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ter am ;’uer, till my heart grew faint with the excess ot its owu sensation. Another :,| *d another star came out, till the whole firma ment gti-Wed as with a shower «and hr : ia' l ’-- Sim. y rtiev see ned melting one in u ;ui her- hat tone, beautiful star ami ml —am! I W as asleep again. \( v next waking was 'h ii 'he . ight ’ 'foe ro«>» was dark, ami lie t .mi---d;u!i j o f.itignetmd pain, which i- on < .tin | <• ! itti! that 1 had ik* u i >hi. 1 l 'iiutl"i s war Is cam-; so inv min!; my h«.;rt jhi-d within me, at: I 1 im.v»*v *d bemv-t . the *'** 1 • clothes it a paint'ii lit cl coughing. in diiknes a is ippadii.g : my rouifr bm;nn<- . more atid vin <• »*. and l telt as i! , hau l ol' I- nil *as alie.eiy ttme. M» j thoughts b—'-aio-r >t.ni;.> mi -mm, a-ii, if nturniiare I I-* mtsc’l as one lit 1 ain. V:,-! m .ft I he 4.i • " •• • very sw. -t ? Um»t I « ' ' , >‘ , f ev t on tile in i; in .m l in; ttuiiul earth, « hen but jnst return)' I to it fi'ioii tne porta sot t.ie ton*l» ? W iiltli.it pain star rise seat after v ar anil tremble ovei my grat e a,;,, tvne.i I shall lie laid ncside my mother in In' cold, dt'i p c'.iariieitiouse <d n:tlnr- .in t moth i■ who died in my cailv iril im y, and leit .ne to l ite gen.-rous car" id one ti ho h id cherished me even as if I had hem her own chilli.” These were sail hitter iuough s, hut I could not escape t .etn; the doctor’s words Tung m my ears like the deoiuieia tionsofa prophet. “It V>u eaten cei l. I felt that 1 had caught cu! !. a id that ! mti't din. Slow and solemu li.otigi.ts oi o, -< i uiiso passed by me like sjiec.i -s irmeli .g in the music of a dirge. My tuncml seeme t> piss iu mourulul review. i.m h.tie coffin with its velvet pail a.id mysell lying pale and cold in the stio'v - white s! routl, as I had seen poor t’her<se. with all the It ibiliineuts of mourning, marshalled them* Ires in my excited brain. The darkness ironed seem ed an immense curtain ol olaek, enveloping mein its t'oids and shutting nu out h im the ear'll for ever. Death! death ! Oil, wiiat a chill came over nie as 1 whispered tne dread word aga.n and again in the agony of my fear. Then came more tender thoughts, thoughts of my sisters and ol lueir grief when they should see me cold and dead. I could almost hoar them weeping and mourn ilg over me ; lueu appeared the pale laces of my father and of my dear stepmother; they were full of settled grief. Ihe dark picture was too distinct for my excited im agination. 1 thought my hear' was break ing, and subbed and wept in my bed, tib I lay strengthless and utterly exhausted, w ith my face buried in the damp pillow, and my trembling limbs bathed in the dew ol min gle I weakness anil agony. 1 know not whether I (aimed or !ept;!>ut there was a t;me of oblivion, an I tuni a Strain of sweet, wild music came floating through the roam, and I felt the nght ol a itew day steal over my closed eyelid . I fay thus, a moment, between wakefulness and slumber, then a shadow broke the im perfect light, and a soil kiss was pressed on my forehead. It was my mothet ; she lint! stolen to mjf bed-side at toe first dawn ol day, to inquire how 1 had rested.* Her cheer ful face brought new hope to my heart, nud 1 was ashamed to inform her how much 1 had sit tiered during the night. She dtew back ’he curtains and raise I tne up that I might look out on the dewy earth. The iosv light was kissing every green thing into new beauty, and the old oak w aved its boughs arid rustled cheerfully in the morning breeze. ••There, do you hear that ?” -aid my mother, as the bird, whose music had dis turbed me, sent forth a succession of w ild sweet notes from the oosom of the tree. “You shall go out again to-day, when the grass is dry.” 1 looked anxiously in her face, and ven tured to say, “But, mother, are you sure that I have not taken cold ! I coughed very badly in the night.” “Cold, no dear. You will be all the bet ter for a little fresh air. You were tired, that was all.” My heart leaped ; I felt as it snatched from the coffin, and flinging my arms about iriy mother's neck, I wept, aud told her all. She pitied and soothed me in her own kind way, bade me try to sleep again, and prom ised that I should go out to play with my sisters, notwithstanding the doctor's predic tions, and so 1 did, that day and tiie nex' and the next again. Our doctor growled aud scolded, ami flourished his crutch most magnificently when t;e came to \i-it me, but tny mother took it all very quietly ; -lie was a woman—and women will have tln ir way —when they can. LOOK OUT FARMERS. A.few days since four men were taken up i.t Randolph county, in this State, who had jo their possession six negroes, which they had stolen from tee county of Glynn. — They had travelled quite a circuitous route, during which time they kept the n jgroes in carts covered,--three negro men and three women,—deluding their pursuers until within a few miles ol the Chattahoo chee. Three of the men went by the name •it Summerlin, two of them from the county of (iI un, and one from llawkinsville, —one b y the name of Studiey ; ah having chang ed their names, also ttie names of alt tne uegtoes. The gentlemen who pursued them were a Mr. O’Neal and Mr. Ratclif, who certainly dcscive much credit iu their active perseverance. The theives uni tie.'roes w ere weli chain ed to 'ether, aud pi iced on their buck track, and iTis hoped will be landed safe in toe country where their fool deed was perpetra ted. —Columbus Enquirer. G. Accident. —0)n Christmas morning there was an accident, attended with serious con sequences , at the Roman Catholic church of St. Joseph, situated at the corner ot Sixth avenue and Barrow stieet. During the six o’clock service, a bench iu the gal lery Arose, witit atood cracn. ihe people ia the church w-rc mi ned.ately po-s ssed with the idea that the gal.cry was falling, a id a iiisii for tne street was commenced. T’he passages from tiie church became blocked, an i th p ga lery sta rs crowded with in -n, women u:t t children. tever.il of those in die front were trampled under loci, in the eagerness ol those bullied to make t’jeir way out. Four worn u aw- aa elderly mau were badly hurt. One or two of the women are liinuznt to bn dangerously injur ed. The pressure the crowd was so great, that the lower part ul me bannisters and railing of the gallery »u.rs were carried completely away, and t.toae standing Upon the st iprs wjgre precipitated upon me head.) of these below. —A. Y. Com Ado- The Nashville WJiHJ oi Monday ays ; • A letter received in tins city last v. ;m.g iroin Jackson, in this State, arfrises that a g u- Leman had just arrived at m <t p'.u ■ direct Iroin Texas, with tb« it s Uiat Gen. .Sam. Houston had been shot, ly/i personal icn „ couire, by theSpeaker of the Texas lieu" of Representatives; no hope o.’ittrtaiu ! of Uis recovery. Houston was g muorfrvm M. Augpstipe countv.’’ U. S. CONGRESS. REMARKS OF MR. NISBFT. OF GEORGIA. Fill nil . December 07, 1839. The question being on a motion to re consoler the vote of the House concurring iu the resolution of the Senate for the up poi«»,mri!t of a ehaplsin— Mr. N 'SHUT. <d' Georgia, rose nr. 1 r.d dn-.sed the ('hair a* follows : Mr. Set ittia: —Colivmrml that the motion before the i'nnse involves matter of serious tMiimeni to G!:tistianitv anti tin* country. I beg leave to older a few reflections. I confess, al iliongh informed of t'i e opit.iiu.s of toy col league, (Mr. Cooper.) i have b> eu taken by surprisi hy ti,.- debate now in progress. I eert.iiifly did not expect it this morniug. i nt.st say that 1 differ with my Itoiiorable ilic'.igiu* in the views he lias exhibited. Vud although his searching and accurate mind, in its investigation* alter and elucida tions of truth, rare.vetrs, vet I believe that he is now wrong, i know full well and justly apprcc a'e liis motives. No one is to Cli istiauitva more sincere friend titan him self, oil no one illustrates its precepts in prat lice mole fully than lm docs. lie, by sustaining the motion, intends to tri;;:nl;mi boilt (’lirislai-in .ihd flic Constitution Snell art mv own wishes. We differ in the mode of ae'-omptisliing the s.itne etuis. It eerlaiolv would he to my mind a tucl ■neiioly result si,lin’d the House of Ilep rosi niatin s this great nation resolve cer tainly that it would not elect a Chaplain—a minister ol the go*'tel, called to throw around the legislation oft: e country the hallowed influences of piety—a result which would strike wi h alarm ami apprehension the wh If People of the Union; apprehensicn, not so much f»r religion or the Constiiuta u as for that e(.ns‘ ivotive influence wli -It it exerts ution the principles of free govvra nient. What, sir, does not liberty owe to Chris tianiiy.? M’he history of :tic Colonies proves that we are iudt I'teil, in a great degree, for those noble principles of free government engrafted upon our Constitution and in our laws, to that freedom of thought and action which hrouglit out Pilgrim and Huguenot ancestry to our shores. They fled fr om the religious bigotry and political intolerance of the old world for cm science sake. They came hither to worship God in freedom. And upon the shores of anew world they planted the standard of religious, and, with it,* of civil liberty. That independence of mind which they asserted tu matters of conscience made them dike independent as to all rights. Freedom of service to Heaven, by a very necessity of our nature, constrains men to think and act freely ia matters of less consequence. The free spirit of the pilgrim impressed itself upon colonial gov ernments and same o*' the best features of our most admirable system a>e traced to colonial patcniagc. ] make these remarks to show,sir, that civil Ijberty is too largely indebted to Christianity to permit us to en dniiPtr the former bv abandoning even the for.il.s of the .Jailer. Its influence* might to pervade, and do now pervade, all the de partments ot Government, more or less. Into our courts of justice, our executive offices, and cur halls of tegi 1-ition it ought to seed, r.nd does send, its sanative l ower. It gives a hcahhful tone to public sentiment, and purifies the fountains of legislation. In this country i' is necessity, it seems to me, to maintain, in the forms ol legislation,! tie ex ternal ceremonials of religion. \V hat though it is sometimes desecrated, and its ministers false ! What though it seem to some to be but part of Congressional pageantry, empty, vain, and a lie] Yet still the very form ol service tnamt.lies the ascendency of moral ity. Those forms are the emblems of its essential purity. Blended, as they are, with the piocedure of Congress, they them selves become vital. Destroy, sir, tlie ex tern, 1 manifestations of Christianity, and you weaken its influence and endanger its vitality. Vou should observe even here, sir. the form of mayor. The vu’oe ol praise should hush for a brief inouii tit, at regular intervals, the noise of party war, and say to the troubled waters, “Peace, he still.” The appointment of a Chaplain to this House is a declaration, hy the nation itself, that theßible is tine. It is the practical re cognition of its obligations. Is this no ad vantage? Is this not bearing evidence to Christianity ? is it tmt the voice of ih*‘ Confederacy ? Does not this act proclaim, thtough the length and breadth of the land, that, according to the belief of the Aiwcri c.tn Congress, God reigrs in Heaven and upon earth? The statesman, therefore, should not withhold this evidence. In nil we do, it seems te me. wa should recognise the sanctions of Chiisiianity. and should maintain the purity both of the Church and the State hy a decent regard, in our public acts, even to the forms of piety. The manifestation of regard to religion, in the election of a Chaplain to this House, is due to the convictions and moral sensi bilities of the constituency ol this body. It is ii just response to the requirement of that moral feeling which pervades the States No less than this, I will venture to assert, is required hy the People, whether p ofessors or not- It is a tribute of respect to that re ligion which makes sweet the homes of the thousands who dwell 1> oeath the fosteiing care of American legislators, and in the peace of an unobtrusive vet sustaining faith. Lei it not he said that the '26th Congress lias declared of record that it will dispense with the service» of the ministry. Conceding, for the argument's sake, that the power to appoint a Chaplain, under the Constitution, is doubtful, yet 1 know ir will not be denied that a failure to appoint would shock the country. L will do violence to that fervid pietv which lives and breathes and burns iu the grea' heart of the nation. The sen ice with which it is now proposed to dispense has been maintained here for veats. Tin’ wise and virtuous and pat riotic of nt tor days exercised the power, and believed in i's expediency. Jr is hoary with accumulated years. The fust Congress that assembled under the Constitution elected a Chaplain. W’e are scarcely wiser or better than that august body ot men. They ming led worship with politics. Most of the State Legislatures. L believe, sir, do the same It has been objected that the worship conducted here is iu»ii.ceic---n fniry and a mockery. Admitting this to hr true -and I lament that, iu pari, it must be conceded to he true—yet, stilt the general good is ac complished, and tim general evils averted, to which I have befu ’• referred. And these general ends are paramount; they outweigh particular abjection* Iu all assembles there are in iucere worst mpers : men will bring the cares and thotigi and fr-elitigs of the world into the sanctuary. I do not know that this hody, being professedly political, on that account, the less devout. That dis traction of mind awaits him who mingles in tiie stormy strife, of this House, is true ; and w that account it (swell to bring hither the soothing, softening influences of charity and love. But I think, Mr. Speaker, that there is in this House not oniy a sacred re ;_ard for Christianity, but also tee 1 - mg ot piety. Beneath tie surf caaEjL. .: | - - - . l ull ■ ■ ■■ - ■ n ;■ t -V. .jKipiJyrljiiSsl wl fioiti V irg i nia. lie _ - utterance to the triepressiDle lecling id lespu' t tin moral things, winch, doubt le-s, he imbibed in Ins earliest formation ol character. Nor can 1 permit inysell to doubt lira, there aie many lu re who meet tinse advices with all t at solemnity ol in.inner a id leeling which becomes the oe e.ision. My -colleague, and also the gentle man trciii I.ou.si.ilia, (Mr Garland.) Ibid a i e.ison agritts; e.oi ting a Cl ap!aiti,;ti tills, that they .ne p.ud---ih.it Uiey pray and preach by contract, and 11,.i( they make this temple a place id an ri handise, selling alike ttieir consciences and tin ir services. I liud niy seil nothing wrong in religious or political principle in rewarding the minister. It is a vom.'itary contribution by the House to the necessities ol those whom they invite to officiate lor them. It is not a pension lor the clergy, by law or from con tnutiouui ne yessuy, Out a donation to the matt. Re ward, to tey mind, does not necessarily de mur.ili/.e and secularize the pieachcr, else there were no inmi-tiy —no temple—no wor ship. ijliiill lot tiie priest live oy tiie altar ? And is not the laborer worthy of his hire? J ii.it some who wear tiie priestly robe have come hither trading upon the slock ot their ministerial character, and i ceding lor a con sideration tlie sacred mini nations of our lio;y religion, i» perhaps true—-hut nut all have so come, ii may be conceeiied at once, without weakening 1 lie obligation to < Let a Chaplain, that there aie false profes sors ol that religion. In its purest and earliest state, among tiie twelve who listened io the words, aud saw the works ot God himself, there was one traitor. I cannot concur, Mr. Speaker, iu the ap prehension exptessed hy my honorable friend and colleague, that the act to which he ob jects may ultimately tead to a union ol Church and fchate. i think that our whole political . y ,tem, as also ttie state of the church in our country, makes such a union au utter impracticabilty. Such a tiling could not be without ail entire change in Un essential elements and actual organization ol the frame ol government. The very freedom of religious opinion and action guarantied to the People must operate au insurmountable bar to such a union, i should as soon, nay, sooner, look lor a des potism iu place of our cous.itulioual liberty , as the result which gentlemen appreheuu. TuC recollections of tiie past, the interests of the present, and the expectations ol the future- -religion, which seeks its own per petuity in tiie maintenance of its purity all forbid it. Our denominational divisions constitute a system of sleepless aud enter prising vigilance over tiie encroachments oi ilie church. Protestant Christians have lon« ago ascertained, from history written in tiie blood oi martyrdom, ihat their rights ol conscience depend upon Itec government, i bey are committed to niaiutaiii tiie sepa ration of the Church aud the State by tne distinct of stli-deleuce, and by ilie precepts of their own tiullt. 1 think lam not mista ken when 1 say that tiie Church herseii would be th< last to seek an unholy and eii destroying alliance with the Sta e. Piety would die in the embraces of government. No, sir, Protestant Christianity must stand aloof from political associations, by tiie law of iter own existence. A loss ol liberty might, perhaps would, necessarily corrupt tiie church; whilst liberty remains, the church will muiutain its purity. Keep pure the church iuour land, aud the Constitution is defended wi'.n impregnable bulwarks. In England we know, sir, that the church is part of the Government—-that the articles ol the established religion are held to be parcel of the common law—-that the sacra ment. is a condition precedent to the tenure of office; that rich governmental revenues sustain the sacred aristocracy—that lauds and franchises and political power, by the very principles of the British Constitution, (if Constitution Britain has, which I very much doubt,) appertain to the church; not to Christianity, sir, but to our lorin of church organization. Net so here, i hat aid w hich the G jvaniiueiit can here give the church i; alone iu a freewill offeriug to the principles it professess, protecting all creeds and names equally by its tolerant and equal legislation. For myself i can conceive ol no abomina tion more otl'cnsivly abhorrent than a union of the Chnreh with the State; and 1 would resist tiie* very first approaches towards it v.ith the sternest and most relentless hostil- i:y. Bui, sir, there is a union which is al ready, in some degree, consumated, which I hone I shall not live to see dissolved ; I mean, sir, the union ol religious principle with political conduct. 'j'lie leaven of moral primcinle should lighten the whole lamp ol the body politic. We should be cautions lest we divide tilings so happily mid usefully united. \V < should be cai all! lest we invite into our legislation, and adopt as rules ol conduct, the p' iloeo phy i,f a meielv human faith. No gentle man, 1 know, would give his vote directly or indirectly to unhinge Christianity, or in any way lessen its influences. 1 beg not to be understood as so charging. 1 only mean to say that the result at which t'ley now aim may, in my.opiuioq, produce that elleu”. The politicians of France desecrated the temples of God-burned theßible- endow cd ilie goddess of Reason w »1) the attributes of the Deity-—a ul soon, very soon, the foundations ol society were broken lip, and anarchy reigned triumphant. Jhe vine-clad hills and fertile plains and crowded streets of F auce flowed down with blood. To a public relaxation of moral obligation, I have no doubt, iii.ix be traced those starting hor rors which pie ededand followed the I* reucli Revolution. General Ii <n Kington's / pinion of profane Swearing. — ika'icuttd to all if lens whether militant or end. — Extract Iron) the Orderly Book ol the army, under command ot Washington, dated at Head Quarters, ill the city of New York. August 3, 177(5: —“ Jhe General is sorry to be informed, tha’ the foolish and w icked practice ot profane swear ing a vice heretofore little know n in an American Atmy.is growing into fashion; lie lope- the officers will, by example as iu flneuce.cntleavortocheci.it. and that both rimy ami the men will reflect that we can littie hope of the blessing of Heaven bn oor arms, il we insult it by iui" : .ei v anti lolly ; uiiled to this, it ;sa vice so mean and. low. without any tcmplalii.. u that eery man of sense and detests and despises it. The miserable Whig faction may now disband. The Democrats are coining. Look ! they are upon the read. Southern Democrat. We were aware from the extraordinary number of recent mail-robberies, that a good many of the loco locos had taken the lord. Louisville Journal. mine A L i.-. ’ r ' il. - prospi election. viewUmth respect to the abolition of slave ry. But where is the (Ise ? It is true, we rejoice in the rejection ofHeiny Clay, be cause lie is a slave-holder, aud a defender ot slavery. Gen. Harrison, we know, is not a slaveholder. Neither is Air. Van Buren. But no one thinks it necessary to interro gate Mr. Van Buren. Why? Because his principles ate known to be iu favor of the ascendancy ot the Slave Poivki. But arc those of Gen. Harrison any less so. He is the man of his party, and that party have shown the absoluteness of theirsub>ervien cy, by nominating a slaveholder, a peculiar ly bigoted devotee ol slavery, on the same ticket with Gen. ilairison. and now by c lecting a nullifying slave holder from slave breeding Virginia, for Speaker.- But ive subnur. fart her, that General llarrLon’s principles are already well known by his deeds, ol which we find the following summary iu the Rochester Flecni.m : In December, 180”, white Governor of lndi. ua Territory, lie was president of n Convention of the people oi ihat Territory, held at Vincennes, and transmitted to Con gress a memorial ol the Coat.o.i m, praying that the sixth article of the “Ordinance';??.” which prohibited eLvery ti.c*', .suspended. (See A in. S'ale papers, 1 cfOB.) His efforts to make Indiana a slave State were prosecuted for years while lie was Governor ol 'hat Territory. in 1819, Feb. IG, Gen. Harrison voted, a* ii member of tiie House ol Repieseuta tives, dfiiii. •/ a clause prohibiting the fur flier introduction ol slaveiy in Missouri, and against a clause ol the further emanci pation (at 25) of slaves born within that State Two days afterwards, he voted against a clause prohibiting the future intro duction ol slavery into Arkat sas, and against the luiure emancipation of slaves born in Ark; ns* So basely did he how to slaveiy that even Ohio was shocked. He was indignantly re jected at the next congressional election in 1822. The National liiteliisencer of Octo ber 20, 1822 says :—“lt is continued to us, that Mr. Gazely is elected iu opposition to Gen. Harrison. A friend informs us, which we are sorry to learn, that lie was opposed particularly on account of his adherence to that principle oi the Cousti tuion which se cures to tiie people of the South their pre existing rights.” It seems, then, that Gen. Uarritun claimed for the South the right to fasten slavery upon any soil which tl,c na tion might have or purchase*. He has had but little opportunity to act in a public capacity upon the subject ot ilavery since that time; but an address from his political friends iu Virginia, in 179(5, srys, "he is sound to the core on the subji. t ot slavery.” Under these circuo stances we submit that conscientious abolitionists me bound to regard the two parties and their candi dates as standing precisely on tiie same ground that ol unlimited sunserviuncy to the dominion of the Slavocrmy. It is trno— Gen. ilnrtisou's personal i!ei..ni,strntio: s are less recent than Mr. Van Buren's. But they are much stronger, Im Mr. Van Bitten helped to send Rulus King to tiie U. S. Senate to oppose slavery in . Missouri, and he has never attempted to extend slavery to regions where il was already abo’ishedf— And further, ti.e demonstrations of tin- Harrison party are more recent than those of the other. And if it is said that we should give the old General a chance to repent of his pro-slavery, we reply, that il belougs to the men who repents to exhibit his own repentance. Certainly, time are no circumstances in the case which warrant the slightest presumtious in favor of the re pentance. Let him or his friends, if they choose, show wherein his views now differ lioni his actions in 1802, and 1819, and 1800. And in default oi inis, let tlie friends of hu man lights come at once to the conviction, that the cause they have espoused is by Divine Providence, entrusted to their own guardianship, and tha for its success or fr.il use their country and posterity will hold them responsible. Gen. Harrison. —We again recur to the sentiments ofGen. Harrison ou the subjects of slavery and abolition, to render him all the justice in our power. The impression has hitherto been strong on our mind, that although he could nut himself be called an abolitionist, y> t that he was disposed to .can towards the abolitionists, or at least court their adiance—aud under this impics sii n we have recently written several articles. We have been furnished. I tnvcver, w i Ii a copy of a late number of the Raleigh, (N. C.) liegislcr , containing the following extract from a speech, deliv red by Get*. Harrison,about two years since, at Vincen nes, Jn. which, we do not hesitate to say places him in an attitude towards abolition and the abolitionists, different from that which we supposed him to occupy, and which is in doctrine and sentiment every thing that the South could wish, and wlnit the South must heartily approve. Instead «f courting tiie abolitionists he censures and condemns them in no measured terms, and ev-n argues, with patriotic Zealand logical strength, that abolition discussions in the non s'aveholding states are an unconstitu tional abuse of the privileges of speech and the press. We still thins the passage we cited, in previous articles, from Gen. II r rison’s Cheviot speech, justly an.l highly exceptionable both in doctrine and senti ment, and iiis icservc on the slave question, during the last canvass for the Presidency, suspicious, but the subjoined more recent and truly patriotic exhibition of his views, connected with the .ate denunciations of hint by the Emancipator , and ihe fln'i- Slacer;/ Almanac, constant us from a sense of justice to acquit him of any present al liance with abolitionism. We cheerfully make him the amende honorable and record with pleasme the following evidence of his fidelity to the constitutional rights of the South. We shall expect him however, to hold to his present atiitude, aud n to give future countenance. r re* cl ye fu ture support Cu.utic foes‘of the South. ..e must continue to hold them at "'.m'-; length and shun their embrace as he woulJ that of the shirt of the Nessus— mil if so, but not otherwise, sofar as s’ace ques tion is concerned, he will stand on an equal footing with Mr. Van Buren, in canvassing for the votes of the South.— Charleston Courier. GEN. HARRISON ON SLAVERY. As the views of Gen. Harrison, on the subject of Shivery ha»e been much mis represented in the South, the following extracts from an Address, delivered by him at Vincennes, (Indiana,) two years since, will satisfy the public iu this res pect. 1 have now, fellow citizens, a few words . Dime to->ay on another subject, and which is, in my opinion, of more importance than any other that is now in the course of dis cussion in any part oi thcUuion. I allude to the societies which have been formed, aud the movements of certain individuals in some ol the States in relation to a portion of the population in others. The conduct of these persons is the more dangerous, be cause their object is masked under the garb cf diiinteiestcd. ess and benevolence ; and their course vindicated by arguments and propositions which in the abstract no one can deny. But, however fascinating may be the dress with which their schemes are presented to their fellow-citizens, with whatever purity of mt ution they may have been tonned and sustained, they will be found to carry in their train mischief to the whole Union,and horrors to a large portion of it, which, it is probable, some of the pro jectors and many of their supporters have never thought of; tiie latter, the first in the series of evils which are to spring from their source, are such as you have read of to have been perpetrated ou the fair plains of Ita'y and Gaul, by the Scythian hordes of Atbla andOlaric; and such as most of you appre hended upon that memorable night, when the tomahawks and war clubs of the follow ers of Tecotnseh *veie rattling in vour suburbs. I regard not tiie disavowal of any •such intention upon the pu t of the authors of these schemes, since, upon the examin ation ot the publications which have been made, they will be found to contain the ve ry fact, aud very argujnent which would have been used, if such had been their ob ject. lam certaiu that there is not, in this assembly, one of these deluded men. and that tiie.var; few within the bounds of the State. If there are any, l would earnestly entr uit them to forbear; to pause in their career, and deliberately consider the conse quence of their conduct to the whole Union, to the States mere immediately in terested, and to those lor whose benefit they profess to act. That the latter will be tiie victims ofthe weak, injudicious, presump tuous and unconstitutional efforts to serve them, a thorough examination of the sub ject must convince them. The strusgle (and struggle their mu-t bijunay commence with honors such as l have described, bu; it will end with more firmly riveting t‘.e chains, or iu the utter extirpation of those whose cause they advocate. Am I wrong felloiv-ciii/.ens, in applying the terms weak, presumptuous and uncon stitutional, to the measures of the emanci pators? A slight examination will, 1 think show that lain not. In a vindication of the objects oi' a Convention w inch was lately held in one ofthe towns of Ohio, which I saw iu a newspaper, it was said that nothing more was intended than to produce a state of public feeling which would lead to an amendment of the Constitution, author izing the abolition Os Slavery 1n the United States. Now can an amendment of the Constitution be effected without the con sent of the Southern States? What then is the proposition to be submitted to (lit m ? It is this :—"The present provisions oi tiie Constitution seeuses to you the right (a right which you held before it was made, which you hate never given up,) to man age your domestic concerns in your owu way, but as ae arc convinced that you do not mmage them properly, >ve want you to put in the hands ol the G tieral Govern ment, in tiie councils of which we have tiie majority, the control over these matters, the effect of which will be virtually to transfer the powers from yours into our hands. ’ Again ;in some of the States, and iu sections oi others, the alack popula tion far exceeds that ot the white. Some ol tiie emancipators propose an immediai e abolition. W lnit is the proposition then, as it regards the States and patts of states, but tiie alternatives of amalgamation with tha blacks, or an exchange of situations with Uiem / Is there any man of common sense who does not believe tnat the eman cipated blacks, being a majority, will not iusist upon a lull participation of , ulnic.it rights with the whites; and when possessed olinese, they will uol contend for a lull share of social rights also ? What but die extremity of w eakness and lolly could in duce any one to tit ink, that sucli proposi tions as these couid be listened to by a people so intelligent as the .Southern States l Futiier. The emancipators geuetally de clare that it is their iiiieuiion to effect their object (although their acts contradict tiie assertion) by no other means than by con vincing ilie slaveholders that tiie immediate enimaucipalioii of the slaves is called for, both by moral obligation and sound policy. An unfledged youth, at the moment ofliis leaving (indeed in many instances before lie has left it) his Theological Semiuarv, mi dertukes to give lectures upon morals to I’.m countr* men of Wythe, Tucker, Pend)eti..n and Lowndes, and lessons of political w.is d. m to Stales, whose affairs have so. re cently been directed by Jefferson a ,and Mal ison, .'I aeon and Craw lord.- Is it | ossible that instances of greater vanity sumption could be •ixhibiti d? M u{ t i JL . course pursued by tiie emaucij ators is un constitutional. Ido not sav Unit there are any winds in the ConstituGun which foibid tie discussions they aie engaged in; i know that there are not. And there is even an article which secures to the citizen the right to express and puolish their pinions without restriction. But in the construc tion of the Constitution, it is always neces sary to ruler to tne circumstances under which it was framed, and to ascertain its meaning by a comparison oi its provisionswith each other, and w ith the previous situation ol the several States who were parties to it. In a po.tmn of these, slavery was reco"iiij!- ed, and they took care to have tne right se cured to thfcm ; to follow and reclaim such of them as were fugitives to other States. '1 i;e laws ol Congress passed under this power, have provided punishment to any who shall oppose or interrupt the exercise ol tin- iigl t. Now cun any* one believe, tint tiie instrument which contains a provi sion ol this kind, which authorizes a blaster iu pursue his slave into another Stale, take him back, and provides h p.misliment‘for any citizen, or cure* of that State who should oppose liit.* should, at the same time, ttUtl’Onze t),,. jalter to assemble together* b> ;..3S Resolutions aud adopt Addresses, Dot only to encourage the slaves to leave their masters, but to cut their (hosts before they do so ? I insist ilt.it if tie citizens of the n©n slave-holding states can avail themselves of the article of the Constitution, which pro hibits the restriction ofspeech, or the press t > publish any thin}; injurious to the rights oi the shtveholding .States, that they can go to the extreme that 1 have mentioned, and ellect any thing further which writing or speaking cou'.d elfcct. But, fellow-citizens, these are not the principles of the Consti tution. Such a construction would defeat one ol the great objects of its foundation, wtiich was that of seeming the peace and harmony ol the Slates which were parties to it. The liberty of speech and of the press, were given as the most effectual means to cacli and every citizen their own rights, and to the States M,a rights which appertained to them, at ,h* tune of thetr adoption. It could never have been expected that it would oe used bv he citizens of one portion ofthe Siatesfor the purpose of depriving those ol another portion, of the rights w hich thev Lad re served at the adoption ol the Constitution a id.,,, the exercise of which, none but themselves have any concern or in.etest s avery ts an evil, ,h e evil , s with .J* ' Il there .s gu.lt m ,t the guilt is theiis iat ours, since neither the States where „ doej * riot exist, nor the Government of the United Mates can, without usurpation of power and he vmlatton ol a solemn compact, do any lung to remove it without the consent ot those who are immediately interested.— But they wii netther ask for aid, nor con sent to be aided whilst the illegal, perse“u ting and dangerous are i n pm gress, cd which I complain; the interest ofa I concerned requires that these should be stopped ..timed,ately. This can oniy be done by the force of public opinion, ‘and bat cannot too soon be brought into opera lon. Lvcuy movement w| , ic h is made , the aboltmmts.s in the nou-slaveholding Mates, is viewed by our Southern bretheren as au attack upon their rights, and which’ i persisted in, must in the end eradicate tlii xe ic-el.ngs ot attachment aiid affection between the citizens of all the States which was produced by a community of interests and dangers tt. tiie War of the Revolution winch was the Inundation ofonr happy union - and by a continuance of which, it can alone be pcict ived. 1 entreat you then, to frown upon the measures which are to produce results so mucli to be depiecated. The opinions which I have now g ivett, 1 l )ave omitted no opportunity for tin- last two years to ay jefore the people ol my own State have taken the liberty to express them Imre, knowing that even it they should fortunately'tint accord with yours, that they would be kindly received. MARTIN van BUREN AND THE FARMERS. I he 1 resident and his faction have alivavs professed to be the staunch friends ol t i e " lll ' ls 'l'** soil. While they h : , vt . -mute itu hi, as wan upon con „|. m- anaike m.nized the banks, ami reduced m dis tress, they have lawoed upou ti ie •• honest yeomanry” with ,| le lllost disgustingsyco pliancy . Lo a considei able extent theVure has be t. successful. The fanners i„ many mstanc s have been made to believe that if, rr | .|»- r| ". , t as the mercantile community was hit milled, their interest would be sub served. 'I hoy have been taught that the mediants stood rn their tray ; that splended lot tunes acquired in comti ercewere aiins-rd at the expense ol agriculture ; ihat they, the bone and sinew ol the land, were kept iu t.ie bat k ground, and their merit eclipstn by tiie overweening pride and splendor of “monied aristocracy.” It has been inces santly told them that the destruction td bank-. iiudtlie substitution of a metahe ettrrem v tor tbe “worthless rags” in wh ch the,' were accustomed to be paid lor then* p, (i _ duce.would be to them the commencement of anew era ol prosperity; and their eyes lune been dazzled by the tast e and their ear* charm, <i bv the eternal Unldut ■■ of and sill er.” U’e, in common with onr cole rope rarie* of the opposition press, have continually warned th« in not io give cn deuce Mr tluse falsehoods. Wo have laid them, that though they would be the lust to feel the blow which had been struck at our com merce and our credits, they tio uld fee li. iu Ilic end. I-Lrjrffffecl it. Ruin hasaceom plished its work upon tlm merchant and the mechanic, and the farmer is now Relit," t be pressure of tw iron hand. \\ e call upon the kuhb;iii(iiii:m to hear witness that vvr have been faithful in our warning. Wens' him ifour predictions are not now in pro* * ol fulfilment ? We say to him ; • ' risft farm now worth, in the market orc the amount it would have broi,»|- Inmuuu live years ago? Caj*° ,’r M.u produce, whether it be ri 1 ' ou r eanh oi slock, for more r’. hints ol tf.te to one third, tv ha* you i- 0> < V ‘ 4l °‘! e U!l { in 1833 ? 3 , O Md have obtained. Farmers of the Sta‘ „ t- , could sell your urine- . C Yurl: -}'™ dollar and seen,’,, ~ o r me last year- tor il 1 ! U ">' c ' tlie..- —\ ou lM ; “ ut >ou is it wo,tb ‘ ? ,l '* t W hat State it ■ . wcstirn, art oftfie per !),-, jC |; ' otsne,ily-fm un.s - F c\ r rr\ n : io ' ° fw] r -Inc is your f A ; m i" 0 ' r ? " Ceil Vnrcime , , 'V !i, '‘ v «ars. (’an it iat be honuot | or TWO AND \ IJ AI I** V * r !:ou "° 1 ls J««r Kluat woiVfr bad what it was a tew y e,us ago ? Would yon not g'ladly sell i, ut fifty un's perilT • .»_r.i uiti.risi* throughout lire I’iiuin wl nun-, hr me productions you )ou not sutk-r Iron, a propotionate decn-ase .ler n'V’ll r ‘ dcr a .-till dm pet calamity ! Are not tl , reduced turns to a g.eat extent n.etelv nominal and is it not tt fact that v„„ , effect salts cm*ii at this sanificj ' I “ MU 'I hat the affirmative ot these questions is true is n.it.tfr of nerd. ], eat.not b e con troverted. Ihe Government has .educe,l our cities t* s„ch a state that they must ron humc less. Ihe mu inn ts put upon .he rev uncut ojneccssdy. ami consumers are com pelled not only to limit their appetite,, but to pay an inlet tor price for .vital they do consume. J Ku ners ofthe United States, knowing these things, and feelmg as you now do, and keenly. that the golden promises ofMar ,,n Van Bunn were false, and that his hard money policy is eventuating on our ruin in what light can you look upon the annexed passage fr om the “President's message” oth er than an insult ?—„Y. A T . Times r disease have pain ,ully affiieteo otherwise flourishing portions of opt* country : and serious embarrassments vet derange the trade of many of « ur cities. But, notwithstanding these adverse circum stances, the general prosperity whi-h has been heretofore so bountifully bestowed upon us by the Author oj all good, still continues to call for our warmest gratitude. Especially have we reason to rojoice in the exuberant har vests which have LAVISHLY r.K.COM.MKjIDKP well directed industry, and given to it that suut- now Attn which is vainly sought in vis ionary speculations. / cannot view without peculiar satisfaction, the evidences ojfo r ded by the past season of the benefits that spring up from the steady devotion ’of the husband man to his honorable pursuit. 'No means of individual comfort is more certain, and no course of national prosperity is ’sosuie. Nothing can compensate a people for a de pendence upon others for the bread thev cat; and that cheerful abundance on which the hap piness of every one so much depends, is to be looked for nowhere with sucli sure reli ance is in the industry of agriculturists and the bounties of the earth. Rl inCt IBeds, FOR SALE AT THISOFFICt,