed, bv the C onst if utien, that a bad Administration can be brought to account, or be removed from their places; and they may go on for years in a constant course ol administrative:abuse aud imbecility— they may commit the grossest infractions of the Constitution itself—they may prostitute tire pat ronage ot the Government to the vilest and most selfish purposes, and, after all, escape the sen tence ot an injured People. Ample time is affor ded to enable them to court and flatter when they find they have given offence, to get up some new subject of excitement, and turn away the stroke of popular wrath before it is allowed by the Con stitution to fall upon the culprits. I, therefore, admonish the Opposition in this House not to be sanguine of the results of recent developments, whatever impression they may make for the present. It is yet two vears before the People can decide finally upon them; and flic puny defaulters, whom it is proposed to pursue and hunt to destruction, will soon be forgotten.— 1 hey will, at best, only become the scape goats ot their superiors station. It is against the princi ples and practices of the Executive Chief himself that opposition can be made effective. It is by carrying the war into the heart of power, and ex posing the defects and corruptions whic.i exist there—it is by administering a corrective to the original fountain of evil, alone, that we can expect to bring about real reform and confer a lasting benefit upon the country. \\ e published some days since, from the Bal timore Patriot, an interesting sketch of a debate in the House of Representatives, on the motion of Air. Wise to print 20,000 copies t fthe correspon dence between the Secretary of the Treasury and his agents in the Custom House and Land Offices. YY e have since then seen the debate, reported at length in the National Inteligencer, and one more sparkling more creditable to the speakers, and ot more importance to the public, we have seldom perused. Messrs- Wise, Thompson, Menefce and other Whigs shone forth with more than wan ted effulgence. Mr. Wise and Mr. Thompson were particularly happy, cogent and effective. AY e doubt whether either ever deliverd better speeches than on that occasion. 1 he subject of the debate as already stated wn3 the motion to print, for circulation among the peo ple, an official Document from the Secretary of the 1 leasuary—a paper, from all accounts, the most extraordinary that ever emanated from no officer under any Government. It was prepared last session, in reply to a call made by Air. J unes Garland. It contains a list of Defaulters to the <loveriuncnt, and tlie correspondence between Mr. Woodbury and those of Defaulters, previous to thoir resignation or removal. This correspon dence is the important matter. It exhibits Air- YY oodhurv Tinder his own hand as cognizant ot several defalcations at the time he swore before a ( onimittee of Congress that he knew of none it exhibits him rc-appointing defaulters to offico knowing them to be defaulters and refusing to re move others because.to use his on weeds iff relation