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“Well, wh-ff is ftf’ “ You spoke Us your tears. Hare you any reason to 6flter» that Miliar is eucourag eJ “Oh. ah!—allowed to hope you mean?” “You understand me.’’ ••VV ijy, iu the hrst place, though 1 never saw any decided encouragement, as l have told you already, yet, whenever 1 see her, 1 am sure, that he i«n’» far off; and that, you know, looks a good deal like ail arrangement or uinters! Hiding, or a— "nodding. “O hi assignation, hey?’’ “flow bitter yon are! Why. if the lady were a mistress ol your own, you couldn't bear it worse ; auj then no longer a o than last Friday, 1 S?.w them ridi.ig together in lii ; Cream-Colored u.trouche : and to t*-ll y-iu tin 'rath, my dear fellow, her magnifi cent In lia shawl, and sky blue bonnet, and sno vy feathers, cut -a Minolta flourish there 1 promise you ’’ “L i-t Friday .'—arc you quite sure !” \ “Yes, perfectly sore.” “,\n 1 what timi o’ day was it?” “in the afternoon, about lour, I should ; think. You returned from Ehi'adclphia tbs nest <lay, l beliive.” “About four, hey?” musing; “oh, but lie's precious villain! And she --well may she he called a ‘beautiful mischief ; but I’ll; I'll ; I've made up my mind; I’ll;” “What are you muttering now, hey?” “I'll do such things; w*>at they are, i know not-—” “As Shakspearc says. Rut, Georg l ', a word rvithyou. 1 hate mystery, and I don’t half like this agitation, and paleness. One would think yon wete about making your maiden speech, in a matter, of life and death. “(Al life and deal u hey ? It if a iu.it ter of life and death, “ y friend. •‘George Elsworth ! Let me be serious with yon. it cannot be that yourself?” ‘•Sir !” “Oil. you nccd’ot trouble yourself to Sir me. Rut just answer my question, will you ? It it be true, George, that you; a married man; a man of exalted virrue, as I have al ways believed, notwithstanding your whims anil follies about the stage; the husband of a young, lovely and faithful wife; are so wretchedly infatuated with another woman, as to be made unhappy by the attentions that are lavished upon her—stop, stop! where now; what’s your hurry?" “No, sir. Who said any thing about an other woman ? Ay, sir, and who that lives dares to qnestieo her faith? At six precise ly ; fur your Kfe. sir, iet me wet be disap pointed.” me, hey! Actually gone! Sir, sir, sir? Going, going, gone ! For your life sir, let me nor be disappointed ! There’s an mvit .tion fur you ; or was it only a chal lenge? No, sir, I’ll see you hanged first, and your beautiful wife with you. Beauti ful ! 1 -don't believe her eyes arc mates. 1 and wager a trifle she limps, now ; or has lost ail her teeth; or is most confounded'v warp ed 1 So much for marrying in a hurry; getting your fingers nipped, while you’re trying to steal the bait. Alt, here lie conies again! Well, what now ?” “I have returned to m ike sure that I un derstood you aright. You have seen them together, you say ” Yes." “Well, have you ever— a—a--.” “No, I never, as Bepposays.” “You know what I mean, flarner " “Not 1, faith.” * “Have you ever happened to see a—a— t<nt is to say---a --r.---liave vou ever seen any tiling like familiarity between them > any appearance ol a good understanding, hey ?” “Can’t say 1 have. Piecious little 'un derstanding between them both, I should say; though, when they passed me in the barouche, J thought her manner rather free —rather ; for un unmarried woman.” •*I ree. hey ; rather free for as unmarried woman. But if she were a married woman Harper ?” ••Why that, to be sure, would alter the the case. We might not blame her so much then, for carrying those beautiful ostrich feathers, anti that princely shawl with such an air.” “Bold, hev ; rather saucy and free ?” ‘R'aiht r. And to tell you the truth, George, notwithstanding her bonify, | did’nt much like her manner; she had'nt altogeth er, somehow, the air of a gentlewoman “Zounds and death, sir! What do you “ l ut, tut. tut min, what’s to pay now ?” “Not the air ol a gentlewoman ! She ' I’ll tell you what ’tis. iny friepd. there’s no nccmnVng for tastes, you know ; but forauv body to think of saying that of a—or a—of a—of the woman we saw there, win- i; s down right blasphemy,” “Well, if vou are’nt the strangest fellow' Oi course, you are well acquainted with her, and take a deep interest in her; and yet, you don't mind her being ral er free, and bold, and saucy, so that she carries it like a gen tlewoman !” “You are right, Harper. Tam well ac quainted with her, and Ido take a deep in terest in her, the deepest iljat man everlook in woman.” “George Elsworth! I pity you; from m v soul, I pity you ! This may be a matter of life and death to you and to yours: I be seech you, therefore, to deal frankly with me. If you are entangled in any way with that lovely, though most imprudent woman be she married or unmarried : ah.you breathe freely again; married or unmarried , I say' it nrif’ers not; you .are married, and that's enough; wake up from your delusion; tear yourself away from her, and for ever, or you are lost !*’ J “Tear myself away from her! Oh, my friend, if you but knew her, if you had but seen her face, you would never have the heart to name such a thing.* “Herface ; man alive Why, what should put it into your ’.ead tint I haVVnt seen her lace ?’ “You told me so yourself," ‘N > such thmg. ' I told you [ had'nt spn ken to h»r; that I wis not acquainted *vith her, that I had-no idea who or what she was. whether mud, wife, or widow.” “Ail i that you say now. hey 7” “To be sine I do.” “But you have seen her face—” “Ay.” “Should you know it again ?” “Among a million.” “3 ), so So, tnusiug. “then I must plav S 1 ,v * ‘"'O' differently. How shall I set off, though?” ° “Think of your wife. Elsworth; of your Cit'i 1; of yourself; think ol your duty to your fellow-mao; to your Maker! I see, I re joice f” see, that struggle going on within you. Oh, tint your higher and better uu tur» may triumph!” “Os my wife, hoy! Ofmv child! Oh man. man .' that 1 should be so ei soared, haa * fool! I, that have withstood so much, l. toil nave battled will, such temptations no 1 trials; borne up, a yea', against such a oid ol discouragement. Oh. that l should li/e to be the slave of a wacfoa; the father ot her child !" “Horror an 1 shame! Yon cannot be se rious, George’ Yon are not in your right •eu»«, I’m afraid." 6 “I do not know that I am ; but this 1 Udow ; this I feel; chat lam weary oflile. Stay, 1 had forgotten: i shall not be at home this evening. I have just remembered an en jfcgenieui. ol a --ol a—-professional nature, it is the fifteenth, hey, Tom ?” “No, the fourteenth.” “Samrday, Though?" “No. Friday." •'Never, mind that; Friday; fifteenth or sixteenth, its ail the same." “So 1 percive, and, therefore, some other time, as you say. 1 understand you, Els worih. Why. how you Kemble ! Take my arm, wffl you, or let me call a coach!” ‘■No, you are mistaken, my friend ; excee dingly mistaken. I have be n chilled, chil led to the lierrt. by the sudden change of weather, and ] really am under an ineut; ind if you wete to come this evening you would see nobody at borne hut my wife and you might find heron' of temper.” ' “Out of temper George.” “Ac my absence, you know; low spirited, and poor compauy ; anti so some other ev ening, if you please ; after this week. Last Friday afternoon, you say about four o’ettrsk. “What are you talking about man ? Oh, ah, yes ; I understand you now. But be ware ; it ill ly lie a question of life and death to you, as I said before.; to >ort and to vottr wife. Thiuk well before yon hazard anoth er f.lep.” “To my wife, sir ? Q'.i,»true., true.” “Ram • i*b'*r w hat Isay. If you nre the' father ol a child you dare not ati now ledge ; if you are entangled with that woman, so th it you cannot break off at once, and for ever; yon had better be in your grave, and tli" s> uier the better; lily fathom deep - ’ ‘•Av, and pper than plummet ever sounded. Farewell!” , “Gone! Act n illv gone, before! could say farew II to him, orlake his hand once more, and for a moment only, with the fee ling of other days, when George Elsworth was among the purest of the pure, as timid as a young girl, and utterly beyond the suspicion «f >iteh things. Wonderful! And here am L ieft to find out (lie meaning of the change. Just to think of it! One o( the most truly virtuous, high minded, and excellent creatures yon ever saw, dead in love with his own wife, newly-married, hope fully pious, and looking, ton, as if butter wouldn’t melt in his month: and yet, so destractedly son I of another woman : a mar ried woman, I dare say; so.blindly infatua ted with her, although he acknowledges himself that she is no belter than she should be. Oh. these men; these men ! these m;tr ried men! Upon my word. I "begin to be lieve myself—l —myself—Tom Har per, the notorious Tom Harper, to lie just about as good as the best of them : with all their smooth speeches and smooth looks, and modest carriage of the eyes, and snivelling through the nose. Good bye , I'm off.” [ To be concluded.] FRF.EDOM OF ELECTION. A popular writer for the Knickerbocker, draws this picture of an election scene on Long Island. Though ti e tale is fanciful, yet many ol our citizens have seen just stu b llair.gs. The writer “names no parties"’’ On the last day of election, the voters were as yet nearly equal, and the result hung in suspense. Wild Harry, a noted champion of the Fink party, drew his friend Bill Cork aside, ami told him, in a whisper, that lie had overheard one n.f the enemy describe the exact position of a voter, who was then lying desperately drunk iu a field, on the edge of a certain brook. “Everyone counts,” said he, “and we'd best go and nib him at once.” To this Bill Coik as sented. So, taking a horse and waggon, which was on the ground for the express putpose of bringing voters to the polls, they drove most furiously to the place specified. They found no difficulty in discovering the situation of the voter. He was King be neath a willow where a water wheel threw u on him a shower of spray—his head on a sod, his feet iu a brook, and snoozing iu a deep trance. “ikey Solomons!” shouted Bill Cork, in a voice of thunder, bending over, and vio lently shaking him by the shoulders; but no response came from lkey, whose medi tatious were de prafumlis. “lkey Solo mons!” roared Wild Harry, giving him a grevious bunch in the ribs. “Uglt!” was the response, in a tone something between a grunt and a growl. A consultation was now held. It was evident that lie could not help himself, nor cooperate in the least with those who helped him. lie was more overcome than they thought he was, and they said if they had • a knowed he was so damned drunk, they “ouldu’t a come alter him,” As it wsr», whey were sorry to be engaged on » Tom fool’s errand, and vexed that a willing man should be deprived of thoelective franchise, for the want of a little assistance. They stood hesitating. “Lift him up!” said Wild Harry, sudden ly. Bill Coik obeyed the summons, and taking him by the heels and the head, they lifted him over the fence, and laid him in the waggon, being resolved that ihey would take him to the polls and “do the best they could with him.” His hat fell off in the process, and a biro ruin bottle tumbled out of his pocket on the grass. Not a drop was visible in tire bottom of it, w hen held up be fore the sun. “Ah ! the critter !" says Wild Harry, “he’s driok’d it clean dry.” So sayinv. and hav ing smelt andtocoiked it, he tossed it into the brook, it rose buoyant, and floated down the stream. The road over which they were to pass was stony —abounding in deep ruts, to sav nothing of occasional stumps; and fondly lodutgtd the hope that the jolting would “fetch him to a little," they laid on lash,--- and beguiling the way wit 1 various conver sation, drove up in good style before the inn. The arrival was hailed with an ejac ulatory yell. “What’s the. matter now!,' shouted the crowd. “Lift out,” said Wild Ilarrv. “He isn't fetched to at all,” said Bili Cork. “Lay hold!” thundered the former; and 'without an) delay they seized him by the arms, hurried him, unresisting, into the solemn presence of the inspectors of elec tions. “Here's a man that wauts to vote!’* said they in a breath. The inspectors looked at each other with mock solemnity. It is impossible to des» cribe the harmless, diluted twinkle of lkey Solomon's blue eyes. His countenance was phlegmatically calm, utterly devoid of any expression, and Iris nose was very,very red. Ever and anon, his head fell' ilejec tenlv upon his breast. The bystanders had runned iu to scrutinize this curious specimen j of a voter; and having cast eyes upon him, could only inquire “where under heaven the ' fellow come from ?” They had never seen him before, and were struck with as much astonishment as if he had fallen suddenly from the clouds. “ Your name., sir !” inquired the inspec tor. 1 “lkey Solotvona,” answered tLe man at |is i elbow “Let him answer to his own name inter posed somebody. The vote having been peremptorily ch»l iengeu, it was inquired upon what giouuos. “He is a uon resident.” “Swear him iu !” roared a dozen. “I object to ins being sworn,” interpoied one of the board, whose countenance ex hibited a rare indication of honesty ; “1 can not conscientiously administer an oath to a man in his situation. That is just my opinion; what is yours, Mr. Fiatini gau Notv the person to whom this appeal was made told by the twinkle of his eye that tie knew very well which way the vote would coiiut. Nevertheless, lie seemed gravel) to cousider the quesiiou for a moo cut. and then thoughtluily replied, “Why, I think I’ve seen dilinker persons take the oath,’" ‘That may be,” interrupted the other 1 witli some severity. “Two wrongs never make right- I ask, is he fit to take it.” To this rite former simply replied,"“Well, 1 should say lie was.” The question having been put lo the board, whether the oath should be adminis tered, it was carried iu the affirmative, and the voter lining acquainted himself of the elective function, was carried out into tm adjacent barn, and tenderly laid upon a wisp ol straw. From the Federal Union. “What is, bus been; and has been, is." “There is no new thing under the sun.” Was there ever so great a scarcity of money? Were times ever so hart! ? Where ! anil how is to terminate this dreadful state of tilings ? Reader, do you remember the embargo of ISOd, when a bale of cotton was not worth twenty dollars? Do you remember tlie alleviating law of 13 ,I J, when in sumeof the States, creditors were cam pellet! to take property at half its value in payment of debts. We remember the year when the bubble of prosperity burst in the hands of so many of our people- We remember the year IBiJa, when a good speculation iu cotton crazed it ml crushed so many of our merchants. We remember tlie year 1837, when the banks of America quailed under the pressure of the times; and we now be hold the people yieldin': to the pressure fell from the enforcement of collections by those banks. In all these cases, and at all these times, we have heard the same questions jwipoundedt; 1 “Did you ever know money so scarce?” “Ditl you ever see such hard times?” “There is no new thing uitdei «he sun.” Never did proverb apji'y more perfectly and truly to any state of tilings than this to our present monetary difficulties. N'ver was proverb more true. We say nothing of the destruction of war; all acknowledge its baleful effects on lire private affairs of men. But we aver that peace with all rts Hessiwgs —commerce with all its enriching powers— industry with all its productive energies, and legislation with a'l its sagacious provisions, have never been sufficient to protect man kind from fluctuation iu the value of cmn inodiiies—fluctuation in ti e rewards of in dustry— fluctuation in the amount of money. Our cup was not filled with sweets alone. We are doomed to taste the bitter also. Then it becomes us to meet such difficulties like men. It becomes the press to taken calm md philosophic view of the subject; ami not, by yielding to a senseless panic, give edge and power to the sword which is impending over the community. It would be easy to gather from the news ! papers of the day, volumes on the subject • of over trailing, supply and demand, batiks and banking, and all that kind of thing. It would be easy to find essays proving by ar ithmetic, that cotton cannot be raised in tliis country because of the high price of la bor, and others proving with great ingenui ty, that silk can be raised because our labor is high. But wo know no paper, periodical, or book, except one, which tells us the na ked truth! “ There is no new thing under the sun .” Yes, this is the maxim which it becomes us to carry home to the huisness and bo soms ol men.* L*e. those who think the sun of our prosperity set, lookback at the clouds which have passed over its.and at the fleeting character of such clouds. We could easily set forth the reasons for our confidence, that the panic of ol these times will pass frotn.us as speed!) - as it came on, but we prefer poin ting to the past, giving the facts tiiere ar rayed as proof of the elastic character of our people—of the impossibility of keeping them down by the pressure of debts con tracted for value. From ibis field, we do not intend to wander. The |x-ople of the States have passed through many a fiery ordeal in their monetary affairs. They have risen with new vigor from every strug gle, and they will do i‘ again. MORUS .MULTICAUL'S. We have heard that Morns Multicauhs leaves made good greens, good provender for cattle, Ac., but it has been left to Au gusta to make the discovery, that it also makes good Tea. In Mel we were shown a sample the other day put up in paper, which we pronounced, on the smell, fine Hyson Tea, but imagine our surprise, on making the enquiry (as good Teas are scarce in this mark"t) w here it could be obtained, uhen we were informed that instead of Hyson, it was prepared Aforus Alu\ticau\is !! There was just about enough forzdiawing, so that wc could not obtain a supply for trial; we learn however, from the individual who did make the experiment that it made good tea, and that if properly prepared, lie thinks good judges could not delect the difference between it and the best Hyson. The wav ; .t was prepared was as follows: the leaves were in the first place cut into thin strips, then rolled up and put away in the shade to dry. and after remaining iu that, situation some five or six days, they were placed in the sun for a few hours. .If the morns will make good Tea, good-b) to the silk fever, which >it the present time is raging—good by to our f liin.i tiade and an independent fortune to our Morus Mnhicaulis planters, for their wild calculations wn| he more thun realized. V. e hope il any further discoveriesare made in this new branch, they will be comnumi- CHted to US, Htid if they should succeed those who make a ivrtun* will recollect who gave them the first idea — Georgia Constitution alist. >-ro A Bale of New Cotton, front the planta tion of the Rev. Juriah Harris, Columbia county, was brought to our market yester day morning. It is from the plantation of Mr. 11. in Burke county, and is the first hale brought to this market this season. It has not been offered and is stored with Messrs. D. Antignac & Hill, Warehouse and Commission Merchants Aug. Sen. The Texan Agent, in London, is adverti sing that a single man may have 320 acres, and the head of a family 64fi acres, for nothing in Texas. The title is to be given wljeu it is Certain the settler means to remain. gKPiMrffaeiiifo From the Columbus Enquirer. TO C’HAKKLES J. Me DON »LD, ESQ 1 \ our letter of December the 11th to your I Iriend Joe Sturgis, has just made its appear- j ance, and although it is characteristic of its author, it does but little credit to Vour tal ents as .. man, or to your sagacity as a poli tician. Were you not in Milledgeville du ring the last session ofthe Legislature, open ly canvassing for a nomination among the inembeis ol the Union Convention, and was not this letter hatched between you and your democratic Iriend for the purpose of secur ing that nomination ? Having performed the office for which it was designated, it is njw blazoned forth with .i great flourish, for the purpose of accomplishing the more im portant object ufyour election ; and the State Rights press is vauutitigly challenged to spread it before its readers. Sir, you, and the editorwho lias so gallantly taken upon himself the heraldship'of this wonderwork ing letter, calculate too much uu the credu lity of the dear people, who you say “are patriotic,” (what a discovery; and made too by a candidate,') if you suppose that they are to be gulled by the flimsy production of a notorious political cliarlatau. Permit me sir, to examine some of the po sitions which you assume in your letter, and in the first place to subject your introductory projkoMtinu to something 'like the test of a logical analysis. You say that ‘ the history ••ofthe Bank ofthe United States prior to “the expiration of its charter, fully proves “unt only the inexpediency of a National “Bank, hut also flic great danger to be ap "prefacuded rum -such'an institution to tire “purity of’the National Councils and liber tv of the people." If a National Bank is dangerous to the purity of the National Councils and liberty ofthe people, it is dear ly what you have affirmed it to be inthejfirst branch of your proposition, th-'t is, it is in expedient. What i-i ili vgubjerl of your propo sition ? The United Suites Bank. What is its predicate ? The inexpediency of such an I list it ul ion, find nothing more, hso your pro poeitiion amounts to this, that tire history ofthe Bank ofthe United States fully proves not only the inexpediency of a National Rank, but also its inexpediency. If you had aveileri yourself of the use of tlie mon osyllable but, to tell its somerliiug ahont the constitutionality of a Bank, instead of resor ting to this miserable tautology, you would have conferred a favor on many of these, wliesesupport you are now seeking to in sist Youltave been she open and clamor ous advocate o‘ the United States Bank and we have seen you with ah the facility of a ptaetised changeling, suddenly come out in opposition to it. We wish to know the grounds of your opposition. Do )ou Stilt 'relieve that Congress is clothed with tho constitutional right to create a corporation? Why do you so studiously withhold an ex pression of opinion on this subject ? But you behove The hank to be inexpedient.--- The politician whose 'character has be'n as “variable as the shifting scenes of a kaleid Oscope.” could Very readily brin g Ids mind to believe that a public measure which lie considered inexpedient On yesterday, is ex pedient to-day, under a different posture of affairs. Your next argument is certninlv an unfor tunate one foryou. You say that the Bank “never was instituted with a view citli r to “speculation or in iti idud profit. H id it been “it never wou’d nave received the sanction of Gen. Washington." Now permit me to te|| you sir, that this a plaio-xon sequitar. It is an undeniable fact that individuals tlul participate in the profit, of the first Bank, and such a participation was contemplated in its charter. And really, <!• you think that when Geo. Hamilton sketched his plan of the first Bank,that Tie was so obtuse as to expect the stock to be taken up by indivulu als, without any view to individual profit. And, sir. yon greatly underate the perspica city of Gen Washing!! n. as a statesman, when yon suppose that he expected so much unselfish and is interested liberality from the (he bankers and stock jobbers ofthe country The first Secretary ol the Treasury in his rejxirt, says, “to attach full confidence to “an institution of tliis nature, it appears to be “an essential ingredient in its structure, that “it shall be under a private, not a public “direction, under the guidance of individu interest, not of, public policy. The “keen, steady, and as it were magnetic sense of their own interest, as proprietors in the direction if a bank, pointing invariably to its true pole, the prosperity of the institution is the only security that can always be relied on, for a careful administration.” Your political reading should have taught you that the late Bank ofthe United States was or eanized on the principal of a joint stock company, and that all such companies have an eye to individual profit. T| ie ignorance which you betray on this subject is uupnr doliable in one who modestly asks the peo ple of Get rgia to make him their Chief Magistrate. You avow yourself in favor of the separa tion of the government from the banks, w ith out giving one substantive, independent rea son for ir. It is true that you are very furi ous ami beti g-rent against'tlie old exploded pet bank sytept; “a thing that ?«as”; which has had its day, and has passed off ,o tua'.e way for some more fortunate humbug A tl d are you serious when you say that ) O<J c * )n . not conceive how any statesman can ma j n t rine the dortrin that tliCPto „ e shoo'd be (axed to raise money to he •'/.accdin the bank I should suppose that on this subject your conceptions wcukl be exceedingly clear. Have you (orgov ien with whom it originated ? Ito you r.ot anow that it was one of the blnn iters of Gen. Jackson's admini«lration; that 1 • n his most favored bantling, the child of experiment, towards which the current oflus affections was sei with a steady and an un ceasing flow, until the termination of his Presidential career ? None ofhis adherents were more vociferous in lauding the erptr iment than those w ho fought under his ban ner in Georgia. W'ere you not at that time m favor of the experiment? Your resolu tions slo w that you had long before adjured your allegiance n; ,1 !C Bank, and take'n the oath ol fe?,Uy to the “powers that he” In ol them you denounced the bank wiih all the zeal of a nerv born proselyte, and bespattered the Secretary of the Treasury with much praise for the craven servility he evinced in removing the deposites. To vrltat depositories were the public monies removed ? Were they not placed in the lo cal banks and did not this removal consti tute the very beginning of the operation of the pet bank system ? Although the resol utions which accompanies your letter prove that you were in favor of this system, in your letter you declare “that it is only necessary for this system to be examined and under stood, to be universally condemned." So then if seems that you ivere in favor of a system which only required to be exami-- ed and understood to be universally con demned. You cannot relieveyourself from the dilemma in which your inconsistency lias involved you, unless it is at the expense ofthe liouesty of vour heart or the sound ness of your head f You are also unfortunate, in rescuing your resolutions from the oblivion to which an enlightened public opinion had consign ed them. Tiiey reflect no credit on yoit. They are neither temaiknnle for vigor ol I l ' ouglu, terseness of language, or any ofthe graces of style. They i onsiM iu nothing n ore than an tiutneatiitrg tr.iide against die late Bank ol the United States, a lame ar g' merit in favor of lire right ofthe Treasury Department to relic ve the deposited, and a glorification homily,in lavotir ot the teJ protest,amt the still note celebrated ex punging humbug. Your v< hole artilicry seems to be levelled against the ate Bank, and i ot si gn list the |o'i y cl ll,es)sti m. AourUtivr your accustomed silence in regard to the i ou st tiitionality ol the Bank,.mil you leave it un certain whether a Bank could not be organ ized under sum modifications, which would be acceptable to you. You uublushingly avow yourself an expunger, the acknowl edged apologist of an act of deep and dam ning disgrace to the country, an act for w hicli our State, thank God. is not accountab'e. and which has fastened upon those who participated in it, the willitring scorn of an insulted people. The expression of your preference for Mr. Vpu Boren is what every one expected from you, but we did not expect you to pro nounce a fulsome eiflogy on his cliarai t"r. V\ hen yniu said that he lias been the Presi dent of the entire nation, you must have loirgollenth.it lie has been more exclusive ly the President of a party than any other individual who has filled the Executive Chair The President of a nation, indeed ! when every one who has scanned ‘the history of his administration with an unclouded eye, knovveifliuHlie interests (ft he nation havebeen most shamefully saenfieed to promote pari) aims, and accomplish puriy objects. | The whole power and patronage ofthe Gov j eminent have been mad' subservient to ihe unholy purpose of gi.ing sirenth and dura tion to a corrupt and corrupting administra tion. Honeste capability, and distinguished public services iia-ve ceased to be tests ol official qualification :—the right of opinion is trampled upon, and the most heartless proscription is ilie orderofihe day, A Pres ident of the United t-tatrs, fore get till ofthe dignify ol his stojiuji, travelling abroad on vn electioneering lour, proclaiming his party doctrines tar irutl wide, openly beating tip for recruits, drilling in | ersoii his train ed band. ol mercenary dependents, and mar shalling his whole army iu battle artnv for the approaching contest, presents a picture ol otir country’s degradation, from which tile unbiassed mind of every patriot must recoil with unmitigated flrsgwst. But this m in is not (lie President of a party, Tv t the President of a nation, and lias discounten anced all allcinfsts to interfere with the do mestic rights and institutions of the-Sou'h ern States. As you are so chary of your opinions in relation to the XJoustiuiriomd rights of Congre-s, probably yon will have less reserve in telling us something of .Mr. Van Btireo -on this subject. Do von not know that he has never (tented th" constitu tional right of Congress to aholidi slavery in the District of < olumbia ? Do y< u tl ink that the State of Georgia wiil be sat i-fied with a statesman, whose '•iiinion nlaces the slave property ol the District of Colum bia at the mercy of a majority in Congress? Concede to Congress the right, and the ar bitiary will of the majority becomes at i i.ee the measure of ri c r authority. And pray, sir, what are your opinions m this subject ! We know that you are not an abolitionist, and that on the .‘-‘object of slavery you are with the South. But it is understood that you admit tho Constitutional poyver of (Jon gross to establish a National Rank, a pro tective Tariff, r.ml a systemof Internal Im provement ; in short that you are the ad vocate ol the doctrine of implied porters. Such being your opinion us «nme of the rights of Congress, you trill grunt that 1 am authorized in enquiring whether you believe, tvith, Mr Van Byicn, that Con gress enjoys the right, under the Conslitu tion, to abolish slavery in <he District of Columbia ? otir friend GUIEU, manifests more zeal than discretion iu his defence of you, in.liis paper ol tlie 27th ultimo Because Mr. Ci ay and Mr. Webster w ere once op posed to the Bank, and the Whig party is uoiv in favor of it, your political tergiversa tions become in Iris estimation, altogether unimportant. And dues Mr. Gtiien believe that the sins of Mr. Clay and Mr. Webster can lie placed in extenuation of your faults ? il they were become abolitionists, would it justify you in declaring rvar against the rights of your country ? Sir, the defence of your friend does you great injustice, ntill inflicts a deeper w ound upon your chemclur than all the emanations, “of a few creet and vaporing Whig rvrricrs.” You Have nothing to fear from such v ,heis and permit me to tell your ff lend. Guien, that you have more to kpprr.Viend from a de ve opement of the i-.icim.m.s of yonr poiiti cal hie, than fro.,, m otlier so| / rce . Tllis developemcur wi!! oe m<ule< niJ( , char _ actcr until"sited, and exhibited before tin people of Georgia in its true light, noiwith s'at'jin" his awful threat lo bring forward cer'.ain charges” against the State Rights candidate for Governor. When this as tounding revelation is made, I hope that it will be accompanied wiih a few passages from the journal of your late tour to Wash ington City. The prominent position which you norv occupy, affords a melancholy illustration of the influence ol party excitement. You have attained a prominence which nature, in the sparing dispensation of her favors, never intended you to reach. The range of your intellectual caliber falls far short ol the ability necessary to qualify you for the dis tinguished station to which you are as piring. Seduced by the glittering allure ments ol distinction, from the very humble sphere in which )on have been accustomed to move, you are seeking to clothe yourself rvith tiie trappings of an office which you can neither w ear with credit to yourself or rvith honor to your friends. What, sir, have been considered the qualifications ne cessary to one who expects at tlie hands of the people the highest office within their gift? Will they be satisfied with a second rale lawyer, whose mind does not soar above the hackneyed and common place principles of his profession ? Will they be satisfied ! rvith one who has nothing to recommend him but bis servile devotion to a party, a barren experience, and a reputation which has hut little more foundation than ‘the baseless fabric of a vision ?’ Your fine per son your pleasing address, and that broad Scotch grin, which is the perpetual orna ment of your face, will enable you to grace with more eclat the drawing room, than the Executive Chair. We live, sir, in nn enlightened nee, and the standard of qualification for public ap pointments is either high or low, according to the intelligence or the ignorance of those who confer them. The standard of quali fication for a chief ningistratte, which pub lic opinion has established atrong us, de mauds more intellectual power than you hare been endowed with. It requires one of a sound and discriminating mind, a quick nn uuerring forecast, an energy anil J,. cision of character, which never laltets; n requirf- one whose mind is dee ply imbued yvitli tue principles of political jun s p ro . deuce, olio who can tower above the “vul car level" of patty associations, and l, u i,| the reins of govi rnmeut with a steady aril an impartial hand. In all the qualificath v necessary to constitute the < ffn .ent Execti. tive ol a great and giowing |>eople, y ou btnud confessedly deficient. CURTIS From the Southern Recorder. Our cote.n| ornry of the Constitutionalist secias singularly obtuse in comprehending our position on the Presidential The article in our | nper succeeding that to which the Constitutionalist replies, is so fully explicit nnihispoint, that we would bi doing injustice to the Seknoyy ledged astuteness of our coterni orary, to believe it does not now if it did not before, fully (bmprehiid us.—l But w e will now so bring home ilifc subjn t kj the Constitutionalist, t hat there can b< iaaftir be no possibility of mistake iu regard to it. That we sustain, so far as we have an ence. the claims of Governor Troup for t| e Presidency—or ra'her we sottld say, ,j JC claims of the country on Governor Tinnp, j„ this regard-—is fully known to our *oi« in torarv. But the quandary ofthe Constitu tionalist seems to lie, ti| nn its supposition that Gov. Troup cannot be fleeted, why 'ln not torn round aid sustain < itl:« r Martin Van Burni or licnty <by for the office, who appear t« be the prommi nt «-;m didates. Now. if we grant as a postulate the supposition ol the Constitutionalist, ne should think it no teason to abandon inr position, much less to change it for either of the others. Let us put the rase home ; In your county lh< re are two candidates for the Senate to Loth of whom you are op. posed on principle, and Loth are so , |,j,. c _ tionable to you. that you cannot give ti e sanction of your vote to either. A third candidate is proposed, who is cvriy way worthy of your support, whose prim iples are accordant with your own, and whose integrity anil worth is proverbially ,•.throw!- edgetf. Our neighbor gladly, we will mp. pose, urges on his claims, ami lends all 1 i* energies to hi.- cause. Rid. 10. a friend of one or both of the other eand'dates meets you and with all becoming graviiy informs you, that your candidate w ill not iccehe is. largo a vote nseither ol the other cat didafi f; and that on that ground )ou i tight to aban don him, and throw your vote on one ofthe oiticrs who would lni.-ropresent your i pin ions on every subject. Would our ioi p ni pornry do it ? In short, would ihr mere frar of the defeat ol your friend, worthy in eve ry point of view of your warmest' si j | nit, induce or be proper cause for ron to ahan ib n him and vole for a pi.Jitii’al rimy every way opposed to your views. We merely put the ease in point, to tl e Ccfcsii tntionnlist for its rand and refil l tion. But we do not fee’that we fair'v rej resrf.t nt r position in the above r.\tr< me e. f. First, it is merely l egging thi q»u slier, to asseit that Gov. Ttoup cannot be eleetul. Secondly, if he cannot le. it dies not im pirir the fait that he i tight to In. r | lordly the Slate Rights pi rtv of Groig'a is only bound in integrity to do its cv. n dotv, in iis. own State, by its orui vote; it rmlei pie terids to the right, nor assumes the I;«t i) at it epti, or *s able to nal t 01l ir Stans dm their fluty*—they lave dim- theiis wI in tiiev maintain in th'iriyvn State their own principles.;.anil they are c id) i’i uhi I H> that fluty when ihcy'snfftr tie scumbling for plai e and.l.’n sdi ip na! i'g fVi li tri y tlmse prineirhs, by snppm fijigAn their, own State rhb.se mini) and hi p li -siy ij pi s< 4 to them. Foi rthlv : ihe Siate Rights pa* tv can maintain the nrecudti t v ut Slate Rights principles in Georgia at Inst, wl ii h is all they are aei i umable for, by suppor ting Gov. Trot p - in sustaining him they sustain their principles, and cisnre their triumph Fifthly by ala n’ot u him for either of the' others, they abandon their principles, anil tneige the *dil | arty, to all effective | imposes, in this Stale, in'll.e V' lV Boren party—-a glorious ci list n:m' lf ff, truly, of all their efforts and all tla , r i»FaJsT“ Sixthly, and for the presto:’ lastly- tho Siam Rights parly are «'oifoohc.ts to .smk i heir own pri ue:pies lmo , he v , V r W na ol \ Mi Burcn.su>, by „»,) iff sit ting </. the }>.«ii <jf the silvers <! uin nidrs uiili 1110 pnsetit it) rast'A y,e s.l unldl e poor iiliota. tmlv, to idrykrco. .1-fiddle to Van Buien, in Georgiy j„ |] lr overthrow and destruction °‘otir jv v |) priti ipjrs; aid onr opponents. ,lIU entertain but a poor opinion of eiihrr 'of principles er our intelh cts, to sit| ] ose that they ran pis iibly urge ns by tin ir big talks, to fiddle over onr own dttnj, COL. WHITE. 'ihe Missouri Republican furnishes tii» remarks oIJ. M. Wlrto, former!) Delegate to Congress from Florida to the laie Whig meeting at St. Louis. The following pic ture ts too true : "(I< ntlenten. I have been sbmrwl.at con nected with public affairs for several years, 1 entered Congress at the tci initiation of Mr.. Monroe's administration. I hail known that patriotic anil excellent man bt fore his ele vation tothe Presidency, as v ell as his I tu itions predecessor. From the commute menr o( the (iovernn eot to the end of Air. John Quincy Adams Administration, ll ete had been mingled with their political con tests something of forbearance, modeintion anti reciprocal respect. There had been constantly on the part of the Executive gov ernment, a marked respect for public opin ion anil more especially for enlightened, public opinion. The great distinction was constantly regarded between men—the lion est and dishonest between men of integri ty autl capacity, <>nd those without cither W hen I entered Congress, we had Web ster at the head o( the Judiciary committee with Livingston and Dives his colleagues. At the head of the Ways anil Means, the accomplished Statesman and financier, Lew, is De-Lane, We had then upon the For ign Allairs, McDuffie, Randolph, Forsyth, Everett, anti Archer. In other prominent positions were Drayton,Sergeant and Hamil ton. Look now at the present Congress particularly observe those who take a prominent part in managing the affairs of this great nation. “What a falling off is here my countrymen! Since the first organ ization of the government, we have never had so weak a body to represent the nation; we have never had so miserable a cabinet, anti so raggetl a diplomatic corps abroad. The commerce of the country has been in jured. the finance" deranged, tin currency vitiated, public sentiment demoralized, and public morals deteriorated, Gentffimen, this is no picture of imagination. Look at the state of the country; the purity of its morals ; the sotintlDess of public sentiment; respect for the laws; confidence in their ad ministration heretofore; look at its present condition! From the greatest prosperity a nation ever enjoyed, we find it in a few years, in a state of bankruptcy. We find after a wretched Indian War, biought upon us by the gov ernment itself, after three years of inefficient