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reached home gloriously drunk, and Ins len« being unfastened. he was lilted Iron) lus ho. - into t:ie arms of the k.tclteq maids, *»h>' uidigur itly eclared “it w s a sin and a sh, »e, so it was, to maae such a i>w\ ol IM> ,. r John!” From that moment Col. l’luck »a* a man of mark. Um picture setting him forth in all the amplitude ol Ins uniform, was displayed in all tlte print shops —naiiurhlets. purporting to contain Ins bi u-iao ‘y, were hawked about tire street* tin,l crowds repaired to see him. What ad t)ed not a little to the interest he-excited, was the apnointments he ma le and promulgated or r itii r those made in his nmie by Ins councellors, lor J-.hu was guiltless of any •Inn - like ridicule, except wiiat he exhibit ed in his own person. More tlia.r one grave eld gentleman was shocked a-ol startled at seeing his name figured in tio' pkicar- s on the corn rs, in the undcsired office ot drum or life major, quarter-master or sergeant, and persons were appointed captains who h id a holy horror ol arms and armies. The notoriety acquired by Cos . i'l *‘:k at horn**, was soon extended abroad, and some of the Sew Y ork editors, to further the joke, gravely put forth, through their col umns, an invitation to uiin to visit that city. Major Noah promised mat Col. King, of the Ante.ican newspaper, shoubl do me honors of the tour, and volunteered cither the purchase or loan of a sword to be used on the occasion. Acting tin these sugges tions, some worthless fellows persuaded Pluck to accompany them os a tour, and in New York and oili r places further east, they actually exhibited him at « shilling a head for spectators. 1 lie theatres also made a case o! him, and in this way the poor wretch was carried from place to place, to be stared at and laughed at, nor did he complain so long as his animal wants were satisfied. Hut the joke like every other, began at last to grow stale and the Colonel s keep ers, finding the speculation lively to prove unprofitable, rcstoied iiiin to his home and stable, and laying aside tiie emblems of mil itary authority, he resumed tlte brtisn and the curry-comb. Tiie outrage upon the military laws which the Colonel had com mitted, in ins parades and Ins pere gri rations, could not however, be passed bv unnoticed, and a court martial was accor dingly summoned to try him lor “unotficer ond ungentleinanlike conduct.’ On me day tins tribunal was in session, the Colonel, who contumaciously derided its authority, might have been seen sitting on the floor of a small wagon, (which was driven through the principal thorough fa'es) with hi- back to the horse, dressed in lull regimentals, a ouge reu feather surrounding his chapeau, and pinned to his breast a pla card. winch bore in immense capital letters the inscription. “No Court Martials— Lib erty forever!” The sentence of the court “was. of course guilty,” and John Pluck sometime Colonel, was duly casnicred Iroin the military service of the state ol Penn sylvania, and declared thenceforward incap* nule ol holding any commission in “the grand army.” . As those who had brought P.uck lorward had now achieved their object in throwing odium and cont'onpt on the system ot an nual tnilitia parade, they did not choose a ny longer to be encumbered with him, and Me was very soon relapsed into his proper ob scurity. Either his habits had been spoiled during the term of his renown, or his ambi tion had been cnlaiged, for within a year or twool uis disgrace lie w as seen' conduciiug hii ash cart, and was engaged in making ex changes of candles for soap fat and hickory ashes, lie next necame asoit ol underling at one of the slaughter houses in Spring Garden, and finally, when he became too old or 100 lazy to work, he found liisway in to that ge.neral receptacle of loafers and vagabonds, tiie Hlockney Almshouse.— Here he was employed in various menial oc cupations, and for the last year or two had assigned to him the business ol washing the rags used in the surgical department. In this vocation he continued until tiie timeof liis death, which happened in the month oi September. We trust that when our Montreal cotem porary reads this true history, he will recall his anathemas against repuolioan ingrati tude, and spare any further lamentation over the “war-worn hero,” whose military achievements we have thus briefly chroni cled. JWistery, Renton and Faith —Taken from an fc.ssay b> tin Reverend t'. Peabody, of New Bedford: Night comes over a ship at sea, and a pas-engcr lingers hour after hour alone on the deck. The waters plunge and welter, and glide away beneath the keel. Above, the sails tower up in the darkness, almost to the sky, and their shadow falls as it were a burden on t*>edeck below. It) the cloud ed night no star is to be seen, and as the ship changes her course, the passenger knows not which way is east or west, 01 north or south. What islands, what sunken rocks, may he on her course—or what that course is, or where they are, lie knows not. All around to him is Mhtery : he hows down in the submission of utter ignorance. Bui men of science have read the laws of the sky. And the next day this passenger heholds the captain looking at a clock, and taking note of the place of the sun. and with aid of a couple of books composed of rules and mathematical tables, making cal culations. And when he has completed them, he is able to point almost within a hand’s breath to the place at which, alter unnmbored windings, he has arrived in the midst of the seas. Storms may have bent and currents drifted, but he knows where they are, and the precise point where, a hundred leagues over the water, lies his native shore. Here is liaison appreciating and makiug use of the revelation (if we may so call them) of science. Night again shuts down over the waste of the waves, and the passenger beholds a single seaman stand at the wheel, and watch hour after.hour, as it vibrates beneath a lamp, a little needle, which points ever, as jf it were a dying linger, to the steady pole. jnan knows U' thing, of the r.ules of »:aVle..'lio'l, untiling of the courses, of the -sv. Bn f reason and experience (lave given «il it ru !'t te the co"'ilha".<img officer of the jafei-r—fa : ;U. in Lies that control her course—-faith iu tn ‘ unerring integrity of id'. 1 little g..iiJe before t»‘in. Altd so, with nut a single doubt, lie st’sff* iis'Uipon tiCCOT-lidg to the pr scribe! di.reeti>' M M 'h ough flight, artd the wave*. And that, fvitlv snot disappointed. \V-‘ih tiie morning run I v beholds lar- away: th .suniuius.ot iiie griy and misty’ oigMHKids. rtsißgplikb a /loud on tha hbrixou ; nod a* j;t? hears )hein, the hills apjtette, and the light lipy>“ j»i the euteranee of the harbnr, and (sight t/t joy] the spires of the chtytehes, and shin ing roads, among which he to detect fcis own, . , Pressure in the Country.-—, The. ftrrndrs are suffering under a ?ad *r i- th r i i‘ V - s are > rossed with giain --the>T bast-els heel—- .he-.' irk op with butter.' atr.l U.cr.rosy ci.erke.l daughters with young wishing v> gel in trrjed.—How saj ! WASHINGTON. Joseph R. Chandler, Esq. Editor ot the \ U. S. lately delivered au address i before some of the literary societies ol his ! sta'«\ which i» highly #pokeu oi no doubt de - served!}’, ’riie subject ot libs discourse w.lB the crafirf leading |nincipie, on which de fends the striking dliTercueo between the intellectual chancier ol the ancient and moderns. We insert the following- extract from the address relative to the “ lather ol Ins country.” •• I place not the name of Washington in comparison witli those ot. wariors aud ora tors ol anvagCi '1 will do no such injustice to 'heir lame;' He, the father ot tiie na tion, held pre-eminence for greatness and goodness combined, which t e illustrious of any age may glory in acknowledging, without a though of envy, or movement ot emulation. Greatness, and even superiori ty. are claimed for, and conceded to, dis- I i tmguished mimicry of every age, when | compared with others, but Imm that com parison the nairi<Mil Washington is exclud ed. Alone in his virtues, and above his race in ihe.r exercise, the pre-emineae which a grateful country asks -lor its father is acknowledged t>y an admiring world, and nothing is denied to our coun'ry by that world, bht the right of appropriating to its se l the name of Washington, j 11 is was a lame lounded on a virtue liigh ier even than patriotism—or tiiat virtue i might have required of him wiiat the good i of other claims could not have applauded, i It was not the love of soil—nor even, alone, ! tire love ol those who occupied tiiat soil, I that moved linn.. His comprehensive mind while it understood and resented the wrongs -<>iliis country, included in tire right* of man. And when he struck for independence, lie felt that though one people only was in cluded iu the proclaimed effort. mankind at large were to profit by tiie blow. We appeal to no single field (or the fame of Washington, no one victory, no Irriliant sortie, or gallant defence, makes up his miiirary glory. Whenever he appeared, his dignity commanded respect, and his character secured confidence. A smgle battle, even under his command, might have been lost; but the great contest ever tended onward to victory. *.u individual field startles us with the adventurous dr ring of Washington; while tiie whole revolu tionary struggle >vas made successful by his cautious valor. Well may our realm i his Fabian wisdom boast— llis prudence saved shat bravery had lost. The eloquence of Washington was effec tive from its evident sincerity; his heart went with every word; and, as a speaker, the clearness of his style, the purity of his diction, and the evident integrity of his in tention, if they did not entitle him to the highest praise of eloquence, wrought for the cause that was advocated, all the effects tli it eloquence could produce. In the deprivation and sufferings of his •army at Valley F -rge, Washington exhibi t-si many of the highest qualifications of a military commander, and there, too, he displayed some of the effective powers of eloquence, when he retired from the tu mult of the oa up, and unheard, except by God and one accidental listtier, he invoked a blessing' on his lellow sufferers, and dared to solicit divine aid apnn tire cause—and that cause alone which w,.s right. Surely this was an eloquence which must move man by its fervency, and please Go I by its confidence and truth. Af\Curiosity.~ \ gentleman informed us a few days since that, a short time previous, while in pursuit of wild turkeys, in Hart county, Kentucky,.ill company with a friend, they discovered on the summit of a knob or elevation, n large hole, that would admit a man’s body w ithout much difficulty. Cu riosity led them to make preparations, and, bv an accession, they entered this mysteri ous pic,cc. At the depth of about GO fei t they found themselves iu a subterraneous cave or room apparmtly cut out of solid rock, through which the,' had passed runiiv feet, wliicdi appeared to be 16 or 18 feet square. Our informant was the first that entered the. room, and he was not a little surprised that the first object which met his eyes wasahuman skull, with all the teeth entire. Upon farther examination, it was found that the whole nlace was filled with skeletons of. men, women and chil li re n. Under the smill aperture through which they descended the place was perfectly dry and the bones in a state of preservation.— An entire skeleton of the human body was obtained They concluded to examine how deep the bones laid, and penetrated through them in one place, between four and seven feet, but found them equally plentiful as on top : but there seemed to rise an offensive effluvia as they approached where-it was a little damp. There was no outlet to the room, and a large snake which they found there, and which appeared io he perfectly docile, passed around the room several times while they were in it. The discovery is a subject fur the speculation of philosophers with regard to the period and circumstance attending this atic : ent charnel house.—Central IVatchtowcr. Van Amhurgh---A Lion tamed infour days. The new lion with which Mr. Van Ambnrgh exhibited himself yesterday in his cages, after only four days of education, is a native of Africa. His history is rather a curious one. Sent as a present by the Etnperior of Morocco to the President of the United States, the laiter, complying with the laws of his county, which mohibit a republican functionary from receiving a royal present, sold him to Mr. Titus for the sum of 620?, which was remitted to the authorities of New York for the benefit of the poor. It was from that city that the lion was despatch ed to Van Atnburgh. who made his acquain tance for the first time, on the evening ofthe 2d October. The prefecture of police, be ing co rectly informed of the day on which the , I'iean lion had left New and ar ’ rived at Pari% h id prohibited so intrepid and hazardous an experiment being made with out a previous one, iu' the morning, before a commission. This experiment proving successful, the public representation was an tlibViscd and proved u complete triumph.— The emotion ntm anxiety of the public were imnscribable. The celebrated tamer, who had not evinced the slightest hesitation, ex o'eJe I all that had been anticipated (ronv liis ir-.^P l 'ityi and the docility and obedi- Vncji ofthe hew lion, which he had known bht four days, > itf>l,n d , ‘d !,, e tyvo thousand spectators whothrof'sCil tile 1 ort St. Martin Theatre.*—-Paris Caper. . When a man g.«f» jnarjied he ,*«ith his wiie arid child will make three— Advertiser. j i We know r man who got married, and u£ cud his wile alone made thirteen Boston Times. ‘ V’ “ And we. know of a man who got mar- j rie I. and ho. and his wif c put together made nothing.—Vermont pupil— J U. S. CONGRESS. SPEF.CII OF Mil. COOPEIi. 'WED.NF.SnAY Dr ..-EMBER 4. 1839. After Mr. Barnard roniludod his Speech in this day’s Debate Upon the proposition of Mi. Wise (for calling through lie names of members w hose seats were undisputed) and of Mr. Hunt l«»appoiiiung a tempora ry Speaker, fee. — Mr. (Jobper said lie appeared as a Repre sentative from tke State of Georgia; and wiihnutinwndii* an disparagement to tlio.se who may have omitted to do us much, he presented in he hand, for the inspection of the members rs the Twenty-sixth Congress now assemble! from tire several States, tire evidence of tiat character, which, until now, had been tssumed amongst you. It was a commission D which was affixed the great seal of the Sttte of Georgia. .Sir, (said MrC.) I rise for the purpose of making a fewstatements, or which may a rise several questions pertinent to the posi tion ofafi'airs l.e-e existing. From these, inferences may te drawn bv which we m ly understand whatrpiati >n the individuals now present bearto etch other and to the coun try. I shall be ible thereby to show :he views 1 entertain cf the powers of this unor ganized mass of intividnals. He felt proud to realize, for the first time the presence aronut him of the talented, distinguished, and worthy members ol the most august assemhhge of legislators known to the world. It is no other than a meeting of the Representative# of the several States forth* purpose of organizi ig the Twenty sixth Congress, enuveued pursuant to a compact of Cniou entered into between the States. That compact was the Constitu tion. lie said the members of Congress are here. 'Phis statement, though doubtless true, was manifest only in part. What now, he asked, is our true condition ? The per sons present having called to their aid, by authority of precedent anil usage, the Clerk of a former Congress, by common consent, agreed to pursue the course heretofore ad opted for organization. By tiiat course the Clerk was required to call the States sev erally, beginning with Maine, passing thence South and West, so far as he might be for tified with reasons to believe members were present. He had called the States thus in order, asking the several members so called to respond to their aanies. Thereupon he enrolled the names called to represent each State, un il he arrived at New Jersey. He then sounded the name of one member, and enrolled it. Here ljesuspended thecal!, ma king known to iho.se present that five other names were reiijrriejJA’y New Jersey- These five (said Mr. 0.-) Ixr-tr, res| eetively, a com mission, under the great seat of the State, in like manner and ih due form with the first certifying them to be members elect of the Twenty-sixth Congress. But the Clerk has also in his possession papers purporting to b« credentials or certificates of election, in favor of other five persons, showing them to be the elect of New Jersey. These certi ficates. are signed and sealed, but not by the great seal ofthe State. The Clerk, finding in himself no authority to decide which shall be called, asks the advice of those pre sent. Thus far, he said, it seemed to biin lie pursued a prudent course. Under these circumstances, sir, (said Mr. C.) various propositions are made in suc cessive order on which has obtained a pro tracted discussion. During its progress, grave and novel as is the attitude rve are in, principles the uiost grave have been advoca ted or denied. It appeared tr, him that the names alrea dy called and enrolled did not constitute a quorum of. a House of .Representatives. 'l'iie embarrassment was apparent to all, and each one in turn repeats the inquiry, What shall be done ? The Clerk could not proceed without advice. Less than a quorum could not advise. None but mem bers elect could advise ; and the multitude present, not yet called, he said, were not known as members. The Clerk, he conten ded, could not p rss over New Jersey with out the unanimous consent ofthe individ uals present, forasmuch as by unanimous consent it was agreed she should be called in the order she now stands in. Hence would arise continually the question, Wiiat could lie done ? Amidst the varions propositions submit ted, there were two into which all the oth ers ultimately would run. One was, to pass New Jersey, by allowing her no Represen tative, because of the contest. The other was, to admit the member# certified by the seal of the .State, h" sai<l, lor want of power at this period, to question the right of those who bear it. » INIr. C. said that, impelled by a sense of duty to the country, ibid of respect to those he addressed, he fHt bound to repeat no more of wlm other? had urged than w as ue eessary to the presenting fnirlv what occur red to him as new. He w ould also endex vor to bear in mind one other good rule, which wasto “quit when he had done.” At this stage of proceeding, he held they could not entertain a question as to the right of the five persons from New Jersey, who came with the great seal ofthe State, accom panied by a certificate in due form. Mr. C. said, in the argument here, lie was almost superseded l:v the clear and for cible illustrations of the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Wise,) followed by those of the gentleman from New York, (Mr. Hoff man.) He did not hope to add weight to what they had urged. Hence, having made the statement he designed to make, he pro ceeded to ask. Who and what they were that now debated this mat’er ? They were not the House of Representstives, because, though placed together in this Hall, they did not yet know each other as such, hav ing exhibited no credentials, nor answered to their names. Until that should be done they were no more a House, as contempla ted by the Constitution, than before they left. imme. “The -House of Representa tives shall b«r cam posed of members chosen, Ac. says the Constitution. This imports a placing together of members recognised by each other in some house. What, then, (said Mr. C.) are we, sir ? We- a rewrite persons “chosen by the People of the several States.” (This he asserted for his colleague# and iiimselt, and presume#, <>f other#, for sake of illustrhfion.) They had come together, he said, in that House, and wer- inquiring of each other's vtctr.lier ship. Before being satisfied, except as to part, they had mine to a pause. Was it true then, that anterior to being known to each other as members of ill is Congress# now being “composed” into a House of Repre sentatives ? Such, said he, was the fact ; otherwise, their coming here, or their mee ting together, in this Hall, had made them members. If members before they arrived here, when and how became t’iey so ? let the Uon stitm'OD speak, the compact ol union, and t,*' it l“t every ouUifier abide. The Constitution snv#, section 4th : ••The time*, ('.faces, and manner of Molding elections for w'eqaipi's and Representatives, shall h e testtibed itycaiTh Slat# hy tire Legislature thereof.” Thus, it appears, i the act of the State determines the how and the token a man becomes a member. But how does she make her act known ? Here, too, she was left untrammelled, for they darpd not inquire into the mode in which she chose to make it known. Whether her letters patent, with her seal affixed, contain the whole fact, or whether by them she makes known that it is properly evinced by the certificate of a justice of the peace, was immaterial. When she declared she had done an act, and put her seal to :he declar ation, she had done the most solemn actslie could perforin.. We (said Mr. C.) are bound to respect il : so is every earthly power—unless, to’sonie. she had delegated power to call it in question. Hadslie delegated such a power? lfso, to whom 1 By the Constitution, section 6th, the House of Representatives “shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and qual ifications of its own members.” This grant of power is to the “House, composed” and formed a# before shown, and to none other. and at no other tinie. Until that tribunal, pointed out by and wi'h her consent and authority, and, that of her sister States, was created or “composed,” her most solemn declaration was conclusive touching the el ection, biuding on them for the time, and all the woild besides. So true was this, that, between sovereign States, a discredi ting one Slate by another is just cause of war. How, theu, should they escape the conclusion ? Should they, an unorganized body, not yet characterized before eacli oth er “members,” “el-c*?.” “chosen,” but not “composed" into a Hon.se before the grant of power is delivered, assume to set aside an act of sovereignty—nay, drive from their presence the sovereignty itself, in the per sons of their Representatives? Yes, -sir. lie said, the sovereignty ; because, although he might, before the proper tribunal, be taught there was a fallacy in it all, still, for the pre sent, he must ret on the presumption that an act having such authenticity did truly transpire. And whilst he conceded the posi tion of the gentleman from Carolina (Mr. Pickens) that the people iu a primary as sembly might perform acts paramount to the great seal, the laws, and our Constitu tion, he still mnint line I, what he thought a nullifier ought, that, in the absence of any act of a primary assembly to the contrary, the expressed will of a People, advanced by the most solemn act of their superior agent, in form and manner directed by them, was i sovereign act, on the plain principle that wli .t one does by an agent he does by | limselt Here, sir, said Mr C permit tne to pause for a moment to review the relations of those 1 have met here, whilst I point to the positions occupied bv what I understand »o be the two great contending parties that di vide the politicians of this country ; not for the purpose of denunciation or acrimony, but, hoping to excite none on the part of either, and feeling none, I recur to them to enforce what 1 say. J ap“eal to the acts and sayings of both to demonstrate that, in this matter, consonant with what one “arty now says and does, and that which the other of late said and did, there ought to be found no one objecting to the proposition requiring os to recognise, for the present, without question, the members from New Jersey who hear tiie great seal of the State. Before doing this, he asked to be allowed to state that, in coming here a nullifier, and believing the perpetuity of the Union greatly depended ou the preservation of that Republican faith, and being identified with the State rights party from choice, educa tion, and habit—yet knowing no rule bnt the faith contained in the creed—he was taught to believe he should fiud here that party he was used to oppose, more nearly professing and acting out his principles than tlieir opponents On the point here deba ted, he found, he said, tin st, if not all the Opposition, especially the gentlemen from Virginia and the one from New Y'ork, lead ing in a way that looks as familiar to his eye as the road to the mill. If, then, the Dem ocratic Republicans, as they are sometimes called, shoulu be found in the same track, for one time they should all harmonize on ’a ground at one period or other maintained by each. To show, sir, said Mr C that my views ought to be sustained, and that, on this point, they and I ought not to differ, I beg to read from an authority they will no doubt recognise. Mr. C. read from the Globe of July 17. 1838, from a document, the caption of which is as follows : “At a meeting of Republican members of the Senate and House of Representa tives, held at the Capitol July G, 1838, the Hon. John M. Niles of Connecticut, and the Hon. Charles K. Haynes of Georgia, being chairman, and the 4 llon. George M. Keim, of Pennsylvania, and the Hon. 11. L. Turney of Tennessee acting as secretaries, the address to the People of the United States was received, and further considered ; whereupon, on motion of the lion. Hiram Gray, of New York, it was “Resolved. That the addre«s be signed and putrlished by the committee who pre pared it, in behalf of the Republican mem bers of Congress.” From that paper 1 read the following ex tracts, to wit: “Hence the different light in which the two parties viewed the character of the sys tem. The Republican party held it to be federative in its character, and formed by the States in their sovereign capacity, and adopted for their mutual security and hap piness, while many of their adversaries re garded it as a great National Republic, formed by the American People in the ag gregate, to promote the interest of the ma jority, insM ad ofthe seyeral States com posing it. “We adhere to the constitutional doc trines of the Republican party of 1798 ’9. We adopt the rule of strict construction they maintained. These are the principles upon which we would have otir Govern ment administered; and a reference to our view upon the great and agitating topics of the day will, we trust, show tlmt we are dis posed to carry these principles into practice by our public acts.” These are doctrines (said Mr. C.) famil iar to us—sound and good. Now ; sir, here is a case to apply. Let us stand to them through evil ag well as good ; take hold of them, and, looking right nor left, let us sec what first arises. 1 now invoke those win have adopted iliesi prin cples—l affectionately invite them (for I truly feel affection for all who sincerely lake hold of such) to arrest this controversy, and by unanimous consent put an end to debate. This was a union of Blates, not ol' the aggregate mass of the whole people of this Union. Therefore, New Jersey properly speaks in this case in her organic capacity, and we, at this time, cannot controvert her. or permit it to be done iu a rvay appointed Wo (said Mr. 0.) hold to the doctrine of “strict construction” of delegated powers. Therefore, we, to whom no power is dele gated cannot inquire to discredit or overrule New Jersey. l)tri again, sir, (continued MrC) rernmjy Weriug still that u»y appeal is to all who hold this doctrine of strict construction, let me here demonstrate what mainly I rose to prove. It is this: that, by lire power d-le gated, no judgment cau obl-du by us now, or the House hereafter , “of the election re turn and qualificaiions. Arc. of any one not admitted to be a member. There most be something in p-ss( ssi on purporting to be «n “election” or “return”—some man, pro fessing and acting presumed or taken to be a member amongst you. Aou cannot act on nothing—against no one. How can you judge of “elections” where none appear, or of “returns” where none exist ? As well might you attempt to take nothing from nothing. But, in addition to this reason, from the nature of things, there was a still better reason for a strict constructionist, found in | the Constitution. I The power to judge was by the Consti- tution [sec. 5.] given “of the eleciions, re turns, and qualifications of its own mem bers.” Here then, the grant, by strict con struction, was given to judge concerning one who is a “member” —not only one who' is a member, ami so claims to be, but actual ly is in liis seat exercising his rights. With out this he is no member. Further still, he must be a member in whom the Mouse ciaiitrs an interest, an ownership. He must he the House’s “own number." Until then, and if any other, you judge without n delegated power. Do not sav that this is unreasonable—not so. It is just what the compact of Union contemplates, to wit, that each State should be represented. (ff Representatives, “members chosen by the people ofthe several States,” shall’the House be composed.” So you perceive, without a violation of principle, assuming the objeqt to be to admit the second five, you can only do it by recognising the tint five. Seeing, therefore, that having consented to adopt a mode now progressing, but ir.te rupted—not to be changed or departed from but by like consent—that your professed principles require you to respect, for the time being, what you may think will ultim ately be found to be a pretended claim, and ihat the Opposition are no-.v occupying ground you (were wont to assume: then, in the name of the peace, good or ler. and dignity of this asscinb’age—by the regard you have to the sovereignty of the States, and the interest you lcel tor the good of the country, withdraw, for the tone being, all opposition to the Jersey members, who, with out your admission or denial, are members ntid were so before they, you, or I assem bled here, and who can only be ousted by the action of the constituted authority silting in judgment on these “its men mem bers.’’ Unless, said Mr. C. you shall so consent, there is but one mode to get out of the dif ficulty orderly. That will be to give to the Clerk, by th e respective State delegations that advice which, as a mass, cannot be ask ed of us; then according to that advice, let vhe Clerk withhold one or other set of cieucn’ials. Correspondencethe Charles'o.n Courier. Washington, Deeembei 0 The House, it is feared, is as far from organization as at the first day of the session, although they have resolve-1 themselves into a meeting, and appointed a chairman, and adopted rules of proceeding. It wasthouglit that a quorum would be ascertained to-dav, and a Speaker chosen, the disputed election cases being laid over for adjudication in the regular way; and that, of course, the Mes sage would be received, to morrow. Bu' new embarrassments appearto preset them selves at every step The spirit of compro mise manifested on Tuesday has not shewn itself to-day. It does not appear in Mr Wise's resolution of last evening, though it was so conspicuous in liis proposition of Tuesday. 'l'iie House opened with a storm. All the elements of strife and contention, which have been for four days brewing in the House, seemed to burst out at once. Tiie reasonable and mode,ate portion of the House, scarcely dared to shew themselves. Mr. Rhett catne forward in a manly and impressive manner, ns a peace maker, and offered the same compromise which had found so much favor with the House 'on Tuesday last, to wit—that the conflicting claimants should stand aside till a quorum was formed, and that then the House, be fore proceeding to any other business, should detetmime which of the parties should take the seats in dispute. But there were few member* ready to listen to the proposi tion—whether it was right or wrong. The first question before tiie “meeting, for so they now term it—wa i upon the pro position offered last evening by Mr W ise, tiiat the Clerk be directed to proceed w ith rlie call of the members from the diflrreut States of the Union, in the usual way ; call ing the names of such members f urn New Jersey as held the regular and legal com missions from the Executive ol that State. Mr. Rhett moved to lay it on the table, with a view to offer liis proposition, as above indicated; and he made an appeal to the House, in favor of mutual concession and compromise. Tellers were calle I for ou the vote, and Mr. Dromgoole of V a . was appointed one of the tellers. Mr. D. asked the Chair whose votes he wasto tak**. It it was left to him, he would count all who presented themselves. Mr. Adams (the Chairman) promptly de cided that the Tellers were to take the votes ofthe legally commissioned members from New Jersey, and no others. Mr. V ander pool appealed from this decision, and de clared it to be a gross and high handed usurpation of power. The Chairman, lie said, In and decided the very question that was in dispute, and to enable us to decide upon which, was our purpose in calling him to the Chair. That was the whole point at issue, and the members of this body, and not the Chair are to decide it. It was also objected to Mr. Adams’ deci sion, that the members whose seats were in dispute could not, under the rules yester day adopted, vote in a question in which thev were personally interested. Mr. Adams decided that not they, hot their constituents, were the parties interested. A hot debate, which is still raging, arose on these ques tions ; and. tire merits “f the original elec tion were frequently brought into the dis cussion. 1 see not where all this is to end. There appears to be a firm determination that the members elect from New Jersey, shall not take their seats by their own vote. W.ysitt sgtox, December 7, 183(9. In my last, I alluded to some slight dis affection in the Administration ranks pro ceeding from the late caucus nomination of the Speaker by that party. It had been urged by the New York and several of the Pennsylvania members, that some token of gratitude (if one may so call it) was due to tiie State Rights men, for coming forward to fieir assistance at the time the Sub Treasury bill was brought before Congress. For this reason, if you will refer to .your files, ypt» will find that jtnosl of the leading democratc journals have, for the past six months, brought forward the claims of Mr. Pickens in a very strong light, and it seem* ed to he a general understanding among :be mass of the representatives, that he should be chosen. Some misunderstanding oc curred. however, owing to Mr. P.’s apathy in regard to the office of Speaker, and a di»- po-ition on the part of his friends to keep him where his sei vices would be more val uable—on th-' floor as a debater—-for, by ■he way. there is none to lead the adminis t nit ion forces, at present, against the over powering number of orators they have a gainst them, save Mr. P—and Mr. Lewi# was then taken up. But while this matter was in the tide of successful experiment, Mr. Benton, the Senator from Missouri, is said to have stated that “such a man (mean, ing a Nullifier) would not suit,” and lienee the choice of Gen. Jones. The sore feel ings thus created w ill have to be healed in some manner, as the State Rights men ex press themselves free Irom committal, save on the single question of the Sub Treasury. One thing is certain : if Mr. Dawson, of I Georgia, is run as the Whig can lulate, he : will carry more votes than either Mr. Jones or Mr. Beil, inasmuch as the Nnllifiers are hound to vote for a companion iu prin ciples. This election, however, will depend wholly upon the vote of the New-Jersev members. My own impression is that their seats will be allowed them, as the subject Ins mixed both parties so much, that no reliance can be placed upon either side, to make it a strict party vote. Allowing them their scats, however, will he no test of th e stp rigth of parties on the leading measure of the administration*, the Sub Treasury, which, it is conceded on all hinds, will pass the House and Senate by some half dozen votes. This Speakership, however, is but a pre lude to greater matters, as the field for Mr. Van Buren’s success i* now open in the democratic ranks, and hence the wish es of a certain Senator to prevr in the elec tonof a State Ri chts Speaker. Fiona tho sines of the rimes, yon will observe that the Democratic party has the divisions—the hard currency men. who sc suppose, lean towards Mr. Benton, the State Rights par ty, who cling to Mr. C iHioiin, ami theso ber thinking Democrats, who avoid both extremes, in the selection of Mr. Forsyth and you inay easily mark the movement, of each, thongh on genera! subjects, they will all pull! together— at present, however, we have no time to speculate ou this *>ub jeet. The present Vice President will doubt less be dropped by his party at the next election, as we have heard of no National Convention, and his name has lot been •brought lorward in any Slate Legislature, It is expected, since the nomination of Mr. Polk, for that office by the Tennessee Le gislatore, that Messrs. King, of Alabama, and Forsyth of Georgia, will receive a nomination from their respective States--- viewing each in liis separate capacity ami qualifications, the gentleman from Georgia is likclv to be the man. Mais. nous err rnns. I'iom, the Richmond Rni/inrn. mr. galhoun and the tariff. We lake the liberty of laying l.die Iclow ing letter at spec before the public. It ex plains the circumstance* under which il »as written; and it unequivocally refutes the ru mor in circulation, and defines the. position which Mr. Calhoun maintains in relation to the tariff. May we not go faitlier, and infer that no politician who evtertnins this ir'qualified opinio" ofthe tariff, will nippnrt Mr. (.‘lay’s land bill, or any of the schemes, with which it may tie associated ? Who will divert the proceeds ofthe public lands rum the public Treasury, unless lie is pie lare.l to increase the duties on foreign im portations. in order to supply the vacuum / With such opinions, who will support the scheme of wresting the proceeds of the puhpc lands for the purposes of national education, of a national system of internal improvements, or of carrying out the mod ern project of anew assumption of the State debts ? Not Mr Calhoun, certainly. He must disapprove the end, as well as the means. He must not only disapprove any augmentation of the tariff; but with the strict constitutional doctrines which he a vowed in his speech at the last session, he must deny ihc rower sought to be usurped over the great subjects ofin'ernal improve ments. of national education, and of the lo cal debts of tbe several States. Let these her- sics be Dressed whenever they may, wo have no fear that they will call out able champions snllicient to subdue them : Fort Hill, Nov. ”2. 1839. Dear Sir: l have received the Enquirer, containing the article from the Providence Journal, which, among other things, yssetts that I have c-one out in favor of a high tariff. I conclude that lam indebted to you for it, as, in the conclusion of your com mon:#, you say that you will enclose the number containing it lu me, and ask of tne some notice ofthe subject. You were right in pronouncing tire ru mor un r oiindcd. It lias not the shadow of foundjition; and yet, if 1 may judge from the papers, that and similar rumors have, for soms; time, been widely circulating in tho Nothprn portion of the Unioji ; but for what purpose, or by whom put in circulation, I am at a loss to conjecture. So far from favoring. I believe, of a'f calamities that could befall the country, a renewal of the protective system, with its certain conse quences, would be among the greatest, and it is really surprising, that with the light of past experience, any one of sound judgment, and attached to the country, should think of making the attempt. 1 fully agree with you, that the South, and I trust the great body ol’tlie sound and patriotic of ail parties elsewhere, cannot be gulled by the lallar-i --ous arguments put forth in its favor. 'The growing in intelligence of the age is op posed • all such schemes; and all attempts at the renewal ofthe protective system must fail, or, if successful, be followed by a re vulsion that would speedly prostrate tine system, with infinitely greater Iqss than gain to the manufacturers themselves. I have not seen General Hamilton in the recess, and cannot speak for him; but have no doubt that the rutner is as unfounded in his as in mv case. In fact, I may say that the united voice of this State, including all parties, and every pursuit, is opposed to the system. As far as lam informed, 1 scarcely know an exception. With gteat resnect, I am, See. Sec. J. C. CALHOUN. T.([Ritchie, Esq. (Er* 1" 3 629, President 1 Jackson, imag ining that the country was suffering under a dreadful financial malady, proposed ii to Bwallow his patent medicine. “Blit, my dear geueri I,” said the country, “1 do not need any medicine, for I am not sick.” “Oh! yes you are,” replied the General, coolly holding his spoonful of medicine to the country’s loathing lips, “1 assure you that you are very sJck, very sick indeed* buy ylyis litilo dose w lil at once oof all to