The temperance banner. (Penfield, Ga.) 18??-1856, November 27, 1852, Image 1

Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

VOL. XVIII IHij TIBiPERAKCE rAKKLR IS THR of the Sons of Temperance AND OK TIIE State Convention of Oeorsia: PUBLISHED WEEKLY, RV \ ’in RItA.ITLY. U* Terms —One Dollar a year,in advance. Letters must be Post paid, to receive at tention, iGNsWrEMPEiOi^r Pledge of llie Soils of IViupe rance.—l, without reserve, solemnly pledge my honor as a man that I will neither make, buy, sell nor use, as a beverage , any Spirituous or Malt Liquors, Wine or Cider. Officers of theOranil Bivinioii, E. H. Mtkrs, G. W. P. Mocon. B. Brantly. G. W. A. Penfield. W. S. Williford, S. Scribe, Macon. E. C. Giianniss, G. Treas. Macon, i). P. Joses, G. Chap. Palmetto. Wm. Woods. G. Con. Madison. TSM 3i.ood worth,G Sent. Liberty Mill* CADETS OF TEMPERANCE. No member shall make, buy, sell or use as a beverage, any spirituous or malt, liquors wine or cider. Officers of the Uraud Section. J. VV. Henson, G. P. Macon. B. Burton, G. A. !’. I’ondtown. L. C. Simson, G. S. &. T. Atlanta, ltev. J. S. Wilson, G. C. Decatur. S. M. 11. Byrd, G. G. Oxford. VV 7 . P Kino, G. VV. Thomasten . j. ... . U ‘<■ ‘ 1 ‘■ I* 1 - I. O. of l&cchahilc*. Officers of Georgia Dial. Tent, No. 2H,loca ited at Washington, Wilkes Go.,Gr.: John R. Smith, D. P. 0. R. Washington, ■C. R. Banleiter, D. C. R Atlanta, Rev. (J. (J. Noriuan.L). L). R. Washington A. H. Sneed, 1) It. 8. ~ K. II O’Neal, D. F. S. L. F. Carrington, D. T. C. W. liancocK, D. L. .. Kechablte’s Pledge. I hereby declare, tlmt I will abstain from all Intoxicating liquors,and will 1101 give, nor oiler them to others, except in religious ordinances, or when prescribed, in good faith, by h medi cal practitioner ; I will not engage in the traf fic of them, and in all suitable ways will dis countenance the use, sale and manufacture ot them ; and to the utmost of my power, I will endeavor to spread the principles of abstinence from all intoxicating liquors MORAL AMI ItEUUIOUS. Sermon on the Maine Law We make tine following extract from a sermon preached at Chelsea, Mass., on the 18th R., by the Rev. Isaac P. ‘Langworthv, from Ist Timothy, i. 8— “We know that ike law is a good one if a man use it lawfully.” It is an able exposition and defence of the provisions of the law, as also a clear analysis of the principle involved in the legal prohibi tion of the liquor tralße. “Hitherto our liquor laws seem to have been enacted for the especial ben efit of the dealers ; setting them up and defending them by the strong arm of law, in the miserable business of scat tering “arrows, fire-brands and death” broadcast among us. The rights of the few, and not of tiie many, have been chiefly regarded. And though the re has ever been a confessed evil in this traffic, laws have always been made to regulate not to suppress and abolish it; just as if that which is “evil, and only evil and that continually,” could be regulated by law ! Who would think oi regulating theft, robbery, swindling or gambling, by statutory enactments ! And then, the “regulating laws” we had were vague and unsatisfactory, filled with loop-holes, affording every advantange of escape to the guilty par ty; thus rendering conviction next to impossible. And in the event of a con viction, an appeal could he easily taken, and the trial be long delayed; anrl in the meantime the contraband business could flourish and swell up a profit of sufficient amount to pay half a dozen •-fines, without inconvenience. Besides, men steeped in ruin, or engaged or in terested in its traffic, were as likely to be witnesses and jurors, if not judges, as those more disinterested and reliable. And the penalities, in the event of a conviction, have always been such, that a profitable liquor business would scarcely be impeded at all, by incur ring one every week. Thus the diffi cullies of arrest and presentation of ob taining witnesses that would testify truly, ofjurors that would be honest, together with the great delays in bring ing cases to an issue, and the slight penalties which could he inflicted, nave made our former liquor laws t he great est of all legal bum 1 ’ tg- *■ m “a : ‘■ - But the law now to be enforced was enacted upon a widely different basis, and, in its provision, marches straight forward to its object. In ibis the rights jof the many are considered, and their , welfare is placed above the wicked cu pidity of the few. And then, in Read | of attempting the “regulation” of the j nefarious truffe in intoxicating liquors :as a leverage, it aims at once so sup ; press and abolish it, —to throw it out of the pale ot legal protection, and make | the article itself contraband. The liq l uor, and the implements of sale, are j prima facie evidence against their pos i sessor. This changes the burden ol I proof from the iujured to the injurer, ; where it belongs, iis penalties, in i lines, imprisoment, and confiscation ol | the liquor, have some relation lo the | enormity of the offense. The right of j search, seizure and demolition, are j new features in our liquor laws, but are j absolutely essential to make them worth a place on our statute hooks.— The provisions of the twelfth section, against manufacturers and common sel lers without license, are stringent, and ; must be effectual if executed. Penal .ties may be inflicted by a single pro ! cess, and at the same trial, to the full | number of clearly proved violations; !so that three or ten offences, well au thenticated in a single indictment, itn | poses three or ten penalties, as the case | may be. Add to this, the right ofseiz ing and destroying the poison when found in circumstances where the law I does not protect it, the heavy bonds de ] inanded in ease of appeal, the difficulty jof impeaching or bribing the witness found in the liquor itself, and the sim ! plicitv, celerity and efficiency of trie ! whole legal process when once corn menc and, and l think we are safe in say. : ing that the provisions of this law are good, —good tor the end designed, viz : i the breaking up, and putting an end to die most pernicious traffic that over cursed the world.” J U VKNI LE J)EI'AIiTMENT. ANSWER To Students’ Enigma in No. 44: Lib erty Academy.—No letter suited to 11. ENIGMA. I am composed of 17 letters. My 7 15 8 14, is a large creek in Miss. ~ 7 16 11 2, a river in Sweden. „ 2 12 15, a county in Illinois. „ 17 7 15 15, any thing branched out. „ 15 4 10 15 6 7, isa word which means to impart „ 14 12 7, a large sea in Asia. „ 13 16 14 9 5 14 7, a county in Ky. „ 12 4 8 10 8 0, a small town in Rhode Island. „ 11 8 5 9 7, a country in Georgia. „ 10 16 2 2 5 7 15 13 I,i • a county in Alabama. „ 1 9 14 1 9 1 10, a mountain in Europe. „ 8 6 1 3 2 1 6 7, is a county under a monarchal government. „ 2 1 13 14 5 6 13 3, is a town in Ga. My whole is one of the Grecian Generals, whose persoiila authority, bravery and good fortune, can scarcely be doubted; was sec oned to none. No. conqueror was ever more fortunate than ho; no hero more brave; no monaach more splendid. And his life was terminated in 33d year o? his age. To the Students of Pickens’ Dist., S. C. W. W. It Lannahassee, Ga., Nov. 3d, 1528. Ihe Art o Tliinking. One of the best modes of improving the at t of thinking, says Sidney Smith, i is lo think, over some subject before you read upon it, and t en observe af ter what maun’ r it has occured to tiie: mind of some great master; you will j then observe whether you nave been too rash or too timid; what you have omitted and what you have exceeded; and by this process you will insensibly catch tiie manner in which a great mind views a great question. It is right to study; not only to think when : any extraordinary incident provokes j you to think, but from time to time to review what lias passed, to dwell upon it, and to see what trains of j thought voluntarily present themselves to your mind. It is a most superior habit in some minds to refer all tiie particular truths which strike them to other truths more general, sA that their knowledge is beautifully methodi zed, and a particular truth at once leads to the general truth. This kit .of un derstanding has an immense and de cided superiority over those confused heads in which one fact is piled upon another without any attempt at classi fication or arrngement. Some men read with a pen in their hand, and com mit to paper any new thought which, strikes them; others trust to chance for its appearance. Which of those is; the best method in the conduct of the’ understanding, must, 1 suppose, depend a good deal upon the understanding: in question. Some men can do nothing without preparation —others, little with it; some are fountains; others, reser viors. Vuloar Words.— There is as much connection between tiie words and tiie though** a* there is between ‘he 1 PENFIELD, (iA. NOVEMBER 27, 1852. thoughts and the Words; the latter are not only the expression of the former, hut they have power to re-act. upon the soul and leave the stain of corruption there. A young man, who allows himself to use one profane or vulgar word, has not only shiwn that there is a foul spot ott his mind, hut by the ut terance of that word ho extends that >pot and inflames it, till by indulgence it will soon pollute and ruin the whole soul. Be careful of your words, as well as your thoughts. If you can control the tongue, that no improper words are pronounced by it, you will I soon be a l, lu to control the mind and save it from corruption. You e.xtin-i gui.sh the fire by smothering it, or prevent bad thoughts bursting out in language. Never utter a word any where, which you would he ashamed to speak in the pres ttce of the most re ligious man. Fry this practice a little, and you will soon have command of yourself. Lumpkin, Nov. 4th, 1852. Brother Clarks, Dear Sir: —The under* j signed were appointed a committed at the ; last regular meeting of Howcliitkit Division, No. 58, S. of TANARUS., to solicit from you, for publication, a copy of the fTssay read by you before tho Division u few evenings siaee. Yours in L P. At P. E F. RICKSEY, i C. S. GAULDEN, v C. A. EVANS. J A3S6B Clarks, Esq. Lumpkin, Nov. sth, 1852. Brethren :—Your letter under date of 4th inst. is received and your request noted.— The Essay, a copy of which is solicited, is herewith placed at your disposal. Bo pleased to accept of my highest respects, and believe me in “Love, Parity and Fideli ty,” your brother. JAMES CLARKE. E. F. Rickset, 1 C. 8. Gaulden, ‘Committee. i C. A. Evans. ) j James Clarke on the Liquor Law.—Pre pared at the request of Howcliitka Divis ion, No. 58, S. of T. The subject now proposed to be dis oussed bespeaks its own importance.— It is engrossing much of public atten tion and enquiry in every State of this Union ; and is destined, at no distance day, to became tire great battle field, j upon which the final conflict between j the friends and enemies of inteinper | atice is to he fought. The most intelli j gent and patriotic men, in every coun ity of our State, are freely interchang i ing opinions in favor of an effective legislative interposition; whilst the Grand Juries throughout our country, jas well us the most enlightened and ‘powerful temperance organization, are j sending forth to the world their bold and j stirring condemnation of the traffic, and thus a voice is heard which echoes from the mountain to the seaboard, calling loudly for tho strong arm ol the Law to put it down. And at this day, with the “signs of the times” fully spread out before Us, it is the duty of ail who hope for, and hail the triumph of total absti nence to aid in that preparation, that marshalling ofthe forces for this migh ty conti st, which is now going forward in tho length and breadth ofthe land. Is there any thing in the nature of this traffic or in the rights which exist under it, which should oppose legisla tion against it ? In other words, would legislation on this subject he such an interference in private rights and priv ileges as to amount to a social wrong or an unjustifiable oppression ? Now it is admitted that dealing in in toxicatmg drinks, has been, and mav he u gainful business. It may, if diligent ly prosecuted, and if the person, -,vho is engaged in it escapes its usual con taminations, lie the means of greatly advancing ones pecuniary interest. But that it should have the protection, and ne exempted from the restrictions of the law making power, it is no t sufficient, alone, that the‘-liquor trade” should be j a lucrative business. /Art employment I may be gainful, and yet it may he a ! series of Hie most flagrant aggressions! on me welfare and prosperity of socie ty. The argument that it is’ my bust ness, my living, and should be therefore let alone, might he made with equal propriety, so far as principle is concern ed, with regard to some employments, that all mankind admit, should, iri all civilized communities, he lirmesitatirm. ly interdicted by the government.—— Piracy, is frequently a prolific source of individual prosperity, and yet the pi. rate is by all Christian nations pro scribed as an enemy of tho human race. Though his business is a good on <3for him, yet. as it is in conflict witli the honest commerce ofthe world the governments of all nations declare a common woir against it. So with the adventurer on the high wav. Blood shed and violence are his daily business, and his interest is frequently greatli promoted. Many a rich purse is se. cured by the strenght and energy of his own right arm, And yet, where is the nation or Kingdom where the high-way robber is not punisued as the most out. j rsgoujs criminal An 7 the same prirt. ciple will justify the legislation winch has taken place against gambling and lotteries. There is naturally, amongst men, a strong passion for games of chance. To permit indiscriminate ga ming and lotteries is, at once, an open ing on society a flood-gate of demorali zing influences, ft is true, indeed, that many a skillful gambler, or fortunate adventurer in lotteries, if let alone, miirht be enriched, and each one en. o-aged in these avocations, might say. (hat he has a valuable chance for lu crative results, which is Ins right and with which legislative powers may not interfere; hut as he is engaged in a bus iness ruinous to others, ami opposed to the best good of his country, every one will say, that he ought to be, he must be, restrained. Private interest must, in all these oases, give place to considerations ot public good. Buying counterfeit money to circulate, might, perhaps, he a good speculation, but no man has a right to use his capital in that way.— A wholesale powder mill, or a slaugh- I ter pen, in the midst of a city, might be | a profitable business; hut the danger and j injury would render it the duty of the city government to protect and defend its citizens —or its outraged citizens would protect and defend themselves.— The very nature of social rights and duties requires, that each member ol society should pursue hit own interest liu that manner and measure only, us i not to interfere with the lawful inter 1 cst and welfare of his neighbor, or of the community. This is the great conserva tive principle, without which societies eon Li not live a day. Opium eating in the Empire of Chi na, has obtained an extensive preva lence. The Ernpetor, at one time— considering its ruinous influenoes on the intellect and energies and lives of his people, interdicted opium eating, and prohibited the opium trade. The means of indulging this ruinous appe tite were furnished by England from ! her East India possessions, and was a most lucrative branch of commerce.— So strong was the selfish and wicked devotion of Great 13riti.in to the interest of her people, that she trampled under foot the wise policy of the Chinese government, and enforced this ruinous traffic at the mouth of her cannon.— But the moral sense of the Christian world was outraged, and tills conduct of one of i he greatest and most enlight ened nations of the earth, was con demned throughout Chr.stendom, as a most flagrant and bight-handed invasion of the rigiitsof nations and of humanity. Who ever doubted, for one moment, that it was the right and the duty of tho | Chinese government to prohibit opium ; eating and the opium trude ? And who ever justified England for that wicked exerciseof her power, by which, for the sake of gain, she violated the in dependence of China, and doomed mil lions of her people to stupidity, idiocy, and wretchedness l 1 again then repeat, that the mere fact, that the liquor ttuffiu is a gainful employment, is not sufficient to entitle it to ttie peotectiou of the laws, or to an immunity from legal penalities. The honest legislators, anxious for the best good of the greatest number, will nat urally enquire, What is the moral in fluence of the business? What is its I effects on neighborhoods and communi | ties ? What has it todo with the health | and wealth, with the peace and Intel- I leut, the happiness and good order of ! society ? It he find that, iri all and I each one of these particulars, its effect is‘evil & only < vil continually,’ how can lie refrain, as a faithful servant of the people, to give his voice against it ? Social injuries arid Wrongs are the prop er subjects of legislation, il there bn a cause in a community, which produces daily mischief, either corrupting the morals, or t“e health, or destroying the intellects and lives; or hazzarding the private rights arid personal safety of the people ; or imposing heavy and unnec essary expenses and burthens on the country, either a case is made out for legislative action, orlhere never shetrfd be any legislative action at ail. Hence, if a contagious disease invade the coun try, whose tendency is to spread far and wide, all the resources ot legislu- j tion should be employed to stop its i progress. If an insurrection should break out amongs a vicious and discon i ted fragment of the people, by which i the peace is endangered, the constituted 1 authorities should at once put it down., If our country should be invaded by aj public enemy who is carrying are arid j sword into the peaceful homes of our citizens, the mischief must lie met and! exterminated by the law-making pow. ers and by the energies ofa brave peo- 1 pie. To doubt the truth of either of! these statements would be considered ! an evidence of insanity. Let us enquire tor one moment’ whether the trade in intoxicating drinks and its free use by the people, is in any sense ari evil analogous to any of these; above mentioned, and such tin evil society as calls for legislation ? Die united testimony of tne most; experienced a- I able ph> “ an’, ‘boss whose auditions have been the m >st fully and anxiously directed to this sub ject, tell us that intoxicating drinks are, to the human system, virulent poisons, and that either directly or indirectly, they destroy more livesMmii “even pes tilence and famine.” The records of the asylums for tho insane in the various rotates, inform us, that they destroy more intellect from year to year in our country than all other causes combined. The annual sum paid by the consu mers for intoxicating drinks is compu ted at fifty millions ol dollars. This is abstracted from tho active capital ofthe Country, und is as effectually lost as if annually sunk in the depths ot the ocean. But this is not half. Tho idle ness, diseuso, destruction of iniud, the mortality, pauperism and crime; and the general derangement of tiffins pro duced by the use of intoxicating drinks, amount to an additional waste of wealth, which no mind can estimate or compre hend. And the influence of intoxicating drinks over tho moral and religious in terest of the people, is most blighting and ruinious. The intemperute man is equally estranged from chinches, and all the appliances of moral influ ence or religious instruction. His moial nature becomes a dark waste of depraved propensities and disordered passions, which render him, in the mor al world, a miserable and an unsightly wreicli, a curse to himself, a curse to his family and to his country. And the influence of ufooholio drinks over the sum of human happiness and comfort, is equally disastrous and de plorable, and will never be compre hended until “that day when ihe secrets of all hearts ahull he made known.” Could'we behold the thousands, and thousands of families in this extended country, which have Deeu biought to poverty and wretchedness by drunken husbands and fathers, something of this great moral Golgotha would be seen— enough to fill the soul with indigna tion and horror. To which you will permit me to add, that the most experienced judges and lawyers have testified, again and again, that of all the crimes which have be come the subjects of judicial investiga tion, iri the courts ofour country, nmo. tenths owe their commission either di rectly or indirectly to the use of intoxi cating drinks, i bus we perceivo that every great interest, every imporlai t and vital con cern ol our people is seen, by the use of those drinks, to suffer dully, the most inconceivable and and -plorahlo loss. And lor all this dark catalogue of ruin, liter* is nothing to benefit, nothing to mitigate, nothing that amounts tn the h-ast con ceivable intermixture of good, with the mischief and tho desolation that is rol led, like a pestilential flood over the land. After taking this rapid survey of the evils of intemperance, who can say that there is any principle of right or reason that can forbid legislative action ? The law-making power is frumed “to i secure life, liberty and the pursuit of j happiness.” This is its great and fun damental duty, an imperious claim which the people have upon it. If it do not adopt measures, and the most l stringent and effectual, to protect those j great interests which are so deeply | liompromilted by the use of intoxicating drinks, and which so vitally affect the happiness, prosperity, and best goo I of i our country, its duties and trusts ure ! most outrageously neglected, i 1 would ask what any intelligent j tnan who might be introduced to tins country, arid to this great evil, for the first time would think on this question ? Such au one would possess an unpreju diced mind his opinions would be fresh i and truthful. What, 1 repeut, would I lie his opinion ori this subject ? He | would at once say that legislative uc ! tion was demanded by the most impe j nous considerations of public good and \ by the strongest dictates of self proser i vation. Nay ! lie would be astounded i that there could be found, under the i whole heavens, a people, o victimized i by an evil, as wo are by this evil, arid not adopt the most powerful means of ■ protection and defense. And the reason why every govern ment in every Stale in this Union, does not at once put down the nefarious traffic, is that it is a long standing evil, it tias existed from ago to age ; our forefathers, ourselves, and our children have viewed it, arid familiarized cur- , selves with it, until we have ceased to, be startled and effected at its enormity. : Were it anew evil, with its existence, I arid its ravages, and its dark mysteries j of iniquity just opened before us for the first time in all their intensity and j extent, our people would be affected as \ the fieartofone man, and all the re sources of the law-making power, and; the sanctions and co-operation of an en- ; lightened sentiment, would combine to exterminate an evil which would ex-j hibitin its train such complicated atroo ity. f?o far then as respects ‘h righ’ to; legislate on this subject, there can be no doubt, it results with irresistible force, from tho magnitude ofthe social evils and wrongs, perpetrated on our people by this most unrighteous busi ness. And if the authority of precedents und names can add weight to the argu irtetit in favor of legislation by the Slates on f bis subject, we have them in abundance, and of most imposing strength and influence. The Supreme Court ot ilie United States has given tiie full sanction of its elevated charac ter and authority to the propriety and constitutionality of State lagblatiort down to tiie point of a total exterinina'. I tion of the traffic; whilst tiie Slates of Maine, Massachusetts, ami Rhode Is land, where civilization and intelligence and a just knowledge of tiie piivileger ot tiie people, und of tiie rights of trade, exist, to as high a degree as in any por tion of the world, have legislated against this traffic witli most potent sti ingency, and are now in the full tide ot success, ful experiment. Bill it may lie asked, wherefore log. isluie on this subject since “moral sua sion” and associated action can do that work ? Now, I admit, that these agen cies have done much, and are doing much toerilighten the public mind, and to correct the habits ofour people. But tlieio isu limit to these eflbris—there is a point beyond which wo cannot go.— There is a barrier, that stops us as a wuil of iron. The grog shop influenca, in its widtst sense, including all the drinking and inerehanlile establish ments in tiie land, who are interested, in the traffic, and their friends and re tainers, is proof against all our efforts. Their power is formidable, and they are in a stato of determined ttnd relent iess war against us unU otrr cause.—■ They present to us a front, so wholly an tagonistic, and of such inveterate oppo sition tliat our efforts serve only to sin* hitter their enmity, and to consolidate their power. Within this scattered and blighted territory of mischief, we have no influence and never oaii have, for we are sternly barred from all kind ol aocess. Wo muy labor onward for years, and these impregnable fortifica tions ol misuhief and iniquity never eau he reached ; but they will continue te grow and strengthen, and overshadow and defy us. It is very true, that out* I associations can recruit und tally, and unite the friends of temperance, and upon neutral ground, and at all assaila ble. points, we can send forth and do send forth u great influence tor good.— Within this sphere we are now doing a work, and we still tiuve a great work to do do. Wo are giving vuluublo tone to public sentiment, whilst tiie aggros j moim uflho enemy are prevented, und ihe ground we now occupy successful ly defended hiiiJ maintained. Beyond ttiis), without tin; co.operation of the strong Hrin of the law, we cannot go. lu order that this greut reformation shall bo consummated, the voioe of legists- | lion must oe heard; uml the time is rapidly hastening, if it tins not already j arrived, when this work will come to a | dead stund, without the co-operation and , aid of the governments of the country for the removal of obstacles unrl diliioul ! ties that can be removed in no othor ; way. And in the meantime, the main and greatest field of usefulness, that loan now bo occupied by tbo friends of j temperance is, to use all prudent, j and laudable means, to prepare iha j public mind lor a policy, so indispensu- I ble to the final success of our causlt would bo folly to legislate against the ■ opinions of uuy largo portions of the people ; it would bo unwise lo legislate ! over large minorities. The execution of the law would be orumpod and em barrassed, so as wholly to destroy itsef ; fioiency. The main body of the peo pin must ho brought to see and teel its necessity and co oporate fully in the , measures which may be adopted, or i legislation would be a dead letter. If the time ever comes, and 1 believe it ia j rapidly approaching, when no other in j ‘.crestsand no other portions of the peo ple shall oppose legislation but those who me interested in the trade and their minions and patrons, then I shall believe that the time has fully arrived f>r final action; every thing will be ripeund prepared for this last great movement, that must ultimately take place before the country can be re iieved (torn this great scourge of her people. The writer hails the approach of the time as an auspicious day for the j temperance reformation ; and he says, ; let it come ! Again he says let it come ! The Southern Kmigration-— We | learn that the emmigrants on the south- I errr route have had much difficulty with the Indians, and several have been killed. There was much suffering among ihe immigrant®, and parties had gouge out from Yreka and Jacksonville to relieve them, arid protect them from the hostilities of the Indians. —Oregon Statesmen. Mr. Webster’s last words •'ere—/ti s’dl live ” NO. 48.