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OUTRAGES UPON AREANsAS FRONTIER. We copy the following from the Little Rock Times ot the 23d nit: —On Saturday jnst, Maj. E. Rector arrived at this place with live prisoners from the Clivruke.' na tion; three In.nans anti two white men, who are all safely lodged in jail. Contrary to what has been geneiallj supposed here, sh ;se men were not takrn on me <h»rge of U'Ug concerned in tlie mi.ir u-i ot the Kni ves and Boutlenol, hut ;.,i oi..er crimes. An Indian named Terri!, anillwu w hite men na.lied Shrun an I N.-.vinaa, were taken l>, a coniuiaiid under Lieut. Northrop, of ihe Dragoons, lor luimercifully heating and loijvin. for dead, a tt-.ms’er named Ballard, lice .use, as itiey said, he worked cheaper thin they would. Jack Tcrnl.a brother 01 (lie one taken, and principal in tile affair, made t.is escape, Ini' it is bchrv id xvil! he taken. Alter they had whipped B t laid, l:,kt n his'pistol and knife, all I left him lor dead, Jack, in order to make sure of their victim, returned and stamped on his bead. Ballard, however, recovertl. The same party also attacked and dangerously stabbed a son of Col.' Whinnery, <d Wash ington county, threw a Missouri hog driver, into a fire and shockingly hurtled him. Jack Nicholson was taken by a command tinder Lieut. Porter of the Infantry, for some time since whipping and cutting off the enr of a matt named Laxton. lie is the man whom John Richardson, on the gal lows, declared to lie concerue I in tin. minder of the Wright family. George Waters was iudicted last summer, with others,fo the murder of a white mau in the nation. He has been considered a desperate character, and bade defiance to any man to take him ; hut Maj. Rector, with three chosen men, in the most daring manner, succeeded in capturing him. Leonard Randolph, also concerned in the same murder, is now in Texas, near Jonesborough, of which fact Maj. Rector lias apprised the commanding officer of Fort Towson, so that he will pro bably lie taken. We regret to learn tint I.icut. Northrop who is said to be a brave officer, and deserv ing much praise, received a severe wound by the accidental discharge of his own pis tol. while attempting to take a man named Drew. The bail lodged in his leg, near the knee, and is feared that he will either lose his leg o, his life. Maj. Rector assures us that Gen. Arbuc kle is determined, at all hazards, to scout the country, and bring to justice all offen ders on the frontier and in the nation; and that his zeal and perseverance entitle him to much credit.- Citron. &• Sen. Death of a Debto". —The closing scene in the life of a chancery prisoner is thus thrillingly and beautifully sketched by “Boz.” The turnkey led the way in silenre, and gently raising the latch of the room door, motioned Mr. Pickwick to enter. It was a large, desolate room, with a number of stump bedsteads made of iron, on one ol which lay the shadow of n man, wan, pale and ghastly. His breathing was hard and thick, and he moaned painfully as it came and went. At the bedside sat a short old man in a cobler's apron, who by the aid of a pair of horn spectacles, was leading from the biLie aloud. It was the fortunate le gate. The sick man laid his hand on his attendant's arm. and motioned him to stop. He closed the book and laid it on the bed. “Open the window,” said the sick man. He did so. The noise of carriages and carts, the rutt'c of wheels, the cries of men and boys; all the busy soundsof a mighty mul titude instinct with life anti occupation, Mended into one deep murmur floated into the room. Above the hoarse loud hum arose from time to time a boisterous laugh, or the scrap of some song, shouted forth by one of the giddy ciowtl. would strike upon that car for an instant, and then be lost amid the roar of voices and the tramp of foot steps; the bn aking of the billows of the restless sea of life that rolled heavily on without. These are melancholy sounds to a quiet lisener at any time, but how melan choly to the watcher bv the bed of death ! “There is no air here,” said the sick man, faintly. “The place pollutes it; it was fresh around about where I walked . three weeks ago, but it grows hot and heavy in passing these walls; 1 cannot breath it.” “We have breathed it together a long time,” said the old man.” “Come come!” There was a short silence, during which the two spectators approached the bed. The sick man drew the hand of his fellow prisoner fowatds him, and pressing it affectionately between both his own, retained in h's grasp. “I hope,’ lie gasped after a while so faintly that, they bent their eats close over the bed to catch the half formed sounds his cold blue lips gave vent to ; -‘I hope my merciful judge will bear in mind mv heavy punish ment on earth. Twenty years, my Iriend, twenty years ill this hideous grave. My heart broke when my child died, and I could not even kiss him in his little coffin. My loneliness since then in all this noise and riot has been very dreadful. May God tor give me ! He has seen my solitary, lingering death.” He folded his hands, and murmur ing sntnc'hiug more that they could not he,.r, fell into a sleep ; only a slee|> at first, lor they saw him smile. They whispered to getlierfor a little time, and the turnkey stoop ing over the pillow, drew hastily hack. “He lias got his discharge,” said the man. He had. 15lit had grown so like death in life, that they knew not when he died. SAFKTY ST 10AM BOATS. Tn the Washington Correspondence of the Charleston Patriot, is contained the following acconnt of a late iinpr veinen tin Steam Boat Boilers, which if correct, will give great additional safety to our citizens. Tiie frequent accidents which have occur red, and the terrible destruction of human life consequent upon such disasters, rendet any improvement of the kind, however slight, a desideratum with all who are interested in the travel and transportation of the coun try. Cos! •> mb us K/i 1/ u irer. “A great number of petitions were pre sented and referre I. Among themjwas one relating to an invention to prevent the burst ing of Steam Boilers, and which from the rein irk* ;n*'h\ .will furnish an effectual remedy. If consists in (be application of a pelf acting valve (invented by a Majorßaub.) to th>* boiler. It i< denominated the double self anti ig Safety Valve, and ctMsists of two valves-- one opening upward* and tlte> other downwards, upon the top us the boiler. tttiJ connect fid with a weight inside the boiler. It is fyu nded. upon the principle that a body immersed in water is lighter than when sus pended .in apy medium less dense than wa ter ; and loses by immersion on amount of weight exactly equal to the weight ofwa i ter 4is.ilaced uy it. Its operation is as fol lows: Wh en the water in tlm bail* r is in iiue.(pi.mit y for safety, the weight mside the boiler i » entirely immersed in the water; the two v i Ives are then closed because they balance each other; the expensive force of th e steam within the boiler oper ates to close the inside v.dvo and thus keep Do'.ufi-r* ;n their rcsp ciivv -scats, The in side weight thus immersed in water weighs nothing, anti therefore does not open the va'ves. But when the water in the boiler falls below the inside weight, and leaves any |M>riiou of it uncovered, this weight falls, opens both valves, and enables the steam to escape. It lias the section of the Navy Depart ment, and is, I understand, to be applied to all Government Steam vessels. The in ventor wishes Congress to purchase the pa tent right.'* From the National Intnli geveer. THE MAINE BOUNDARY. A Messaoe from the President of the United States was presented to the Senate on Thursday, containing the information called Im by certain resolutions of that bo dy concerning the state of atfairs oil the boundary between the United States and the British northwester*’ possessions. We shall lay these documents before our readers as soon as we can get possession ol them. For the present we must be con tent to state the Substance of them, as un derstood front the reading by those who heard them read. The tn.treri.il .papers are those furnished by the Department of .State, consisting as follows: 1. A Letter from Mr Fox, the Bri'ish Minister, to Mr. Forsyth, Secretary ol State dated in November last, complaining of the violation of the agreement entered into between the agents ol the two Govern ments last winter, bv the opening of roads to the Aroostook, and the occupation of a part of the disputed territory by a body of armed men employed by the authorities of tlie State of Mame. ‘2- A Letter from Mr. Forsyth, written some weeks afterward-', replying to the complaints of .Air. Fox, (hat the opening ol th” roads in question is not a recent mea sure, hut merely carryi ig out a policy ad opted twelve or fourteen years ago ; that the armed body spoken of is only a jossc employed tu drive off intruders; ad that nothing has been done on our side incom patible with tlie spirit of the agreement be tween the agents of the two countries ; whilst on the British side acts have been done which may be justly complained of as in fringing the agreement, such as erecting barracks for troops on the St. John’s plac ing Hoops on a part of the disputed territo ry, &c.' 3. A Letter from Mr. Fox justifying what the IJejtisli authorities have done, on theground of the current report that the Legislature of the State of Maine had an intention to abrogate and nullify tlie agree ment made between the two countries last sjiring, which rumor was too strongly corro borated by the language es Governor Fair field at the opening cf tlie Session ol that Legislature not to justify precautionary measures, which have not been resorted to, however, with any design to infringe the agreement &c. 4. Another Letter from Mr, Forsyth to Mr- F ox, m which he says that there is no reH son to apprehend such an intention as is imputed to the Legislature of Maine; tha 1 tllfi alleged precautionary measures are therefore altogether gratuitous on the par l of the British authorities in New Brunswick, and must be considered “a bold infraction” of tlie agreement of last winter; and that if the British Government uphold this proceeding on the part of its agents, such a course on its part will be regarded by this Government as evidence of a want of that friendly disposition on the part of Great Britain which has hitherto been be .ieved to exist, &e. This is the snbstaDce of these Letters, which we expect to be ttble to publish at large in our next paper. NEW ORLEANS, JAN. 18.— From Texas. By the arrival of the steam packet Neptune, in 27 hours from Galveston, we have received papers to the 14th instant. John M. Allen has been elected mayor of Galveston. The weather bad been for some days exceedingly mild, and more like spring than winter It is said a road is being opened from Nacogdoches to the Trinity, to strike that river nearer at Carolina. The distance is only sixty miles. The Austin Texian ship ot war arrived a few davs ago at Galveston, from Baltimore. She is said to be a splended vessel, staunch band some and a fast sailer. Another brig, tlie last contracted for tb<- use of the navy by the government, is shortly expectetj. Congress had provided forsectionizingtbe Cherokee lands, which are soon to be brought into market and soklfortlie bene fit of the government. jTliey are the most valuable tracts ol uncultivated land in tin country, and will probably sell fora consid erable amount. Colonel Burleston had another battle with ti.c Cherokees, about 35 miles north west of Austin, in which ho defeated them, though with what loss we have not learu- ed. Sometime sine’, a British vessel, the Agnes, arrived at Galveston ( r ! r\as) with emigrants. It appearsthat John Woodward, the Texian Consul at New \ork, had sold to a Mr. lken, an English capitalist, large quantities ofTexian lands, to wli.ch lie had not the shadow of a title, and that these emigrants who had come out, had purchas ed their lands of lken. Their disappoint ment may he easily imagined. A laige meet ing was held in Galveston, some days ago, at which General Hunt presided, to express tneir opinion of Wooward's rascality. 'I hey recommended his immediate dischage. It is said that Congress will grant these emi grants donations of land in addition to head rights. The schooner Wasp was lost, a few days since, on the Brassos bar. It is said tjiat the channel across this dangerous bar can be deepened to three fathoms and a half at a cost of fifty eight thousand dollars. The steamboat Friend has gone tip the Brassos to see how far the river is navigable. JAN. 19. Passing a Forged check. B. B. Wharton, a good looking young man oftall stature, rather genteely dressed, yes terday charged before Recorder Baldwin vs Ith passing a forged check, purporting to he drawn by Frierson, Dele & Cos,, on the Commercial Bank, for *1.150, on Allen. Clark &Cos. Exchange Brokers, Canal street. In appearsthat on Thursday, Whar ton went into the office of Allen, Clark A' Cos, and requested hank notes for the check. As he had a bankbook at the time in his hand-had all the appearance of a young men in mercantile business, and moreover took Tenessee notes for his check he was at once accommodated, When the forgery was diseovefed information was giv en to the police of the Second municipality wjio arrested him on Friday at Carrolltou. with all tho money in his possession, lie ac knowledges having passing the check but denies having enmoiited the forgery. Tears of contrition dropped plentifully from him as he satin the box—he is cvideutly a tyro in such transactions. We are ?nre we’r tight so go ahead. POLIT'CAL JUST AS WE EXPECTED. We have long known that Mr. Forsyth, although ihe first Secretary, iu point of grade and of importance, iu the Cabinet of Mr. Van Buret, was by uo means the first in the confidence, or ill the regards of its head. We have long known that Mr. Van Burcn and others, who have influence with him, only suf rtJ Mr. Forsyth to remain iu Ins present position. Mr. Van Bureo, tl is well kuown, insult*d the Secretary, by bis attempt to banish him Irum public lile, and public mlluence, by burying Inin among the Austrians. Kendal, the Chief of the Lower Cabinet, we know, only endures the Secretary, and would hail with raptuie the hour ot Ids safe dismission. How could it be otherwise ! Have our readers ever heard of a very characteristic anecdote of the Se cretary. m relation to tue chief of the kitchen. Cabinet ! Any way it will bear repetition. Mr, Kendal's admirers, as one of the com mon inodes of flattery now m days, got up Ids picture, in the form of an engraving. Os course ihe lauhtul were hound to sub scribe for it, or be considered derelict. Up on entering the Secretary of State’s office, the friends presented the proposals, and re quested the subscription of the Secretary. ••Would he not purchase Mr. Kendal's picture ! the p cture ol the Ulysses of tire party/” with his lip and nose turned up. in most expressive contemptuousness; (and who cm sneer more eloquently :) tlie Se cretary demanded, “What do we want with the picture, haven’t we long ago purchas ed the. original ?’* We give the anecdote merely to show the relations between the Secretary of the llnper. and the chief ol the lower Cabinet. But to the point in hand ; *ve have long known that, however anxious Mr. Forsyth might be to retire Horn a Cabinet of which lie knows he is so unwelcome a member, upon the Vico Presidency, yet that he nev er would attain his wishes in that point, if the goodwill of the administration was es sential to it. We believed, from the first, that tu this, as itt all else, Mr. Forsyth would find himself betrayed by those with whom lie was connected. r J he thing be gins to work; tne indications are becom ing apparent, and the result will not fail in realizing them. In corroborration of our views and in confirmation of them, we see that the Washington correspondent of the Augusta Constitutionalist, one of the par ly, who is intelligent aud observing, and wiio no doubt writes as he feels he is author ized to do; this correspondent to the Iriend and supporter of Mr. Forsyth, writes that “The next Vice Presidency may now be considered as fixed on Col. Johnson, and though recent events have in a measure ren dered this necessary, we cannot but regret that the claims of a distinguished son ol Georgia must be thrown in the -sha . e for the present.” For cause this correspondent assigns the reason to be, that Gen. Harrison's military claims are so ellective with the people of the West as to render it necessary to bring out Colonel Johnson, another military chieftain, on the Van Buren ticket to countervail Harrison’s influence it> that region, So it goes. Forsyth is thrown over board with out a groan, and without any formality, in deed, we suppose, greatly to tlie gratifica tion anil delight of Kendall <nd the kitch en, and perhaps quite as much to the satis faction of Van and the upper cabinet like wise.—Southern Recorder. EXTUACT OF A LETTER OF THE HON. HUGH L. WHITE, To the Legislature of Tennessee, on de dining to obey certain of their Resolu tion of Instruction, aud resigning the of fice of Senator ot' the United States. 1 have now troubled you with all the re marks 1 deem it necessary to make upon your six resolutions, taken separately, but do not feel that I will have discharged my whole duty until I have shewn the deduc tion to be drawn from them when contiec teil’y considered. They contain the politi cal creed ol the present Chief Magistrate of the United States, as expressed through his friends in the Tennesse Legislature; and what is it ? By the 2d resolution it is proved he wishes tlie whole moneyed power of the U. Slates vested in him and subject to his control. By the 3d it is proved he will not agree that the patronage and power he now ex ercises. shall be either lessened or regulated by law. By the 4th it is proved that, in ortier to have full cofif-rs, he wishes the States to surrender their right to the moneys arising from the sales of the public lands; and By the 6th it is proved that lie wishes Congress compelled to vote for ev iy leading measure he may recommend, and I am in structed iu good faith to give my aid to maintain this creed. These instructions i c.tnnot and will not obey. So fat from it, mv creed upon these points is; Ist. That the power over the public purse ought to be constantly kept under the con trol of the Legislature. 2d. That the patronage as well as the ex enditures of the Executive are already too large, and ought to be reduced. 3d. That, instead of surrendering the rights of the States to any portion of the public moneys, they ought to adhere to 'hose rights, and in due season provide for a lair distribution of the land funds; and. Lastly, for no consideration ought we to agree that any other portion of tiie legisla tive power shall he vested, either directly or indirectly, in the President, save that which is already vested in him by the Constitution of ihe United States. At last, no person can help seeiug that the difference between your honorable body and myself is, that you wish to add to the power and patronage of the Executive; 1 wish to lessen his (lower and patronage On the decision of this contest by the American People, in my opinion, the liberty of the country depends. Should your creed prevail, ere long the whole legislative power vested in Congress by the Constitution will be transferred, substantially, to the Presi dent, and the only use of Congress will be to stand between the President and public odium, when laws are enacted which arc disapproved by the People. In addition to this, the election of State officers and State legislation will be regula ted according to the will of the Executive of the Union. Should mine prevail, the States will retain the powers they now pos sess—-the powers of the Federal Govern ment v ill remain divided into different de partments in substance as well as form. Which of these creeds will best secure the liberty, the happiness and prosperity of the People, I cheerfully submit for decision to the freemen of Tennessee. In England, this' would be the common contest, between the prerogative of the Crown and the privileges of the People, Those maintaining your side would be called Tories, those maintaining mine would be called Whigs- it is a contest between the patronage of the President and the Tight of sujfvrage of the People. I will not at pre sent give those who maintain your creed any name—you may give those who maintaiu mine, any ooe you choose. “Names are nothing with me ” My motto is, “princi ples in preference to men while I some times think that some of my opponents ought to be, “men without principles;” though I would be sorry to intimate that such a motto would suit your honorable body. I shall trouble you with no further obser vations on these important topics. It has been my aim to state my opinions with can dor, aud maintain them with firmness; but, at the same time, to tieat your honorable body with the most perfect respect. 1 was called to the service of my State fifteen years ago, without any solicitation on my part. With reluctance t accepted the high station 1 now occupy- 1 have been continued in it, perhaps, too long for the interest of the country. 1 have been thrice elected by the unanimous vote of your pre decessors. My services have been rendered iu times of high party excitement; some times threatening to hurst asunder the bonds of this Union ; aud your resolutions contain 'he high eontplimcnl that bitter political op ponents can find only a solitary role worthy, in their judgment, of “ uiquallijieil condem nation.” I hope if will be in your power to select a successor who can bring into the service of the State more talents. 1 feel a proud con sciousness more purity of iutendon, or more nmeinittiiig industry lie never can. For the sake of place, 1 trill never cringe to power. You have instructed me to do those things which, eutertam'ng the opinions 1 do, I fear I would not be forgiven for, either in this world or in the next ; and, practising upon the creed l have long professed, 1 hereby tender to you my resignation of the trust confided to me as one of the Senators from the State of Tennessee to the Congress of the United States. Allow me to add my sincere prayer that the Governor of the Universe may so over rule our dissensions as to secure the liberty and promote the prosperity of our common con stituents. J have the honor to be, gentlemen, your obedient servant. HU. L. WHITE. Senate Chamber, Jan. 11, 1840. After which, Mr. White proceeded and said: Mr. President, l have now finished my task; henceforth I atn to cease being a member of this body. I cannot share with former associates the honors tin* privileges, or tlie emoluments of a Senator in the Con gress of the United States. At the same time, 1 will be relieved from mv portion of the labors, and from sharing with you the high lesponsthilities which necessarily per tain to the station. In taking my leave of you, in the utmost sincerity, my prayers are, that, collectively anti individually, you may be enabled to pursue a course which will a fiord you the highest comforts in this life, and that your labors may be so blessed as to secure you the grateful remembrance of the pre sent and all succeeding generations. OUR DELEGATION IN CONGRESS. it is matter of congratulation to know that our present delegation in Congress, by the force of their talents, and by the judi cious independent stand statesmanlike course which they have pursued, have done much to restore the ancient character of the State. It would se in as if the days of our Wildes, our Clay ton, our Cobbs, and our Berriens have returned ; as if the firmness and promptness in action of our Jacksons and our Troups were again manifested in the national councils. The original and fundamental principles of republicanism are once more advocated by men who are im movable in their purposes, who are both fearless and gallant in the warfare which ft»tn necessity as well as choice, they are constrained to wage. We have had occa sion to speak in flattering terms of the vari ous efforts of Messrs. Colqiii't, Cooper, Nesbet and Black, on tlie New Jersey question. Their speeches-on that occasion have been extensively published and referred to in language of decided commendation throughout the Union. The north and south seemj equally ready and anxious to do them honor-—even their political opponents, and those who strenuously opposed their elections are constrained by .Slate pride to commend both I heir zeal an • ability. The speech of Mr. Dawson, on the extra • vagancies of the government, in relation to the public printing, is pronounced by the distinguished and intelligent correspondent of the New York Courier, as a masterly production. The speeches of Messrs. Cooper and Nisbet, on the appointment of a chaplain, succeede I by those of tiie same gentlemen, second and sustained by Messrs. Colquitt, Alford and Habersham, ori the abo lition petitions, seem to have arrested public attention, and added new laurels to those al ready acquired. We cannot refrain trim contrasting the conduct ol the present with that of the late delegation.in this particular. In the last Congre.-s, Mr. Dawson stood al most alone in his resistance of the incendi ary petitions of the northern fana'ics. Nearly all the rest crouched before their ad versaries, and licked the dust In vile submis sion ; they favored the reception ot the peti tions, and cherished the foul spirit vhich seeks to destroy and desolate the south, and rend the Union into a thousand atoms. How unlike the couduct of those who now represent the State of Georgia. On the 16th inst. the Hon. Waddy Thompson of S. Carolina, offered the following resolu tion. Upon the presentation of any memorial of petition paying for the abolition of slavery or the slave-trade in any District, Territory or State of the Union, and upon presentation of any resolution or other paper touching these subjects, the question of the reception of such memorial, petition, resolution, or paper shall be considered as made, and the question of its reception shall belaid upon the table, w ithout debate or further action of the House. On tliis question-, the Globe of the 17th says,— Mr. Cooper ofGebrgia who was entirled tothe floor, addressed the House at great length, and with much force and ability, in explanation of the views he took of the sub ject, and of the votes he should feel it his duty to give. His speech he said was not intended for his constituents, whom he pre ferred addressing face to face, but to that House, and to tlie constituents of the gen tlemen who presented abolition petitions. It was to them lie addressed himself, calling them to relieve this House and the country from excitement and agitation,whichthe pre sentation and disctiseion of these petitions lend to. It was his wish to disembarrass this question of all party cosiderations. He desired to know what course the Con gress of the Unit.ed States would take with regard to a matter of such deep and vital interest, and he was content to sit with fold ed arms, resolving to make no motion wliat ever, until he saw what that course would be. He regretted exceedingly that any proposition lor the disposition of this sub ject had come from a member of the S mill, aud particularly regretted the proposition of his friend Iroin South Carolina, [Mr. Thompson.] He wished the question settled under a proposition from another quarter. If his advice could betaken, he would say to that gentleman takeback your resolution, and It-t those who bring forward abolition petitions make such motions with regard to them as they think the House would sus tain. He, wished the gentlemen here, who must see the danger to the Union, as well as the injury to the slaveholding States that these petitions were causing, would address themselves at home to their constituents—go to them in their towns, their fields and their villages, and tell them that they are tampering with the peace and 1 happiness of the South; that hey are endan gering the Union, and that Congress has no right under the Constitution to meddle with this subject, and prevail on them to pause in their thoughtless career. Mr. C. said that unless these petitions were put an end to in this or some other way by the House, ihe State of Georgia must act for herself, and resort to means within her power, to put an end to them. The above is only a synopsis of the re marks, a full report of which will shortly be given. Mr. C. was lollowed by several gentlemen, and among others bv Messrs. Colquitt,Biddle of Pa. and Alford. The Washington correspondent of the Augusta Constitutionalist, an ultra Union paper, savs, — Your delegation are doing t» emselvcs and the South hono/in the stand they have introd' ced on the reception of abolition peiitiois. Among >he mos* eloquent ad dresses I have ever listened to, were those of Massrs. Alford aud Colquitt, ofGeorgia, and they had the attention, not only of their colleagues, but of the gal'eries aud of every person on the floor, while they poured forth “thoughts that breathe and words that burn.” We might give other extracts of similar import from others of the most prominent papers of the country, but we conceive tunt the foregoing are sufficient for our purpose. The character of the Sfte is sustained ; her institutions are ably and fearlessly tie fended ; we are represented by men of whom we may be proud ; and an atonement has been made for the weakness and inefficiency of our former delegation. The only ques tion then, is, shall these men be exiled from office under the influence of party drill ? Shall they meet the fate of Wilde and Clayton and Gilmer, to make place for men who are profssedly sub nissionists, who ulo ry in their creed, and who are little better as to qualifications than those who in the last Congress vainly attempted to represent the freemen ofGeorgia, and their republican principles ! Columbus Enquirer. MR. DOWNING’S SPEECH, In reply to Mr. Be.Uowsgipe. If any man, Mr. Moderator, finds he’s got a leetle too much starch in his shirt col lar, 1 would advise him :o git up in sich a crowd as this to make a speech for the first time, ami il it don’t mak“ tilings feel pritty limber about him, then Pm mistaken. 1 bad no notion on't afore; and 1 feel jist so now, that I would a plagy sight rulher agree to chop wood all winter on the Aroos took, right in the face and eyes of all the Brumzikers, than to go on w ith the job of making a speech, anil so many folks all around listening to it : but I hope I'll git use to it afore long, and if I sty any thing that aint according to rule and order, I hope it wont rile folks up too much—for I rulv dont want to make muddy water twixt any on us. Nor do I want to drink nlmldy wa ter riled uo by other folks, until’ 1 have a chance at clearing on't. if this Convention expects me to go back away long before pa per was invented, and come along up side by side and neck by neck with Mr. Bellows pipe, or to figure up any of his long tables, ihsy are mistaken: all that may suit tolks who have a notion for such things. 1 know a pumpkin from a potater, and 1 know that a good ripe minkin makes a good pie. if folks know how to fix it. Now l don’t see what good comes from hunting back to find out how punkins got on the face of the airtli, or who first thought of, or invented pies out on ’em. 1 know that a puukiii pie is a first rate, good Democratic and patri otic pie, and if it don't go right to the libs when eaten, then it is a sure sign that the punkin wan’t ripe, or was too ripe and rot ten, or folks who made the piedid’nt know their business. The mistake aint in the punkiu ; it’ it is ripe and sound, and the pic aint good, tlue mistake is in the cooking on’t. This is sartin—and being so, what on airtli is the good of hunting back, and trying to show that a punkin is any thing else but a punkin. And just so with paper money. Every body knows that paper money as it was in tended to be made, and has been made, and can be made again, is jus*, as much better than hard money for carrying on trade iu cvcry part of this everlasting wide and long country, as a shoe-string is better than an old gold or silver buckle, or steam better than wind to travel by, on land or water. It we never had good paper money, if we never had tried shoe-strings or steam, if we know’d nothing about them—then, 1 s:iv, let us stick to gold and silver, and copper money—shoe-buckles, and sails, and veto everything else ; but folks have tried good paper money, and shoe strings and steam ; they know them alias well as 1 know a good punkin from a bad one, and they know what is bad piper money ; they know v hat is a bad shoe-string; and they know what is a risky s'eani engine. They have tried them all, and now all they ask is, let us have good (taper money, let us have good strong leather shoe-strings, and give us steam weil controlled ; they say we must have ’em, and i! we can’t git the best we will take the next best. Now as we ali know, all these things can’t be made best, it is a duty to make 'em so—and if not, whose fault is it ? Will any ruan say we never had good pa per money, and can’t have it again ? (Here Major Downing looked at Mr. Bel lowspipe, who significantly shook his head.) “The gentleman shakes his head,” says the Major. “Well there aint much in that.” Will any man or woman say we uever had good punkin pics, and can’t have ’em agin /-—(Here the Major turned to the gallery, and a general nodding of bonnets answered.) “I know,” says lie, “good punkin pies have been, still are, and will be agin, so long as we have folks who know the nature ol em; but put a puukiu in the hand of a Turk, or a Chinese, ora Malay, or a Patagonian, or any other of the folks the gentleman from Missouri tells on as •'■hard money folks'' —and tell ’em to make a pie on’t, and what then, will he eat it ? If he can, he has a better I have—-and jist so with steam; we all know what steam is; how it can carry us along agin,tlie wind on water and land, and how safe we feel when we have sicta kind of folks as my old fiieud Capt. Elihu Bunker to lookarter the steam kiules, aud to keep the hot water iroin scal ding folks-—but because some of these Turks ami Patagonians and Chinese don’t know nothing abont it, and if they try )t would blow ’em up all sky high, are we ex pected to throw cold water on it and step back to the golden calf age belore steani was thought on ! Now let us suppose that a rale cminin-- politician who lias spent his hull hf e managing party folks—takes it into his head to manage a steam engine—“what,” S; ,, 9 he, “if I can manage living critters, can’t i manage cranks and pumps and piston rods t So he tries it—well, what then l the next thing we hear is a smash and a blow up The great man, howsover, won’t allow folks to say it was owing to his ignorance—no no, that would never do. So he and his party turn to and try to prove that the fault was iu the engine, tho’ every body knew that engine had been working smoothly for many years, and not a crack about it but they stick to it, and every sun of a gun on ’em, insist on’t that sich kind of engines never are safe, and they must have more “simple machines,” —audio prove this tliev all set to work—taking advantage of every chance to unscrew a valve—drops stones in the pumps and throw smtd on the piston rods, and when an accident comes, then you hear’ ern “There is the great bubble buist,’’ “we told you so.” “Now is the time to put down all steam engines”—now the people must see it ls high time to divoice,” and so forth, Tliev first git ail the owners of the little engines to join’em in blowing up an, smashing the big one, and t) en ungratefully (as J some times think, and then agin 1 think it is but common justice) turn round anil try to blow up all the little ones. This would be all well enuf, and I’d let ’em tight it out if the hot watPr was kept among themselves ; but there is something due to the honest and quiet passengers—men, women, aud chil dren, who have travelled along by steam for loryears in salety, and are now told they must go back to the golden age, and do as tolks do in other countries, and as they hi ve done since the days of Moses, and will con tinue to do luthe end of time—paddle their own canoes or go afoot. A good many steamboats have blown up. and a good many folks have got scalded since steam has been in use ; but are w-e ready tosay down with steam,—not yet I guess— because folks who keep a run of 'hose mutters know that more lives have been lost by sails than by steam', ami ten thousand .linesmore folks go by steam than coiihl by sails. The extra work that steam does beyond all the power that folks in oili er countries can do who don’t know any thing about it, is just about equal io the e>.- tr.i work that credit does beyond w hut folks can do in countries where they don't know wha» credit is Sometimes credit blows up; but are we ready to say there must be no cralil —no confidence betwixt man and man ? We know ibat steam can be matte sat ; and we all know credit can be made sab •• and if a bladder-head blows up a steam in gine. or a rogue abuses credit, is that a good teason for abandoning both steam and cred it- C nil we measure the goed that bis ami can again be done by them whilst we are measuring the evil 1 Lotus figure up the account lairly. and see how tlie balance stands. 1 sometimes think, Mr. Moderator, if we don’: look out sharp, that all our good Re publican Democrats are going to be led in to a scrape, by some folks who say they are rale up and down, thick and thin Democrats, and purer democrats than the world evt r hewrn tt II ou afore—and by this very plan now on 100 of knocking down all credit, and going on the hard money plan entirely. They tell us that hard money is the on!v Democratic moiuy, and that credit is.an invention ol the old federal aristocrats—aid if it aint put down, the old so nd Demo cratic party will all goto the bugs. Some folks don’t seem to.see— [or, if they do sec it, and act contrary, are bigger ro gues than fools] —t’>at any plan that des troys credit, trips up the heels of the dem ocracy— democracy aint born to fortune ; there aint more than one Democrat in a hun dred born w ith a silver spoon iy his month. Now I am one of those kind ol Democrats who, though I began to eat with a born spoon, should like to bo able, by mv hon est industry and enterprise, to eat my mush and milk in mv olddays with a silver spoon it 1 want to; but if the doctrine is no credit. —all hard luoufr/ —how is a man to get a longwho don’t happen tobe born to hard money ! do as they do in no-credit hard moiiev count tics, f suppose—dig and grub from the cradle to the grave—for there as a man is born so he dies; it lie is horn poor, he dies poor, just as his daddy dill afore him; and so if he is l orn rich he dies rich, jist as his daddy did afore him—and tliis is mod ern Democracy. Now when you come to pin down one of these modern Democrats to this argument lie flies ofl and says—O we don’t mean to destroy credit we only want to destroy the Hanks Snell kind of credit as Bills of Exchange and Promirsory Nutts, and so forth, we don't wish to destroy; hut. it is Bank Credit, especially U. S. Bank Cred it, and the State Bank Credit. Now tiie blasted scamps—(Here several voices cal led to order, and the Major looked round to the benches where tlie voices came from, evidently much excited, turning up his cuffs and spitting in his hands, and gave evident signs of resisting the call to order)— when the Moderator rose and said, “the Major will tane his seat”*—lie obeyed instantly, ffhe Moderator then proceeded and said, that the words “blasted scamps,” he supposed were the words objected to. He must sav himself, if made to apply to any member of the Convention, they were wrong; and if any member would rise and say he felt them as applying tn himself, the Major must ex plain and clear it up or stop speaking ; ami as regards settling ou’t elsewhere, you all know my notions. No one rising, the Moderator said the Major will go on. He then rose ana said— Mr. Moderate*-, my steam, I believe, was getting up a little too high, and I just open ed a safety valve to let it off. I will now say, instead of “blasted scamfs, these “Modern Democrats” when you corn er’em, don't seem to see that Bank Cred it is nothing more or less than the capital of small means rolled into lumps, to do in * lump what can’t be done in small particles. What is a Bank but a capital mads up of 50 and 100 dollar shares, owned by thousands, and doing what could be done only by one now having a capital of his own equal to a Bank ? In the caso of one man, all the profit of Banking is his alone. Suppose lie is a rogue, then all the roguery is his'n, and which is safest in the long run to trust ? One man who keeps his own accounts and lets no one see how he manages, or a man who lets his business open to ten or fifteen directors appointed by others who have direct interest in the good management of the allairs ? This is jist the difference be tween private Banking and Corporation Banking.