Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

1 entered—and the first object that met n») gaze was my wife, resigning her tender cnees, wkitit J lud uot suffered, "even the .Is ofhe v t'u to vtsi. too roughly,’’to his uisg a»u..g .-aresses. Sir. I iwcame mail! 1 can leliua iti'iio but i.i.<t 1 rushed tiom the h. use, .uvohlug ‘he most impious m:i e-.lic lioo- u. . * who tli"l been ilie cause i>< swell nils' ij and anguish; nod .oiled mys-.dt I.HI 0.0111.0 g til tile sttUtlM: >" ninth YOU t'jiioiu am. Sir, n*»t::msr, w.'ii " uni tan i. will be a|i r i-lni. .( • " • ‘ : 'id vimi U.I bestow no _e.n;-i tavui ti; ■>. i j take my lue. 1 uaro iived ion bin . 1 aaiicnty to die. iie was discharged. Upper-lip tic AJfccliont s.--Di-eases, of an U;'j"i-li[i tic character, have b-i- tm-so prev iiie'H 111 -Nei* York, that wears much sur prised tue attend 111 of professional men lias n<l ueeu in,ae particular directed !•> ttie sub i cl. we. uuibeives have seen some yio loul -.lid frig lit lid casts of this disease, and ».e are sony to see some of our tri»nds at i.iis lime presenting mripieut symptoms ol ~,i at. no,. The individuals most commonly ino subjects of it are roau-milliner’* pre*i- Utc nays, tailors incog., foreign vagabonds, aud young men living oil their means, i lie hist symptom* ate exceseire weakness in the head, accompanied with sensations ol e»t;ih nts*. ihe patients irequently become t xet tou to an alarming degree on the subj-ft ol t oen personal ap t .cartnce. In IhostuU o. leel ,u» tiietr uottous O beauty tab the most es Wriva .iut luru nniigiiMWe. ,l *' into Til me development of this affectum, is me breaking owl. of a quantity oj hair on t ic winter-. V . 'I 11,15 ac, ’" ,J " l ,l " s disease lit, received .he c.e.ildic appe la. im. oi upper Im-uc. The tatio.ialol thedtsease u uot wed understood. A post mortem ex .'■niualioo was some time ago had upon a ..con who died until .. "I this o.sease but o.vtuMo peculiar circumstances, very mile s-uisUe-tml was discovered. As usual lu such cases, the bram »•*» •»“!'"«, •‘• i ' llle iieart presented a siiiah shriveled ntqeurenee. v,„ dis ell .g the hp it was disc.v. rid ilia. Vll( . imliviuaal, tor some mystenous purpose, , l6 e,i m assume an unper-ltp tic s>stem by stiekim- a bunch of hair upon his h|> with L aici.ou 3 sub Bu..ce 8 u..ce A I.U e com mo a sense occasionally used, with pr Sessional 4 arc iu most iu:>uulc». j Aljrmng Sews. The sparkle of a gratdied wife's eye will go mr.lter than amu ol amhrae.ie it war.us the heart. BEAUTIFUL. SEN I'IMENT.—The modest deporimeut ot muse who are truly wise, tvneti contrasted watt me assuming a,r ol the ignorant, may be co.npaieu to the d.f ierent appearances ot wheat, which, while its ear is empty, holds up us head proudly, but. as soon as it is Idled with gtain bends modesty down, and withdraws Horn obseivu tion. A Mmof I'marged Ileus.— ’’M'sier, where’s your house/” as.ee a cur,mu. trav eller ol a ‘half horse aud hah alligator souatter. “House, eh ” Ho you thin. 1 m of that sort stranger! 1 sleep’m me w| <-i u meni Purchase, l eats raw bear aim buila.o, and drinks out ot ‘he Mississipi i • An Apology.—& I'd belonging to a M issaeliuselts school, cam • mono mormng and presented to l. e master tue Showing note from ins “daddy:’ Master—Please t« excuse Bciigman—lot bean absent from school VV mcii he wt.l ue evtf, day in the loreoooua. Correspondence oj lue *V at. In!. New Y'ork January'do. Another great fire uas destroyed Imm One million to one im.iiuu and a unii m property. Seven stores were destroye.. a bout three o’clock this morning m »ouih and Front streets, (business streets ) 1n« fire broke out in the so-called Pu.nnis IT Smith’s store, and re .died lit .t ol >lr. ilicss wnere teas were stored, in which it quick ly destroyed property ol great value. I lie Insurance Offices again suiter dreadlylly, but the iosses tall upon Baltimore, 1 mt adclpl.ia, Boston, and Ilarttord, as well as upon New Vorit. l’uere were th.ee li.es in the city last night ! Even now, three o’clock l*. M.. it is necessary to watch the South and '•’root street fire sharply, and people are busily engaged in presetting property, sucii is the the yet smouldering character of the fire. What au ill-fated ci ty we are this year! The elements, lire and water, do their wors' almost ; and then come bankruptcies, pover.y, s-tiering, star vation, even, for the poor ! 1 **e Govern ment tests upon i‘s bed ot roses all the while, ami prepares for us the screw ol the sub-Treasury. which, but lor the ingenuity of men of finance in turning to account, through Treasury draffs and other paper subterfuges, would be a calamity greater than his been done by tire or water. No country but ours—no city like ours, in any other ‘aud, could preserve itself amid such congregating misiortuncs. INDIANS! An express has just arrived ( 1 ttesday morning.) from IOLA, with a letter tro Mr. J. L. Smallwood, merchant at that place, staling that on Monday night the family of Mr. llarlen, about six miles abov ' lola were all murdered and premises bum., by a party of Indians, supposed to he about twenty in number. The citizens off that neighborhood, were without arms or am munition and call for asssistance. 1 lie In dims will either remain in the xppalactiico la swamps or make for the eastern arm o. St. Andrews, Bay. A company hence, uu dertue command of Colonel Fitzpatrick, has gone in pursuit of them &t. Joseph Times. ' The Pensylvaiiia Leg! nature, in regard to the action of which, on the subj -ct oi t ;e United States Bank, aijd me other Bank ii that State, some public anxiety hn-. been in mitested, lias just assembled. Among Vs first mnvemeiitd of nnp.n l-a uce, are. tirsi t:te ii cice oi# law for the forfeiture ofthe «. i.irier ot llie Uiiired S.a'esßauk. This im tiveisglven iiy a Mr. McKlwee, the same person, we bell :ve, t.i whom was charged t r‘ plan far bl .win g up tile R ill road, and t ie irottps unit who went from Philadelphia, fi queil the ins’iractinti at the seat of Gov ernment. Another notice is made by anoth er gentleman,to compel the B mk s to resume 0 ptcie pay he. t. ; ami a thiid, perhaj’B m. « important mo -, is made, in lei o.mmm.liug tn-'isures to revive the Tariff «yst< tn. Southern Hero'de . ——— - A wag of ,h folios by oiitie .'ulti.'ky aeei dent made a str.il. rent in. ’(is p.ui'aJ.i.eis. His landlady dis-oveu*.: riTi.l- e . uffmi a chair under him Hb ’ tt.i:. . . fide .sore Ito pnil i. 'v -y u.-.u. e.e.i. :I . teeling jvffnt » as 'U.si the i-.jltir •f b>s shirt vuh b . rids -.< i o itin.- gol'y, yoti ji.u —. r iii cj.,.r«u 1-ejSsre yea oC,,* U. S. C 0 N G R E S S. REMARKS OF Mr. C<>PER, OF GEORGIA. House of Representative*, January 16, IP4O. Mr. COOPER, of Georgia, rose and said : 1 voted y eater.!ay on this queslii.n to sns|»end further debate. The House had refused the | retains questioi., thereby in dicated a disposiiitvo to hear. It liowevt r. ihe 11 use is not dis|rosod to hear discussion, tam more than content to desist. Ii tins lie the pleasure of gentlemen, it is now in tiieir |a>v»er to give that direction. Ii is only necessary to give the intimation, aml I win pet tue subject in such a shape ; s to accomplish their wishes. [Here Mr. < made a short pause.] \l ithout such a de sire expressed, it will not be coisidered a tiespass on the time to proceed with « u.it i have to say on a subject ot learlui import. It would be my purpose, touching ibis, matter, to make no move, to call for no ac tion, but to sit, with folded arms, resolved to leave it to tiiose who bring such firebrands here, to propose such a course as, in their opinion, tin: House should adopt, it is to ue regretted t■ ..it my friend from .-south Carolina (Mr. Thompson) has telt it his duty to pieseut a proposition. It I could (latter inyseil that a request of mine could prevail with ih t gentleman, 1 would ask him to withdraw his amendment. [Mr. Thompson, ol South Carolina, nose mm sold licit, .tuber than have any difficnl .y with ins friends, he would withdraw Ins proposition. Mr. Bald‘e entreated the gentleman from Sooth Carolina, not to withdraw ins resolution. He appealed to his geiiernsi.y, and iinplmed him to allow him an opporiu m'y ol exp!:.hung Ins views on this .nailer —all opportunity he pind b-um seeking lot i:i v.iin lor ihe last two years. Mr. Black hoped ilie gentleman from South Carolina would withdraw ins r< solu tion, unless every gentleman oil the floor who desired to address the House on iuis subject should have the same opportunity of doing so. Mr. Thompson, of South Carolina.— Then 1.1“ no. withdraw it.] Mr. Cooper resumed. I’wo days ago, Mr. Speaker, when a question ol reception was propounded on preseniaiion of aboli tion petitions, a well informed gentleman staled to us that on a direct vote, less than one fourth ofthe members would be found voting to reject them. Jf.it a crisis like the present such a result could obtain let it be made known. Upon ibis, as upon all ques tions. it is the duty of the United States Congress to act with perfect frankness.— An open and manly course is dim to its owu character, and that alone is calculated to exhibit its true sentiments to the People we represent. We should in .roll directly up to the pilin', arid pronounce unequivo cally what we think is expedient and right in regard to the reception of these petitions. Any other policy on this occasion argues either disrespect for the petitioners, ora fearfulness ot responsibility unworthy of a member of Congress. This plain, direct, anti upright course is demanded by the wishes ot those who petition, as well as by tue interests ol those who arc to be aggriev ed by the petitions. Sir, tlie welfare of the State of Georgia requin s that you should pronounce an opinion rejecting these petitions; or if you wou.il not reject them, that you should in t're it known. She has no party interests to serve by tiiis. These are considerations 100 light, ton trivial, too pitiful, lo enter in to her estimate ai this time and on this oc casion. The same influences which bring these petitious here, and the same arguments wliicti are invoked in behalf of the petition ers, have carried and sustained an open at tack upon her domes ic relations, and upon the rights of properly held by uer eitiztnis It is therefore, she claims of you, by the obligation of duty you owe to her, to reject this class of petitions, saying to the petition ers you are endangering the Government, and destroying the peace anil harmony of the .States, ifvou will not deal tints candid ly with them, and are of opinion they otigh-’ to he received, let the South understand you- The Slate ol'Georgia may tiieai, with prudence, safety, wisdom aud efficiency, adopt her own policy in respect to matters about which she is deeply concerned. J desire to disembarrass this subject of the party trammels that have beeu thrown around it. The ground on which you fight is sacred—rendered so by the Constitution. The People, affected by your political ban dy ism, are, by that instrument, urging on you the obligations of duty ; are claiming the repose of peace ami quiet. Tue foot ball, which is the instrument of your sport in this game, wounds us of every impulse you give it. It is a weapon which, placed in the hands of either, deals death blows to all around---death to us aud our interests, or death to your Govmu.nent. Sport on, therefore, if you must, aud strive which shall receive mast pleasure, or suffer least pain; in the win ! up. your pleasure will turn to pain, ami your joy into sorrow. The subject before us is the reception or rejection of abolition j>eti:ions—petitions praying the abolition of slavery in the Dis trict of C Intribin and the Territory of Flori ‘.a. We complain of tho petitions as an evil I propose to examiu into : The nature, source, and extent of this evil; our duty in regard to it; and the remedy. The proposition of my friend from South Carolioa. now on your table, is not the proper on*-, being at lies' ambiguous, un cerium, and indirect. I desire a rejection of the petitions. 1 proceed, however, to consider the first point---the nature, source, and extent of evil in these petitions. Here, sir, lam ad vise! by some that lite aigument was ex hausied on some former occasions, before mother Congress. 1 will, nevertheless, of fer the re aw us which, as 1 conceive, in your wis loin should control tltis subjet t. I desire to do it dispassionately and deliber ately, that ti»“ truths which I may utter may not be lost in a tempest, being ascribed to rage. 1 desire to do it without the aid of declamation, in its loftiest effort, tlie gravi ty of tiiose truths would sink them beyond our view. What I shall say is intended for this House, il it please to hear; for those es pecially who bring and advocate here these p-ti'i.ms; for them aud their constituents, not for mine. When I address my consri to. nts, I prefer to be nearthem, and meet them lace to lace. Before i proceed, sir, it is indispensable that 1 exact of gentlemen a concession of one point, without which no argument can i.e maintained, no truth tested. What is i* at / It is this: The Constitution, as adopted aud writieu, shall prove the truth ol i .r pnsiiion, and form <he sole measure oftrii ri lu and wrong. Without this we ar thrown back fin first principles. Each Suite stands for itsell, and this Government ssfsso.ved. Toil admit, then, the Consti tu-n ri is the only rule aud measure of our obligat,»im and powers. Tat every as j-emoo of sivery claim of right, or declaration of duty, is tested by its pro visions. That uo higher test can be reler red to, to correct or overrule politically a decision made by the application ol its principles. The gentleman from New York, (Mr. Granger.) alter expressing his contempt ol local opinious and sectional interests, has pointed us to the ‘•corrected opinion oj man kind, the enlightened philanthropy oj the aerc,” to put us right on 'luestions here in volved. Sir, I have elsewhere heard of “ob ligations paramount'’ to the Constitution by which to test these political relations. This erroi is radical, strikes a‘ the foundation of our Government, and prostrates the whole fabric. '» he .Siates have created no such obligations, acknowledge uone such politi cally, and will have none such forced on them. .Such opinions are disorganizing and revolutionary. They give a ..euili blow I to all constitutional freedom, will establish the Church, aud make the Pope supreme on earih. The Constitution, then, is the true rule of our political faith, the sole test ofrccti tuile in practice. It was made by tlie Slates whose |>eoplc had pre existing politi cal relations. It was made lor them, ac cordingly tnth.se established connexions. By these, the brings forming 'lie subject of these petitions had no citizenship, but were as vctilv property as your lands. Is this denied ? If so, the argument is exhaus.ed, and the Union dissolved. This instrument, rendered practical by agents appointed ior that purpose, in the Government, and is formed lor the Stales that made it, and lor the pople ol those States, who then possessed a political re lation to each other, and for no pther; aud for them in no other relation. The rights and privileges then existing, not thereby surrendered or (orbidd n, with those which were by il created, were tiie objects to be secured to those lor whom t'v* Government was established. The riilit of property was one ; yes, the right of property in slaves. Does any one and uy it here? 1 pause tor reply. NotOne! (Sir, it has been denied elsewhere by high au tiiori'y.) without that, this Union would not have been formed. Is this denied ? i pause fur reply. It is admitted. Among those privileges is the quiet and powerful enjoyment tins right. Another is the freed iom of speech, “the treedoin ol the pass, and I lie right peaceably lo as semble and to petition the Government for redrest of grievances.” All ot these, how ever sacred or inviolate, are in some sense more or less restricted, limned, and deniable in ihe exercise—the “right of petition,, or freedom ol speech not less so than the light of property. This results from the fact that, as between the several States, or citizens of each, the one has rights and privileges equal with the other; wherefore the Iv.ivernineut cannot be adininister a d, or long exist, unless you decline the exercise of a mere privilege when it destroys a right of property; the “freedom of speech,” lor instance, when it would rob me of reputa tion ; the “freedom ofthe press,” when the effect is the same, or to destroy the peace of a whole community. This is light, too, on the plain principles of that “natural justice” which is such an idol in yout worship. To speak, to write, or petition, in {a matter that does not im mediately interest you, with which you are not personally connected, and lies not at your door, if a privilege at ail, is a mere naked privilege, the benefits of which result not to yourself particularly, but to “man kind at large,” Do you not perceive it/ Is not this going beyond the Constitution ? And what is this but a second crusade? Sir, it wants but tlie armor, the military parade, and the battle array, to make it liter al. Let it be remembered that it is the pride and glory ofthese States to have instituted (lie novel experiment ol a writ'eii Constitu tion, without which, aud beyond which, there is no power and no government; without that, we have no rule of political action, and dare not express a political opinion. Th “ universal opinion of mankind" is not our rule; half of them have uot seen or heard of our Constitutio l. Now, sir, suppose the exercise of this mere naked privilege, which benefits another, not y ourself, the loss consequent mu which exercise falls not on you, but on another, whose rights you have not only pledged but swnri' to r. spec and delend. shall tend to take from me my property in person or thing ? Have you a right to such exercise ? By the Constituiiou you must s.-.y no; by those “eternal principles of right” which these petitioners worship, f"* which they run tough shod over the charter of our liberty, and subvert the Union, you will answer no. Suppose again, under such circumstan ces, you refuse to receve petitions—is that a denial ofthe “right peaceably to assem ble and to petition the Government for a redrf.ssjof grievances ?” Il so, Imw do you check debate lire ? how does one man rise and speak whilst all are made to sit ? how <lo you chain the slanderer’s tongue, lie the hand of the libeller, or hung a man for inditing treason? This privilege, or right of petition, in the cases before you, is inferior to my right of property, and the enjoyment thereof, under the compact. The fatter is greater, tlie former less, aud must yield. Is this not so ? Most certainly. If so, then the refusal tn recieve these petittons, which is made tlie false pretext for exciting the sy mnathiesand mil. lining the passions of men, women, and children, is not only right, but becomes your duty, under the most solemn of all obligations. Duty to us requires it, that we may peaceably enjoy the rights that belongs to us. Duty to them demands it, that they may turn their thoughts on themselves, and perceive their error. And if you owe any thing to the opinions of mankind, to “jus tice,” or religion, duty to all requires it, that men mav not be “inquisitive about other men’s matters, become railers nor disturbers of tlie peace;” that you may not doin justice. without warrant, to let what you call “ nut ura■ justice' be done;, and that this “opinion of mankind” may be corrected, by reference to your rule, of which they are ignorant. Under our Government, there are not on ly mutual rights, but reciprocal duties. — Vo”r Government is undei the same obli gations, if not greater, lo respect and main tain the rights of Georgia, than she is to obey your lawful enactments. So of these petitioners, and the people ot Georgia.—- Having admitted our right of property, it is your duty not to move by petit ion or other wise. This is true, whether the effect of your petitions be to destroy my property contrary to my will, or to lessen its value by indirect means beyond my control- If this be not so, what rigiit have, you to complain of your neighbor, who puts a torch to his own dwelling, wbicn, by possibility, may communicate to yours? There is one oilier political and histori cal truth I wish observed; for, in traciugthe evils that surround us to their source, we shall illustrate that a failure to uotice tnrsh.is led most of the abolitionists into daugerous errors. It is'his: your Government was ! not made lor negroes or slaves. If. in furm •_ n 8 **» you had atteii)|>ted that, it would have i filed. Those who come here with pe titions, cl iiuiingjuifice, need not startle at this; and il. m your excursions through Europe, you blush to he lolu of it, hide your blushes, come home, upset y our Gov ernment, and lorm anew one. Do not hold us to the old one, and set up the“o pinioii ol mankind,” gathered in Europe, as the rule ol our pohtical action. Our peo ple are about as ignorant of that role as you and hall of IJurope are ofthe Constitution W e seldom go to Europe, because we pay you to go lor us ; hence, we do not suffer ihe infliction of that opinion” as you do; but if that is y our “ grievance you may stay at home, and let us go. This Union was formed for the States--- the People ofthe States—that People who then had their respective Constitutions and laws establishing their political, civil, and domestic relations. Negroes had no hand in it, here or at home, and were not referred lo when you proposed “to establish justice,” and “seen *e the blessings of liberty to our selves and our posterity." Do you think so ? If so, speak out. Now, sir, having presented these undeni able truths, with a view to trace existing evils to their source, J proceed to inquire who are they that petition us? Are. hey the owners ol the property in slaves ? Not so. Are they citizens of slave holding communities? Very well. Asa general iule. ue admit the tight of Massachusett’s citizens to peiitior. To whom do they petition ? To Congress; compos and of members from slaveholding as well as non-slaveholding Stales. By the same general rule, it is granted to be the duty of Congress to receive petitions. When are these petilio s offered ? T'ue, it is at the call of Massachusetts, but hap pens to be very prejudicai to very important money claims of my constituents, as well as those of other gentlemen, and possibly to the prejudice of still larger interests; anil, therefore, it would have been better to have kept them back for a few weeks. Still it was their day, and no objection can rightful ly- ba urged on that ground. For whom do they petition? For them selves ? No. For Europe, or Asia, or Afri ca, or the citizens of either ? It is not so represented; aud, if it were, it must be ad mitted that they, as individuals could not petition you. For whom then? It need not be disguised; these petitions are for and on behalf ofthe negroes or slaves of this District and the several States. Yes, these petitioners have placed themseves by ihe side of the slave.-. o( the South, inciting them to rebellion; aiding them to wage war with their masters; presenting pett lions lor hose tfchn have no tight to ask any thing of you; joining an issue with their masters, which, to make or join at home, and under the laws governing master and slave, isdeath ; doing and saying that which being done aud said within the jurisdiction of a state here represented is incendiary, insurrectionary,and felonious. All litis i.- dime and said here to those who are depute I specially to represent the great interests ol tire South. And we, it is contended, are boun I to receive all this, or bear it and sub mit. Il this be true, .lien do your worst; and you can only take one step further under the banner of a “ ‘sacred right of petition,” that will be to look a little closer into our domestic circle, and petition that our children quit their parents, and oui wives have pet mission to leave their hus bauds. Where is tlie philosopliist who can insist on the reception of such papers; or where the Christian, with all the light bp fore him, who can prav for such results ? What true republican can support sucii startlinir doctrines ? But for what do they pray? “ Forthe ambition of slavery and the .-lave trade in this District and the Territories.” Tins you have ino (lower by the Constitution or laws to do. Why? The reasons are at hand. Grant, argument sake, that your Govern ment has all the po ver in this District and the Territories wide . the States have in their limns; you still have no power to do it, since it would deprive individuals of their property without their consent. Government is made to protect an.! de fend the rights of property, not to subvert them. There would be wauling even (he pretext that ti e property was for public use. By numbers and tlie aid of the stvord, you might effect your object; but the hisiory of the last twenty years lias proved that freemen will figiit for much less cause. Is it pretended that this Government has a “public use” for this property ? Quite the reverse. What, then, do you do with that clause afyour Constitution which says: “ Nor snail private property be taken lor public use without just compensation?” And let it be remembered, this taking “for public use” is an exception to the broad provisions that it shall not be taken at all. And what shall we do with our oaths to support such items ? But it is denied that Congress lias the same powers here and in the Territories which the States have in their respective limits. Why ? Because its powers are defiued and limited, boih as to the objects and purposes lor which and on which it may act. The •‘exclusive power to legislate in all cases whatsoever" in this District is subject to corresponding limitations and restricti ms laid on its powers in other respects, aud must be consonant thereto, otherwise this giant of “exclusive power” would ope rate to subvert every right of the citizens here. Not only so, Coegress is under obli gations to Virgina and Maryiasnd as well as to all the slaveholding States, not to abolislt slavery here or in ttie Territories. The ex istence Oi such obligations is neither more nor less than, In older words, to assert a want of power to do what it is obliged not to do. Consider these petitions in reference to their practical effect, and what is it but to as! you to rob us by lortn of law, to sub vert our institutions, burn our dwellings, siir up civil war. and commit murdet and rapine? Sir, we ask not your protection at home, we do not need it. If we need it, it is against your ignorauee of our rights, or your willful disregard to them, and to your solemn obligations of duty. It follows, then, that there is no power to grant such petitious ; that, if there was, it would be manifestly unjust, as much so as to receive a petition from me to burn the dwelling of the geutleinau from New York. (Mr, Granger.) Wherefore, then, the ob ligation to receive? In truth, is there not a positive duty to r jeet *hem ? The abolitionists are not that worthless, disreputable, and unimportant class of peo ple they are sometimes represented to be. And here I beg to correct the honorable gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr. Thompson.) . In the large commercial ci ties, comparatively few respectable and in telligent citizens are found to be abolition ists. ’j’fycre is an interest felt in those com mercial communities which bears down this spirit of fanaticism. But go iuto the country, the ulterior villages and towns; there you will find th • soul and spirit of that body called abolitionists; aud they a.e far from being low, mean, or couteinplnde ; they are sober, industrious, religious, and intelligent, on all matters pertaining to tiieir own interest—most ignorant of our Constitution and law.*, and our rights un der them. Unort ii irately, by education and habit, they are confiding, and readily yield to the lead of those whose interest it is to have them follow. They have a fanatical zeal for this abolitionism, and nothing cau ses them to pause but a conviction that tlie Government will be dissolved if they perse vere. Knowing tins, their leaders persuade them there is no danger. You have only to satisfy them that disunion results from abolition, and they give it up. Am I rigiit, or am 1 wrong? Two summers, spent north of this, have taught me that. 1 have it not from po iticians, but Irom the unsophisticated farmer, having conversed with hiin in his fields. You therefore, who represent this body of men, will al low us, through you , to address a word to your constituents Do now what you have failed to do heretofore. Examines sldelly your rule of political truth. Bead oui Constitution and the history of its forma tion. Call on your editors, lecturers, and agents, to disseminate, utter, and publish tracts on those subjects without comment; ponder well your duties and obligations mi uer them—the respeelyou owe to our rglns; compare the lorct ofthese with your sei.se ol duty, merely to petition for abolition. Have you oiade no pledges to us in thn* instrument by which we united as Slates/ As Christians, can you lie insensible to the obligations of your promises? Alter you shall have answered these questions, and made ihe examinations demanded of you, tlieu remember that among other grievan ces enumerated by the colonies during the Revolution, and published in your Declar tion of Independence, inciting your slaves to insurrection was one. How you expect us to cease to burn with indignation, whilst you, under pietence of * a sacred right of petition," pray upon us the ver y grievance youi fathers fought lo revenge ? You are inveigling aud enticing our slaves, seducing theiirfroiu the path of obedience, and incit - ing them to insurrection. Sir, I call on the gentlemen from New York, from Maine, and from Massaciiti seils, wiien they go home, so give their citi zens light on these points. Ask the Cov er. Oi ol New York what are his opinions? Are you prepared, with him, to deny this right of property ? If so, let us all know it Will you joiu issue with him—then publish his error to tlie four winds. Is not all per sonal proper y a subject of theft aud larce uj ? But I lurbear. One item of recent history strikes me here ; it is this. “Lar ceny ot a slave is uo crime in the Empire State”—the obligations of youi Constitu tion notwithstanding—since the Governor ot that Stale (The Speaker here interrupted Mr. C. and informed him that ii was not in order to ail ole to tin- Governors ofthe Stales. Mr. Baroarii begged that the gentleman might proceed.] Mr. Cooper continued- Mr. Speaker, it appeals to me that a very large arid ic spectalne portion oi this Union overtook, disregard, am! habitually disparage the rights and iti.eresls of another portion. J refer to the North and South So habitu al is the disregard ofthe funner lor the lat ter. that they induce us to believe tuey con sider ibis Government as existing almost exclusively for themselves. One would suppose that, to be tributary to their rail roads, canals and turnpikes, their fortifica tions a.d light houses, ilietr foreign and domestic commerce, their manufacture: and hanks, and. thereby, to their splendid cities, their farms and country seats, would suffice, aud we might be permitted peacea bly to use md enjoy a portion ol the me ns (hat enable us to make contribution. B u t not so. So they petition, loud, numerous, and strong, that we be compelled to give up that also ; and if we deny their rigiit so u petition, tiiis denial of an undue exercise of a l ight of petition is the foundation ot clamorous appeals to the •• law of nature,’ “eternal justice,” aud the “opinion of mankind,” which are claimed to be tit higher obligations than the Constitution itself. Idleness and fanatical zeal for na'ural liberty, regardless of law, form tlie soutce of all the mischief those people are working it rough the country. Your abolitionists have a “ zeal without knowledge,” which being wrought upon byeditoas, lured lectu r rs and agents, ends in wickedness. These being otherwise out of employment, fan the flame whereby numbers are adtled and con tributions increased. Abolition excitement, therefore is made the nucleus of a party that sives employment to (lie otherwise unem ployed, clothes Ihe naked, and feeds the hungry. Politicians watch the movement, and, by leaning to them, or openly advoca ting them ride into power. A few men of wealth, influence, talents, and education, filled with the vanity of future fame, have thrown themselves iu the attitude of leaders. So controlling have they already become in New ,ork and Maine, that it has become a matter of interest and rivalsbip with the local parties to address themselves more and more near to their views. It is not to be disguised that the two great parties in this House consider this subject more w.ith ref erence to party effect than the principles of your Constitution. One party, as a whole, is by profession and practice somewhat more friendly to our interest, on this ques tion, than the other, resulting m-'inly freni their respective positions; but either seem hitherto to have fixed limits short of what our rights and the Constitution authorize them to go. How, then, are we to stay an evil that is sweeping the North, springing from the wains and necessities of men, being identi fied with tlie labor of the country, and fed by religions fanaticism ; which is the theme of poetry ami romance; the subject of lec tures, sennons, and prayer meefings; which is cradled wit h infancy ; instilled i>y educa tion ; caricatured in pri.it shops ; direettd and lauded by an unrestrained press; which is addressed to and received by the beggar and the lordling; the male and the female, in city, town, and country ; which is advoca ted by lawyers, and doctors, judges and ju rors, priests and laymeu ; is admitted to control politicians, Governors, and State Legislatures; affects the Presidential con troversy ; influences this House; divides North iind South; unites with Church and State; and now shakes the Union ? Hotv shall we arrest it ? Ours i an awful respon sibility. But the country requires us to take il; posterity will hold us accountable. Y’ou have the remedy inyonrswn hands, if you choose to apply it Tell these pe titioners this is a subject they ought not, cannot petition for. And when you return, meet them at their firesides, and in their fields ; plant y ourselves on the charter „f our freedom ; summon fact and reason ; | * not to tell them they are injuring their neigii bots, and dissolving the Government * , * ; V ,in a *° apply this remedy here sir the Smuth most take the alternative ; liel.i her rights, permitting you to «, e ,i,e (j u eminent .or your own benefit, and abuse it tor our injury or dissolve. Failing lo your duty here, Georgia, one of y„ur com federates, willing to hear advice, but tied to act for herself, must do what her interest aud happiness require. 1„ } lL , r trover-ies connected with il, e subject «h" cannot admit your power to decide for \ , T —she cannot ask it—Maine could not sub nut to it—if she does l,b ' (The Speaker here interrupted Mr (J \ Mr Cooper continued. I „ a8 going m that, tithe power was claimed here ,m A, serted, and your judges, marshals, posse' or army were ordered out to force Maine— (The Speaker, again iuterr pted. Mi. Evans and Mr. Smith, of Maine hn "Ton 1 ) BemlCU,au would Le permitted to Mr. Cooper said it was not his intention hen or ever, to violate order; he thanked the Speaker lor Ins kindness in enforcing order, and the House I’m its courtesy if, wtsning him to go on. The reference to Maine and to Now Y ork w,,s mad.: with the sole view ol illus: rating the propriety of m plying rule here, calling for a non-recep tion ot these petitions, which might avert a m »re disagreeable alternative. ° Gentlemen have said this is the way to multiply abolitionists, and the gentleman t.-mn I eonessee [M r. Gentiv] says, receive rtler. and leport on them, an i the abolition ists will lie satisfied. Sir, this subject was urged by petitions as early as 1 790, by a most worthy and intel ligent community ofpm.pl,,, , t ie Quakers. Georgia had her Baldwin and Jacks.m then to oppose them ; a reference ami report were made. Such, with little variance, con tinued to be she coutse, till the object of the abolitionists changed, and the honorable geutleni in Horn New Turk [Air. Granger] wiff permit me to correct him. In lsd-i, and 1836, the excitement began to mu high. Respectful treatme- t, reception, and reports, only strengthened them, un-’ ill, on tiiis floor, honorable gentlemen as serted a power in Congress to abolish slave ry m the States, aid declared that slaves had a right to memorialize this body.— Have gentlemen forgotten the course ot Mr. Pinckney the same now urged by the gen tleman trom Tennessee. [Air. Gentry!] He had a reference and a report. Did that satisfy or check abolitionism? No, the cause have continued to operate, and the el tccts to increase. Wherefore, then, uu Southern men wish a reference again ? I have trespassed on your patience longer titan I intended. The importance of (he subject and the interest of my constituents is the apology. Sir, I leave tins unpleas ant subject with you ; unpleasant it is, in the extreme. Here, at home, throughout this Union, look at it in all its aspects, it is learlui to the North aud the South. The issue is at hand, and you are bound lo speak the language ol truth and sincerity to the North and the South, to cease on tins ques tion youi party-movements, and reli us what you think. Reject these petitions, through regard to the constitutional ijgips ot the States. Quiet the south, and let iheNoah understand Mini the Government is totter ing. Do this, and you effect much to avert the storm an.j silence tlie commotion of the elements. But let die influences that drive these documents here move on, yield yoursHi to them, and, we say, talk not to Georgia ol her obligations to a trampled by others uuder foot. She is an I tttnble, submissive instrument at the foot stool of power, or she will rise and de!y (hose who would “incite her slaves te in surrection.” F om the Neio York 'limns. SUB-TKKASURY BILL. Our readers are alrertly award I hat the “bill of abominations.” tbe sub-treasury bill, has passed the Senate of the United butts— or, in other words, the bill received a ma jority ut the voids of .Senators present at its final passage. When this measure was first biongi.t toward by Gen. Gorden ol Virginia, we wire opposed to it. Gen. Gordon introduced his sub-treasury hill into the IJotise of Repre sentatives in ld£t. It then met the decided opposition ol tlie entire democratic party. Gen. Jackson denounced it as "disagraniaed and revolutionary,” putting the people’s money in a position to he “plundered by a hands where one could not now reacli it”—and as greatly “enlarging execu tive power and patronage.” These truly republican sentimetns were echoed flirungit tbe land, and produced an almost im. t diaio abandonment of tlie project, llcrc we sup posed the scheme was at an cud. At least we neverthaught it would oe revived by a party failing its II Jcmo'rntic ; and our read ers well know our supr sc ond astonishment when Air, \ ait Bunn announced the bid as the leading measure of Ins administration. Had t fis scheme, the experimenters and spoils men, been left to it- own merits, it would long since h ve been defeated, and its projectors consigned to oblivion. This Mr. \ an Burin ami iiis abettors knew, aud refustd when solicitied. to biing it forward in ary ottier way than as a pa, ly measure. < u par ty grounds alone, then, has this great ‘Rev olutionary" measure been carried through the Senate ; and on party grounds, alone, will it pass the House of reprseutatives, if it passes at all. We do not call the attention of our read ers o this subject, at this time, on any new points ; lint mearly to show that some of the results of the system predicted by us, arc fully admitted by its friends ill the United States Senate, and not now denied bv any of the Vitn Buren organs. Mr. Buchannan of Petisylvania and Mr. Walkefr ol Mississi|i. both admitted that the first operation of the sc erne would be to reduce the price of labor, and justified the measure on that ground . The also admitted thet all kind of property am 1 business would be depressed in a ratio with labor. Well did Gen. Jackson ex claim that the msasure was '■'revolutionary.'' This is a part of the operation of the project of which wc have foreworned the people time and again. Our labors are to feel the first effects of Mr. Van Buren’s democratic (•) sub-Treasury instrument ;then in successiuu our mechanics and farmers, and all, “who trade on borrowed capital” are to fall be neath its influence, Creddit is to be anni hilated ; and none are to be benefited but the capitalist and the office-ho'dcr. The former, with his “specie claws,” may grasp the last morsel from the starving poor. The latter, as one of the “privileged order” can lord it over the “common head. Do the advocates of this scheme, we mean such portions of the people as have been cajoled into the belief that it will be a ben eficial measure, suppose that rheie will be an immedate decline in house rent, the price of marking, fuel in short, of all the nerses saries of life. If they do they will be misia*