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thor of these Resolutions to hope, or to ask at'he hands of abolitionists justice by the enactment of a law to the penalties of which Philbrook and Kell«r:in would be submitted, wbeu these individuals were but engaged in the very object to which the makers themselves have been so long and so entirely devoted ? Could we hope that they would aid us in requiring a federal judge to cause these pr ictical emancipationists to be delivered up when they them .elves are bound to the same cause as a part ol their religion ? To my mind, thes*- questions contain their own answers, and the b ire probability of defeat on such a question, should, in'ray judgement, restrain us from voluntarily submitting our rights to tire de cision of those, who declare slavery to be a heinous gin in the sight ol’Gnd and man. i»ut suppose we could carry a majority of Congress to the passageof such a law, what would we have accomplished? Nothing, mure or less, than the enactment of another To ice Bill, wherewith, we in our shoit sightedness, might please ourselves in the i ital hope of coercing the Soverign Stale of Maine through the instrumentality of the Federal Government, to recognize our rights of domestic slavery. This done—the sub mission and depredation of M tine accoin plished. the sains potent leveller is in re serve for ourselves, “'when it shall please ourcoumry to need our death,” and the sane dagger we sharpen for the State of M due, is still clutched in the federal gr.isp ready tube used for our humiliation. Ii is -.1 well kuowu fact, Sagun pursued these tnviiives, and r .-captured Ins property with i i the juris l lotion of Maine—if we pass this I iw, the Abolitionists of that State, as they have threatened, would indict Sagurs in tiie Court for kidnapping a tr ie Biil be found, a dent m I m id • o;. the “Circuit .1 udge, hav ing jurisdiction in ti e St re.” and Geor gia, the Soverign and Independent State of Georgia --one of the old Thirteen, whose blood ll >weJ like w iter in the Revolution, wo il Ine cu re.; / i.it.i a vile ao I humiliat ing submission t • the Federal Authorities, and that too, by virtue of. i law which she herself had proposed to her confederates, and against wlii’di, therefore, she could raise neither her ar u nor her voice. The Presi dent might believe that he was ‘'bound by higher obligations than the Constitution.” to “lake care tiiat the 1 nv be ex •ruled, and ihe sa ue see a-s w licit vere enacted be- I ire. Charleston in 1 a ’. 1. would be. re-enact ed with variations in Hie port of Savannah. Caught in her own nap the State of Georgia would be powerless for offence or defence il •rci.i'oro, our strength and power lias re fciilted from the evident truth >n I c.iiisuten* cv of our principles and pox it so n ; sweep lliese a iay from us anil you strip us of all loose moral li mill, ations which alone give tile and energy la physical mailer. We snail cea-e to lie light, and although, fora v. nle we m gut make a show ol resistance ii would tie mil the vain ami infuriated ef forts ol bmie force unaided, unchastened anil liircoufolled by the voice of reason, nr the virtue of principle. All that would be left to os to do, win'll I lie to gather up the shatter ed parrs of nir Can titnfnm. which, scatter ed around us by otir mvri act. would like the fragments id .a broken mirror, present tons m ii'uliiplied red-ciions, lie* revoivi ig spec tacle of self hutnil* itioa produced by our t>wii tmpriaeiple 1 lolly 1> it rSir, so re are other cousiilerations ‘than those >i p diev. which altogether pre clude in.’ Ira n moving 'lo se iriloriiinate R •solutions. I allude to the obligations I owe lo tile Constitution of the Coiled Suites which Isw ire i,i sil l’s irr w'u-n I took inv seat in the 11 iin-'of Represent Hives. I wi I not refer your Excellency to the lrtih Art of the am M 1 units of tli it Instrument v herein it is declared tint "tin* p i W.rs not delega ml to the Fade.l S'at-s by ih‘ (-mi* ■srituiiu i” nor prohibited by i’ to the States, are re served ii> tli • St lies '•respectively. «r lo the peop'e,” becanse the .p<«'e of the Shale oi'Geiirgia to at in this matter so far from being “| lolllbiieu.” is expressly re 'setv f t o.atid enj >in don iter by the 2 I Se ; of (lie 4th Art. of lite F institution.— T i'li it secturi is in t!i *.<■* words :—“A person ihirgel in aiv Sine with treason, felony, or other crime, who <!i ill tlee fnrn j istire. and i • fiu i I in another St.it -. shon tl ■ nan I of:he Exccutivc authorhy of the Slate frnili which lie fled, lie '’elivered up, I . be rem it’ll to the State, having juris t'ictrou o- the crime. Here then, is positive written proof, tiiat tin: right to demand a fugitive from justice, lias not Ijegn granted to the General Gov ernment, but his been reserved to “the State fro u which ho Had which State is ■cle ir|y recognized ia the same section as “having juris liction of the, crime.” If t!t -i, the C institution which spoke into ex istence, the federal Government, clearly yields Up and reserves to the Stati this im portant right not only to “demand,” but to try the “fugitive from justice," l n*k by 'v'rat process ol reasoning do you arive at the conclusion, that Congress his the Constitutional power “to prescribe the forms which would give authenticity to the de mand.” The form is contended-lor when the substance is (den eI ! Sr, the language of the preamble to these Resolutions, “the past legidatian on this iias been pre (Jieted aipan” a “ presumption ,” whieb al though it might find “its warrant in the mutual fidelity which promptly responded do all executive demands,” finds no warrant in the Constitution, either by express grant or implication. Any act of the General Gov eminent on t his subject, must be un constitutional, because there is “no grant ol power” in the Instrument to our-tcderal agent, to interfere cither substantially, or in the prescription ofl'orms. lfany tiling is yet wanting to convince your Excellency ot the rectitude of iny position, turn with me to the Statute of 1793; tlie.re you will find that Congress, while acting upon the ••pre sumption” of prescribing forms in a matter wholly foreign to its jurisdiction, attached no sanction, and affixed no penalty upon those who should refuse to abide by the forms prescribed. Aware that this lcgislai tion was founded on a “pres uinption” that body set no punishment on those who should disregard it, but left it to find “its guaran ?;e” iii the “pledged faitli’ of those whom it might concern. Resides the penalty, if declared, would necessarily lia v e been in flicted on a “State,” to effect which other and more violent, but necess irily conse quent “presumptions" must have been rc . sorted to, in order to sustain the Gene al Government in her Quixotic attempt to cas tigate a Sovereign State. To the State of Georgia then, and not to the Foiled States, we must look fur the protection of her citi zens in their persons and property. I. is lter“ reserved.” nay. her inalienable right, and solemn duty, to protect her own people, and wli-m the compact if the Constitution is violated and broken, it is then high time she should take care that her citizens re- I ceive no detriment. The mode and man ner of redress lies within the depths of her legislative wisdom. Lei Georgia now do what her Legislature in 1837, resolved she ought to do if Muiueshould “neglect to re-^ dress the grievance complained of”—let a convention of the people be called by Exe cutive Proclamation ‘'to take into consider ation, the state of the commonwealth of Georgia, to devise the course of her future policy, and to provide all necessary safe guards tor the protection of the rights ol her people.” To such a Convention lam willing to submit all the deep inteie*t, which I, in common with my fellow-citizens, leel in this most important and vital ques tion. With considerations of high esteem, I have the honor tribe, your Excellency’s Obedient Servant, thl: mirror Saturday, April 11 SS4O. For President, GEORG K M. TROUP. TO OUR PATRON*. Having become interested in the publican tiou ot the Columbus Enquirer, and hav ing m nle arrangements by which we expect shortly to take part in the management of that press, the undersigned tender to the community at huge, their warmest thanks for the patiouage so liberally bestowed upon them during the last two years. The Mir ror has now reached the end of its second volume, and under the arrangement just al luded to, will hereafter be merged in the Columbus Enquirer. Our subscribers may expect, therefore, to receive the Enquirer in lieu of the Mirrof, and our advertising friends are informed that all advertisements now appearing in ihe Minor, (their term of publication being not yet expired,)|\vill also appear in tiiat print. This arrangement, it is hoped, will not only be satisfactory to all parties, but will operate to the benefit of all, inasmuch as the circulation of the E uquirer is necessarily much more extensive than that of the Mirror was ever expected to be, and its location in a city es idle importance of Columbus confers upon it facilities and ad vantages for collecting and publishing news lar superior to those we have enjoyed in Florence. To the good people of Stewart, ajd es pecially to tlie State Rights portion of iliem, we will ailil that the columns of the Enqui rer will always be open for their delV.uce, and that we s all continue to feel as deep ail interest in their puli ieal and individual wel fare as though we were personally among them. 15. GARDNER. J. L. HULL. We owe a i apology lo the Southern Whig for having noticed 't among the State Rights papers of Georgia that had hoisted the Harrison Banner. We weie misled in making thp announcement, the Whig oc cupies the same ground in reference to the Presidential question, that we do ourselves : it advocates the nomination of Gov. Troup by the party itiConvention, but i< willing to abide by the decision of that Convention, w hether Gov. Troup or Gen. Harrison b e tiomiivute and. The Southeon Advocate having un dertaken to prove that we are about to per mit ourselves to he “dragooned by Mr. Calhoun, into the support of Martin Van Buren,” wc are'reminded of the Atheist’s attempt to demonstrate from Holy Writ, the non- existence of a God, by quoting a few detached words from the first vCrse of the 14th Psalm. It is clear that the Editor of the Advocate had opened our paper for the first time, and read but the single para graph which constitutes the subject of his comment, when he made the very extraor dinary charge against us of being "blind to the faults of Mr. Calhoun,” and ready to be lead by him into the foul embraces of Van Bureuism. The false const?iction placed upon even that isolated paragraph, eviden ces the fact that the Editor has been inat tentive to all that we have heretofore said upon the subject. Had lie at all con versant with our sentiments and views irs set forth in almost every number of the Mirror, concerning the Presidency, and the claims of the two distinguished individuals who as pire lo the administration of the Govern ment, he certainly would not have opeiied his battery against us, on the ground of our being apologists for the present corrupt dy nasty, and its distinguished Sub-Treasury ally. He even acknowledges the tlisingeq uousness of his attack upon us, by admit ting that his premises are established, not by what we 1 ave said “inso many words,” but by the “inference” which he thinks may be drawn from the tenor of our remarks. The Editor has not, therefore, extended towards us his usual courtesy, else, regarding Mr. Calhoun with such a holy horror, he would not have failed to give us credit for having uniformly condemned in the strongest lan guage wc could command, the inconsisten cy of ’.he Carolina Senator, and his depar ture from aud shameful desertion of the glorious cause of State Sovereignty, in uni ting himself with the sworn, and acknowl edged enemies of the Constitution. If ihe editor of the Advocate will take the trouble to glance at the head of our co lumns, he will find the flag under which we have rallied, adorned with the colors of Geor gia’s own Patriot TROUP-—That name we venerate and esteem —it deserves all the honor that his native State can confer upon it—and we have aJvocated the propriety of giving the vote of the State Rights party to its distinguished possessor ; not that we ev er believed there was the smallest probabil ity of bringing him into the field as a suc cessful competitor for r the Presidency, but simply because we believed it would be the salest medium of preserving the “unity and integrity” of the party, and because we con scientiously believed that we could not, as a party sustain our justly pro 11 and “eleva ted position,” as the only true expounders of the Constitution, were we to unite ourselves and om destinies with either of the two great political parties, one of which is a vowedly Federal, and the other, by its acts h is declared that it is in favor of a grand consolodated Government, the whole power of which shall be lodged in the hands of the Executive, his advisers and iniuion9.— We would support Governor Troup, there fore, because we can lo so consistently with our most cherished principles, and because in so doing we should avoid the danger of contamination, a consequence generally re sulting from a cortact, or rather concert with any powerful party, whose doctrines arc -as lo.ithesomc as those of the Federal and Consolodation parties now at war with each other for the mastery in this govern ment. In reference to the opposing candidates, *vc do not leel disposed, at present, to enter into an investigation of the claims of each, nor to draw a parallel between iliem, if, per lorce a parallel might be dtawn; but we must refer the Advocate to almost any other num ber of the Mirror than that in which he found the unfortunate remark, that “Har rison is no better than Van Buren.” The attentive reader of our paper could not fail to understand the allusion here attempted to be conveyed. In weighing the merits and demirits ol each, wc have never conceal ed our opinion that the weight of Mr. Van Boren’s political sins could not be ex ceeded by those of any other public man in the union. Between the general and leading politic*! principles of General Har rison and Martin Van Buren, there are ve ry few shades’of diffetence; the currency an I a lew other questions of minor import constitute the main points of dissimilarity. They are bath equally opposed to the rule ol strict construction—a rule, on the faith ful observance of which depends the future salvation of tiiis country. Hence our re mark that ‘Harrison is no better than Va» Buren ” the one being no nearer to our principles tlvm the other, aud both being equally anti-Republican, although profess ing to be the followers ol Jefferson. Be tween the two men as mdividnals, however, we have al. ays admitted a very consider able dritcreuce indeed, there are scarcely two points ol resemblance between them ; lor we liave teasons to believe that one is an holiest man that the other ia the reverse. It is needless to make the ap plication. Gen. Harrison as a Military man, has done his country incalculable service, ami 11 os in the course of a long public life, filled with honor to himself, ma ny important civil station to which be was called by the confidence of his fellow citi zens. He has so lar as w« know to the contrary, maintained through life a stainless reputation, and having gone into retirement, has carried with him the friendship aud good will of thousands wim were connected with him in his public career. O. ins opponent less can be said by way <«l c.iiiuiiiKlalion. liis publie acts have always beenol a character to give the lie to his professions, and but little reliance can he pi iced upon his promises or pledges. His virtues are too scattering ever to secure :o him a personal popularity, and his pin chant for aristocratic display makes him un lit to be the President ol a pluiu democratic people. A great deal may be said notwithstanding about the demerits of each, and the argu ment is .sufficiently strong to show the im propriety of the State Rights party uniting either with the Federal Whigs or the Fed eral collar men, in thejseieetion of a chief magistrate who in either event will be an enemy to their principles. No State Rights man will deny that it is an object of paramount importance to retain the laud marks ol our party, as well as to preserve the principles which lie at irs foundation. Can these be accomplished, or rather would it not be placing both in jeopardy were we to give up our distinctive character, and join with the host of Federal politicians who have no regard for our feelings or interests, in elevating to the Presidency one who will not fail to make war upon our principles ? Be this as it in ly, we do not claim to be infall* hie, uor are we so tenacious of our own views as to refuse to act with the party pro vided a convention shall determine to run a Harrison Electoral ticket. We could not be better suited in a Vice President thau we should be in the election of John Tyler of Virginia, yet we regard Gen. H-, r . is 08 poll.ics as being quite a s fexce mnable as Martin Van Buren 5, and do not therefore think it would oe proper for the State ug.its people ol Georgia to make him the ii candidate, lu our last we published the letter of a portion of our Representatives in Congress to the Governor, giving the reasons which influenced them in* refusing to present the resolutions of the Legislature to the Con gress of the United States, bearing upon the relations existing between Georgia and Maine—today wc give place to the letters o* Messrs Black and Cooper, on the sain e sub ject, and as we have no doubt but that the letter of a portion of the delegation receiv ed a careful and attentive perusal, we solicit for those of Messrs Black and Cooper the same attention, assuring our readers that they will be amply compensated for their time and trouble, if, indeed it may be consider ed iu that light. In reading the views and opinions of our Delegation on this important subject, who can fail to draw the contrast between their course and that pursued by our Senators ? While her Representatives refuse to lay the sovereignty and iedependence of Georgia at* th* footstool of Federal power—her Sena tors, whoshoukl.be the principle guardian* of her rights and sovereignty, hesitate not ! o attempt the deed, and in the eff »rt thus to humiliate ami degrade live S;ate, we are not informed that even a hkish of shame fora single moment crimsoned their cheek.— While Georgia’s sons iu the House, refuse to yield up the sacred and inalienable rights secured and guarantied to the States hy the Constitution, and resist the effort made to make them the instruments to tear that sac red compact from the lofiv pinacle upon which our forefathers placed it, and scatter its broken fragments to the four winds ol Heaven—her grave Senators fearlessly amt with unhallowed hands, lay hold ;ml mak< the desperate effort. There is one thing, in reL tion lo this matter, very certain—soim one must be wrong, and it behoves tlie pen pie to exainne the subject and fines out where it exists. In order to do this let them read the letter! of their Representa tives and answer what is there contained in them that is wrong—where a single ex pression which is nut true to tiie letter and spirit of the Constitution ? None—not one. The doctrines laid down by them are true— they arc the only safe-guards of our iude pendence and liberty, and when they shall be disregarded and iroilden under loot, then will our country be ruled with the iron rod of a Despot, and out people fit subjects for his kingdom We had thought that our Senators had mere discretion thau thus attempt to de grade the Stale, even though it should have been at the request of the Legislature.— They should have sno n u t lie people of Geor gia better than to have supposed, for a sin gle moment that they were complying with the wishes of a majority of them, for, al thoughthe FeJera l Legislature should have requested such an act of degradation, there is not one third of the people who would sanction the wishes of that b„dy—the peo ple in tiiat, as we'l as many ether things, were entirely misrepresented, and Messrs Lumpkin and Cuthbert should have been fully apprised of the fact from the knowl edge’ they ought to liave of the people of Georgia. But read the letters of ycut Represents tives—their reasoning and arguments are sufficient to convince any man who lias any honesty about him aud reqtliros uo assis tance from us. To the question of the Chailottee Jour nal tve answer, that we are as heartily tired of the corruption and uial-aihninistration of the party in power, as the best pitriot in tlie Country can possibly be; but we do not know how much w e shall be bettered by the eleva’ion of the opposite party, in whose ranks may be found some of the very worst Federalists of the day. Forour own part, we think that if the country refuses to dis place Van Buren’s swarm of Vam pyres in order to olev.Hw the office booting AVlligs m the election of Gen. Harrison, it will be because it conceives itself in the condition of the Fox which refused to permit the old swarm of flies to be driven aw ay for fear that anew swarm would attack him with renewed vigor, and being hungry would soon suck out the last drop of blood rein, in iug iu its veins. We publish for the information of our friends the following letter from our able and attentive Representative Col. ilawsoti. The bill spoken of by him we intended to have published alsit, but it has been mis laid and ran not be found, those interested however will perceive by the letter of Col. D. that it contained but little that would be. of much benefit to litem—they have howev er renewed assurances that every thing will be done for them tint our present tal ented Delegation will be able to effect House of Uepuesk.vtafives ? 19th March, 1840. £ To the Editorsof tlie .Mirror: Gentlemen.— I enclose you rite present shape of the Bill “To provide for the pay ment of damages sustained hy individuals bv the wars with Indian Tribes since 1840.” Tou Will perceive the cases embraced, will extend but little aid to the citizens who suli'ered so severedy in Georgia and Ala bama, but the sufferers may be assured that Senators and Representatives from both States will do their duty notwithstan ding they imy fail to succeed iu what they may deem just to the suffering claimants. Very Respectfully, Your Irent), WM. C. DAWSON. As tile Mirror is about to be wedded to the Colutnbu9 Enquirer, it will, as a legal consequence lose its name, but IT3 princi ples. It »(!! tlur u j, n under a different cog hom.Cu still continue to advance the sound Republican doctrines which Elevated Jeffer son to the Presidency, and has more thau once been the means of preserving the Union of these mighty States. 15y the Union of the Mirror and Enquirer, the good old Union doctrine of Slate Rights and State Remedies will receive a more energet ic and united support. Correspondence of the Baltimore American. Washington, Vhuch 11. UNITED STATES SENATE. The Vice President laid before the Sen ate communications from the Legislature of Florida which were referred. Maine and Georgia. —Mr. Lumpkin of Geo. presented the resolutions recently a tiopted by the Legislature of Georgia, touching the State of Maine. The resolu tions reter to Philbrook and Kelleran, alledged to have secreted a Georgia slave and to carried him to Maine.—After the reading of the resolution, Mr. Lumpkin said he must ask the indulgence of the Sen ate while he made some remarks in refer ence to the Resolutions. He wished to state the (acts as Ahcy existed. In May, 1837,*a slave was secreted on board the ves sel Boston which left Savannah for the State of Maiue. Messrs • Philbrook and Kell.ran are charged with the act. Tbe Governor ofGeorgia considered them as fu gitives from justice, and made application X> the Governor ofMains to have them do livered. Gov. Dunlap tfctefinetf, and the Legislature of Georgia adopted resolutions renewing the demand for rite frrgitive*. TJov Kent did not coni|riy with tire demand nor Governor Kairtiel I who succeeded, and the legislature of Maine also declined to act upon the applicatiou of Ihe Legislature of Georgia. Mr L. after stateiug the facts and reading extracts applicable to the case from the laws of Georgia a id the Constitution of the U. S., proceeded. The facts which he had read to the Senate he considered most important, ami of a character wkich demand the calm, candid arid patriotic considera tion of every Senator.—One branch of the Legislature of Georgia were for settlir.g the difficulties, summarily, and by State inter position only. A 111 ijority, however, were lor presenting the subject to Congress and lie resolutions which l ad been read were ■he result of the Legislature's deliberations. Mr. Lumpkin said that the State of Geor gia had acted with great forbearance iu oil that had beeu done on this subject- He oeiieved that this I'orb nu ance was in couse queuce of a pioper respect for the authori ty of the Union. Sonic had considered tiie tardiness unjust to herself; but Georgia would be the last Stale iu the Union to submit *.o any wrong. Mr. Lumpkin con eluded with an argument upon the Consti tutional question, in which he acknowl edged himself much indebted to Judge Baldwin. After Mr. Lumpkin had concluded, Mr. Williams, of Me. entered upon a statement of facts. The slave, he said was uot secre ted on board the vessel with the knowledge or consent of the State of Maine, or any of her citizens. Nothing was known of tne fact that a slave was on board until she had been one or two and lyx from Savauuah. Tbe captain could not return, aud when the vessel had arrived iu Maine, the owuer of the slave wast.iere and returned to Georgi i with liis slave. Mr. Williams made a brief de fence of the course pursued by Maiue, but said that she would do justice to Georgia il site had not done it Mr. Ruggle.s, of Me. said that lie had not heard the resolutions which had been pre sented, Lut be should address the Senate when they came up. He was uot opposed to the reference or the printing. Mr. Cuthbert,of Geo. spoke with much warmth atuf-in a m inner and of subjects cal culated to call forth an exciteiog debate. He had been long in public life and no man had a more ardent attatcliment to the Union than he had. It was known to all who knew him that he was as much attached <0 the peculiar institutions of the South, esnecial ly the institution ofslavety. lie consid‘*red the Slate ot Maine in error, anil lie was sor ry to hear the Senator from Maine say that lie hoped the course of his State would be ap proved of when tiie facts were known to the Senate. Mr. C. stated that he had consulted some of the most eminent jurists ot the country, and they were of opinion (bat the govern ment of Maine was in error.—Mr. C. com mented upon the constitutional relation ' ship of the States, and contended that under the constitution, he who had committed a crime in one State and fled to another should be deliveietl up. He believed that Philbrook and Kelleran were criminals, and ns such should be delivered up for examin ation to the authorities of Georgia. Geor* gia, Mr. C. said, was jealous of her rights. She felt wronged. She did not consider the fugitives from justice innocent men.— She therefore sought for an acknowledge ment of iter rights, and in the proper way. Mad Maine listened to her she would have been just aud generous, and given satisfac tion to all parties. She would have received her authorities with acclamation. Georgia, said Mr. Cuthbert, was not without resort. She hid I iws which govern ed individuals and communities. She had the power of self-protection, and she could and would do herself justice, come what might. Let it be remembered, said Mr. C what is the character of the property which has been carried off. It is not inanimate substance, but a being having life and soul, and a peculiar kind of property ouwhch the fabric ofour institutions rest. Georgia can not yield—the laws of nature forbid that she should yield. She will not. She must uot. She ought not. 11 she canntrt hold inlcrr.orrrse with other States without endangering her institutions, .hat intercourse must cease. Ifthegorvern ment of other States did us injustice, the consequence was that injustice was done to the whole Union. Mr. Cuthbert said in ans wer to Mr. Will iams. that it would have been inconvenient for Philbrook nttd Kdler.tn to have deliver ed np the slave by returning to Georgia— Was inconvenience to come in contact with with justice ?---with the harmony of the Stales, &c.? lie thought not. Mr. Lumpkin, of Ga.,asked for the printing of his resolutions, and their refe ranee to the Committee on the Judiciary. Both motions tverc sustained without opposition. Wc perceive that there ii some difference of opinion in Georgia as to which of the Washington papers, the Globe or the Na tional Intelligencer, should be regarde-J a!J | most id’iioxioos to the uhru-S»qj e men (or Nullifiers) of tbq t g. -te> q' a ' , r( ,* lieve that que-.Tmn ' lfo m some portion of its thoi’ y per () ', cx jty, we j a g e | eave i 0 make a ..net Statement of tlie course of the twoipa pers. Both of them were opposed to Nulli fication at the lime when it most prevailed in the South. The difference between the two papers, in regard to the Nullifiers, was this: the National Intelligencer was all for reasoning with and conciliating them—the Globe was all for hanging them.— Nat. lnt. * HON. THOMAS BUTLER KING. The correspondent of the Baltimore Patriot sneaking of the speech of the Hon. Thomas B atler King,on *he Tieas"ry Note Bill, says: Mr. King, ofGeorgia, address ed the committee foe about two hours to day, in a speech which Ii is placed him in a high rank for intelligence and debating power. Hedisplayedgre.it acuteness aud vigor of inmd in arguing the constitution al question, and was no less felicitous in exposing lha iu.'X icdiency of the Admin istration's irto le of supplying the'■deficit which had been produced by their own prodigality and wasteful extravagance. By a very cleir aril cogent cliaiu of rea soning on the nature, operation, ami inevi t ible effects of tiie p ilicy. lie demonstrated that the remit would be. in reality, the es tablishment of a Government Bank; and he charged the' Aln nistrati ui with h iring, that iu view a» th rir true object. In coqcjusi'J 1, Vlr. Kid' od'treJ.t substi tute which proposes, in Hl'-ct, to supply tiie necesi iry .va.us of til! G jver.nn :nt by a direct loan. Mr. King >’vas lists ic I to tVon ;h in t th° whole of hissoeech wb'i e.irhjst attention by tha House as* 1 1 large alliance, and was honored also wall th? alte 1 J.inee us several oft lie irt nt during lisheJ nii nbers of the Senate. Washington March 12. The flil'owiug .Resolutions were oficred by our Represent!?ives, Messrs. Dawson aud Habersham in the course of last wetk : (hi motion of Mr. Dawson, Resolved. That the Secretary of War be requested, as soon 38 he can conveniently, to lay before the House the claims of the State of Georgia asainst the United States, for payments made for military seivu.ee rendered by the niihtiaand volunteer* of tne State, during the Semiuole, Cherokee, and Creek campaigns, timing the years 1835, anti which said claims were presented for payment to the Secretary of War, by Iver son L. Harris, E-q. during liivyeur 1838; anil that the Secretary accompany such claims with such views as be may deem due to the Stale, with the reason why raid claims could not be paid, under existing laws. Mr, llabe sham submitted tl.e following which lies over : Resolved, Thai the Committee on th® Judicnry do inquire into the necessity or expediency of so amending the Constitu tion of the United States, as that the same shall define and prescribe the evidence up on which persons claiming to he members ol the House of Representatives of the Un ited States, shall take their seats in the House, and be entitled to exercise the priv ileges of members until alter the organiza tion of the I louse, and an investigation and r. port oy 'he Standing Coo mince of Elec tions, 011 liis right of claim to such seat, and a final decision of the house on such report. Mr. Waddy Thompson submitted the following which was objected to, and lu-« ov.-t : Resolv al, That the Secretary of War bo requested to inform this House to what ins stance in which Congress ii .is refused the necessary appropriations for the prosecu tion of the war in Florida, lie alludes, in the lollowiug passage olhis let'er to Gov ernor Call, bearing date tiie 25th June 1838— “It [the Department] is still further res tricted by the means to provide for but a limited force, as it is with the greatest dif ficulty that appropriations can he obtained of Congress for even the smallest possibl® force necessary for the execution ol its du ty of protecting the iu habitants of Florida or elsewhere.” This is copied from the Cincinnati! Gaz ette. The assurance of Professor Locke, that there is nothing deleterous iu the com pound, may be. takeu as sa'isfactory warrant that it is not a Crowco or humbug.- [N. y. Com. advertiser. Improvemeut in denlishy.— lt seems we have arrived at that degree of perfection iu li.n arts that we command almost every hu tiKut defect except dishonesty ! Eyes, uoses jaw* and teeth can be effectually repaired or made anew. A few weeks ago a young dentist ofour city, Mr. G. Evans, brought me a very small .specimen of a substance used fur plugging teeth, which, vvlteu first put into the tooth, is soft and plastic, with out heat, and crowded into tire cavity like t> piece of imoisl clay. In a day or two it Le contes almost as hard as the tooth itself. The composition of the substance was held as h secret. At the request of Mr. E„ 1 subject ed it to analysis, and discovered tlic compo nents, which in his hands proved successful Mr. Evens lias since added anew ingredient which both from theory aud fiom the actu al e(l*ct produced, I should think au im provement. By way df experiment, I have prepared the composition aud filled a tooth at tint laboratory. It has uuw become a* hard as a bone. There is nothing in the compound detrimental either to theteelii, or the constitution of persons employing it. JilON LOCKE. T ! e Grave of Rachel.— When Jacob re turned from that holy place, whom, in his youth, GoLJtad once revealed himself to him and lie nad beheld The he'veus opened, his heart was filled with joy ; for Jehovah had now confirmed his cuvenant with him, anew; But a bitter alllictiogt awaited him. Rachel, the love of his youth, died, giving birth lo herrecond son. When she felt her soul departing from her, and saw that she must die, sheeolleced her waning pow ers. kissed the child, called its name “Ben min, the sun of pain,” and db-d. Whtja she appeared before the Eternal, she wept and thus spake ; “Grant me Oh Father, my first petiion here at thy throne. Sutler me sometiinos to behold my loved ones from whom thou hast separated me, that 1 may comfort them iu their sorrows and wipe away their tears." “Thrice shall thy wists be granted unto thee.” answered the Al mighty : “Thrice upon the earth shall thou behold thy children, yet their tears thou canst uot wipe away.” Shedecended the-* first limn and found the aged Jacob, mourn* ing in anguish for her two sons, “My grey hairs,” cried he, “will go down .0 the grave; with sorro v will I turn me to thedsad, for Benioni also will ye now deprive m<* *A Sighing, she ascended aff»*n to h- dVen Cu there remained u't‘,l at period’ iter husUann and he? so ns, when they had depar ted fro ia rile earth, came and gladly related to her bow sweetly their sorrows had all been turned to joy. She dried her tears, anil long jafrer this decended a (second time upon her grave. There she beheld hercliil dren driven in misery, as min drives the seniclss herds. Every thing she found des olate, and even her grave was not spared. A long time she remained upon the desert grave, and there, wailing from invisible bps were long heard. A third time shedecend ed, when in Belhlehann was flowing the blood of innocent children. Their mothers were weeping and up >u her grave Rachel wept aloud, “They are no more —they are uo more!” and long upon that grave was heed the weeping lam-t nation, “They are 110 m >re.” When she returned to heav en, “Rest now, my daughtor,” said the All- Merciful, “aud torture thy heart no tarry with the sorrows of thy children The way of mortals leads soon into a villey where lamentatiousalone resound; but soon, when tha» valley en Is, the lain‘ntations wi’l be come songs of p ats*. Trust thy children to m■, for they are mine also, thy heart is not intde to bea.‘ but to soften the destiny of the earthly-born ” Tranq itiized. the spirit of the beautiful Rachel rein lined henceforth in Paradise. Site inquired, indeed, of eac.i successive comer, concerning her accom plished race upon the earth ; but she again returned to her grave, upon wnieij the wailings of her m t'ernal heart have long since cw. tsed. Tha* tr.trial place is silent, jUltfß tcitvl rejoices with her children in eter nal rest. [Translated from ’he Garnain iqf Herder, for theN?w York Onristlan enger. A military soldier, in the state of Island oetng blamed by his can.am for tiiv. ing no lock to his gtin, tied a pag-Jwtfk r»» it. ,{ K ».*»U IF* >Ha cj r-ct.”—D-