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valuable citizen**. We no iei t, i t t°tig since, the statement ot n Grand Jury it* one of tbecounties of the State, that about fitly dollars brought ium llie eoiinty treas ury by tlie Hale of liivttv , mul about four* teen I'm in) red ilollrr-i u r • drawn from it to pay ax ponses clem . v traceable to (lie influ ences ot liiptor establishment*. It i* also ascertained that tlie immense exports of our prodtieiive country, of corn, wheat, rye and other grains, are consum *d by tin* imports of wine and alcoholic drinks. These ex ports amount so several millions of dollars vvliicll. instead of enriching os, are thus cotl i>tuned.and the country Hooded with vice and crime. This weri to grow rich with a vengeance 1 But the taxation, to pay tor j the evils enuim r iled, is upon the laboring i and honest classes, I his blighting curse j is spread over ‘lie field of the owner—this canker-worm is fed, fattened and made | strong hv the law—this infectious disease is licensed at a nominal price, and environed by the statutes; —by the magic charm <d dollars and cents,this lielish volcano ol cor ruption and crime, has its cruler opened from which massive waves of consuming fires,roll over the persons, lamdies. rights and property ol a suffering people, while the climax ol their oppression is completed being taxed to keep its lava belching from its burning cells. Touch the evil at pres ent, you cannot, for the law has its price and shelters the bu-iness under its wing, I safely protected to hold in derision and ; chains, an injured people. When the people say to their agents, our fields must he restored—this infection mu-1 he stopped—this canker-worm must he killed—this vole .no must he destroyed—: this lion must he ie aided, who will not cry oppression if the demand i- not heided.— \Vc would hardly beg the servant to take 1 the serpent out of sight—to bnry the dead j carcass—to rid us ot carrion, but would tell him that stripes would follow neglect. Fourthly. The claims of woman as moth er, wife and daughter, demand the interfer ence of law. Tluil the position and influ ence of woman lias important healing upon j our social, religious, civil and political in terests, no one will deny. That our laws! should respect this position and this vital in- j fluencu, wo think equally certain; and that woman sutlers immense injuries from the weakness of the law, purporting to regulate ; the retail traffic, is too obvious for debate While the iri/uld-bt law-makers have been perplexing their brains to frame a law to secure to her cc: tain monied rights—which proposed law, in the spe.ilo r., judgment,: would be unwise in the extreme, involving! a fruitless attempt to change the order oil Providence, which necessarily would heat tended with disastrous consequences,—we say while this lias been going on, these friends of woman have not dared to touch this evil, overwhelming to her rights and happiness. Loud, Haiti ring speeches have been made in support of her claims against tyranny, prodigality and infamy, and vet not a word is suid to stay the evil which brings upon her fully nine-tenths ot her woes.! Really the Georgia Legislature lias legal ized and fostered the deadly upas tree, from ! whose poisonous similes and pestiferous j odors proceed woman’s woes and sutler ings; and its members often raise the weap ons of their power to destroy the effects not daring to touch the cause of her misery.— As wdl might we think of Stopping the ef fects of a volcano without putting out its fires or emptying it of its lava. Who doubts, it this evil were removed, that mothers would he relieved of aching hearts and bleeding anxieties for the sous of their bosom —that wives would exchange pallid faces for rosy clucks, tears of an guish for clieerf illness and joy—that dough- j ters would no longer dread the return ol 1 drunken, abusive fathers; would no longer look mournfully upon the future, in fear of utter poverty and disgrace, nor think sadly ot the hour when the tear of mourning should fall upon a druken father’s or broth-1 er’s grave f And who doubts, that the wo- s manlau\ (as it is called,) would be mainly unnecessary, if dram-drmking and dram-s, Ii ling influences w ere destroyed t Woman’s cry is, “Woodman slay this Upas tree”—J take this intolerable curse from us as moth ers, as wives and daughters, dcstrov this hydra serpent—slop this horde ol I'lgyptian frogs and locusts—give us shelter from this raging storm—lift us from this burning lake! The law vv hieli we need is not tlie one that respects dollars and cents, that might atl’eet us as the tipple of discord, pro-j during family lends and social disaster, hut we need a law that will secure Its sober bus- i bands, fathers and lovers, which will secure to us honorable positions, cultivated minds, and quiet hearts and homes. \\ r are sure that nine-tenths of the wo men of Georgia would he favorable to the law detnundeU, and sure that it would ac complish a thousand times more for her hon or and happiness than the unsetiptural law proposed by misguided politicians. It were not direct argument to count the tears pro duced by woman’s sorrow s—to measure the depth ol her sigh—to picture the gltmom of her forebodings— to .sound the anguish of: bleeding heat is, to number the grov es where | the remains of woman lie, carried prema turely thereby the influences of this tor menting foe, yet if they be designed, legis lators will think them tormenting witnesses in a future day. What man will see his mother abused, his wife disgraced, his daughter destroyed, and not feel his blood bum within him? Yet thousand of mothers, wives and daughters are abused, disgraced and destroyed hv the opera.ion of the retail I tratiie, or in the absence of a proper law to restrain and regulate it. “ file claims of woman, therefore, demand legislative ac tion.” Lastly. Common acnee and the good of the people greatly on'l lor it. Common sense s,i\> tltnt legalizing a e'uti neve r make it rig'if. in princi ple il wore ax well to put a prim l upon theft, robbery, adultery, lyiuy and murder; for the treasury Would t eeivo the wages and tlie people bear the i ijuri •—precisely the opetultwno* the license law . lint et vii if the basin >s wore not moral ly wrong, i| would still be a bad bargain to get ten dollars into the treasury and throw away a hundred—to spend money to sow tares among the wheat—to protect men by law to n.io our children, indue'’ stealii ,r , re duce to poverty-to pull down i dolled, miry hopes and gi teh spa —to title r a lew and perish thousands—to term euegcl* to break our own heads, aim to ti.\ infamy upon us as a people. Uul there are some palpable views, by comparing hnr with air, which comm m mum- euiuiot ricoiieilc. lhe law makes it cnvniijJ lor a man to avail himself of the privileges which atmth r is licensed to gran', by regard! gdrunkenness a sutlieient rsue ot divorce—. di- • utioii el ti.o most OIU.AN OF THE SONS OF TEJWNIKAN'CE AM) STATE TEMEFRANCE CONVENTION. sacred” tie of earth—nrt .abrogation of a di vine law. That is the law protects one man (by paying five dollars) in selling this lire water to another, and then punishes him for the effects of drinking it. If.a man be drunk when lie makes a trade, the law says the trade i< not binding, because he bad not his reason at the time—that is, lie was a fool while intoxicated —and yet the law • protects the man who made him drunk, and receives its pay lor minting fools If a mart, while drunk, kills another, the luvv says that it but increases Ins guilt, that is, that a tool lis more guilty than a wise man in spilling blood! In a trade lie is not responsible by j law, in perfidy and murder lie is doubly so,, and ill both eases the law isa clever fellow This is common sense in good earnest . The law protect a citizens against stagnant waters, though they are made so in good faith by the machines!,and at great expense, 1 i and his dam is pulled down cost what it may; all nuisances prohibited but one! Surely Ibis one must lie popular in Georgia. In the language of another, there is a law | protecting certain tribes of Indians against ! the traffic, There is also a law (in a cer tain sense,) protec'ing negroes against this bane oftlte world. Are the red men of tli ■ forest, who, with tomahawk, have spilt the hlood of thousands dearer, in the eye of the law, than American freemen ! Are their squaws and warriors of more importance Ito our government than the mothers and soldiers of this land of the brave ? Are the African slaves, costing a few hundred dol- 1 lars, more endearing, more closely idcnli- j | lied with our prosperity and honor, than | our sons and daughters whose affections i I are imbeuded in our bosoms ? Surely com- j moil sense would wipe this blushing shame j and disgrace from our statutes, and place in ! its stead a law which would constitute the | ’ brightest page in Georgia’s history. But the good of the people generally is ;In question. Who in Georgia, remotely or j nearly lias not been injured by this sweep- j mg evil ! Who can raise his lian t- lowarus ‘ heaven ami say, I have been free, in every ’ respect, from its effects ? Memory turns to ! school fellows, friends, neighbors, brothers and fathers, and the cloud gathers over ti - mid sadness covers the brow, while we ans wer wo are injured, dreadfully injured. What hope inspired the bosoms of our pil grim fathers—what clouds of gloom gath ered around them—how deep and profound Were the feelings of the patriots of seventy six, what spirit moved them ; what the full j force of their complaints, we are sure we I can not fully tell. Os one thing, how ever, we are sure that their grievances, their wrongs, their sufferings from taxation were ! inferior, in vital importance, to ours. These patriots, in the councils of the colonies, - asked how long shall we lie idle? Shall we grow stronger by indolence ? will we be ; better prepared to resist when vve are bound hand and foot? What mean these warlike i preparations? this collection of ships, thisI array of arms ! In like manner are vve j warned to prepare for the eonliiet, to have j liberty or death. Can any man, will any man, dare any i man, refuse to leave a subject so vital to the people ! Ami will we, drank or sober, vote for any man who refuses to support a j movement so strictly republican ? Georgia vve love—vve love her mountains ) and vales—ln r fields and groves—her sons | and daughters, rills and rivers—her school., and churches —the soil which covers the j remains of sires and mothers ; hut Georgia I let us abandon when she refuses her people the right to put away this withering curse. ; Our complaints are more extensive than those ot the Revolution. The difference is,! that those were more ostensible and palpa ble, proceeding from the oppression of a | king and parliament, while these are hidden, and more insinuating, being lodged itt the j animal passions and appetites of the people,’ imbeaded in prejudice and wickedness. But the people have found out the hiding; place of this monster serpent, and are deter mined to loose his coils and bruise his brad- i Load, loud, let the clarion be sounded ! ; 1 licit! high, let our banner be raised! And “long! long, may it wave over the land of the free ami the Lome of ike brave.” For the Temperance Banner. The Anti Liquoi Law. NUMBER FOUR. It is tlic duly of government to protect so. ‘ cielyfrom every public evil, as far as it can. The next which we shall lake in this discussion, is to establish the I general proposition, that ‘‘it is the duty of government to protect society from every public evil, us far us it can.’’ It is evident, that, when we speak of gov ernment protecting society, we mean protecting it by legislation, and that strictly executed by the proper authori ties. The first government that was ever established, must have been de signed, either to gratify some selfish motive of its individual founder, or to promote the welfare of the society over which it was extended. The same may be said of every human government, which ever has existed, or ever can ex ist. it is obvious, dial the former de sign must, tn all eases, be improper, w hen it comes in opposi.ion to the lat ter. Hence, the only just principle, upon which a government can be found. et, is for tiie promotion oft he interests! of tile governed. That every government should look to the “summum bonum,’’ tlie greatest good of the greatest number, is a max tin so universally admitted, that to es tablish it seems to be proving what no one denies. It is us evjdeni, as that tyranny is unjust. Indeed, the very huircst, which men have against ty re ills, is because tyrants violate this great po litical and moral axiom, In making their own selfish ends paramount to the well-being of their subjects. As men every wlu re and in all ages, have? hated tyranny, the piiiciple, lor which we contend, seems entitle l ! to be consider ed us beating the sanction of univeis I approbation. It was tor tins piiuciple, that Green struggled nobly tor her freedom ; and, w tin tiie subject ion ot this piiuciple, she too, lies low hi the dust. It Was tor tins principle, that Hungary arose and bathe I lie I sell in tile hioo I ol ’ ilt‘l SOI is ; and, with tiie subjection of this ptinct ple, she is again boun ! in him <ly cltaim. It was for this principle, that our fathers declared their independence; for this, their cannons roared and their blood was spilt, on the plains of Lex ington, and on tin heights of Bunker Hill. And, when the notes of war had just died uwuv, an I victory was seen perched upon tlie American standard, it was (or the triumph of this great principle, that songs and shouts, and prayers urose to heaven tr im one ex tremity of our country to tho other. We can, then, conceive of no Letter j design for government, than to secure ’ the greatest good of the greatest iiurn- Ler. If any one can point out a nobler object, to which it should aitn, wo will yield our ground ; otherwise vve shall consider it established, that “the great est good of the greatest number is the on ly just and grand object of government.” Now, whatever comes in opposition to the public good, is opposed to this great I sign. All public evils are at war with the great design for which government is appoint! and. But it is, evidently, the duty of government to 1 ovi rcotne, if possible, all obstacles to the accomplishment of its grand pur pose. In vain, may it be said to look ; >o the greatest good of the majority, utt -1 ss it exerts its powers to ward olFfrom ! society every public evil. We do not contend for unlimited leg j islation against every evil, without look | ing to the ability of government to ward lit off'. Some public evils are, in tneir 1 nature, such as to be beyond the influ -1 ence of any legislative power. Cir cumstances may be such, that any par j .iculur evil to society may, for the time 1 being, hid defiance to all legislative authority, and even become stronger by the interposition o! law. In all cases, before a law should be enacted to put down any state of things, it is necessa ry, not merely’ to prove, that such state of tilings is injurious to society’, but also, to consder well, whether legisla tion is competent, under all the circum stances, to put down, or lessen tiie evil. If legislation appear incompetent to di minish, at least, tho evil in question, I then, to enact a law against it would j i ire, but to expose the weakness of the [ law, and, of course, to strengthen the j hands of the enemy. In that case, pro I 1 liibitory legislation would be unwise, and subversive of the very design, fo’ \ which we have supposed all govern ment instituted. But, if it appear, both that the existing state of things is op posed to the public welfare, and that u prohibitory law can put down, or mate-; ri dly diminish the evil, t u cn, we con tend, that a due regard to the great end j of government sternly demands tlie en actmenl of a law to suppress the evil.! The want of efficacy, then, is the only limit, which we recognise, to the au-1 thority ol legislation against public evil. No doubt, it might be objected here, that, upon this principle, religion itself, would not be too sacred to be controlled ! by legislation. It may be said, that we j are advocating a doctrine, which, if acted upon, would subvert the most sa credos all our rights—liberty of eon science. But no; I am no religious intolerant. Liberty oj conscience, in all religious mailers, is as sacred under the doctrine which we advocate, os under any other doctrine. Upon what grounds \ then, is litxenipt from legislative u ---thority ? Obviously, because law ts without efficacy in religion. Let nut the reader pronounce, too hastily , upon this opinion. We ar, aware that men do not, usually, view tlie subj ct in precisely the same light. | But our next article will be devoted to | the illustration and establishment ofthe ’ proposition, that the principle which we advocate does not involve the right to iegis/ate on the subject of religion. A LB Eli F ALONSO. For tiie Temperance Banner. ___ And yet Another Lay on Me Duff,” ‘''Lay on Nancy !’’ Hut, Mr. Editor, it is not only impor tnnt to “lay on,” but to strike in the right place. Confused action not un frequently occurs, from confusion of ideas. I have read several well writ ten articles in your paper against the “license law.” It has been shown clearly, to be a bad law, anti republican and anti-christian —the two latter be cause it is the first. Now, sir, 1 fear that there is not a clear understanding of the true position of the question.— I’lte object, no doubt, of these writers, is to combat the idea of giving men the privilege of retailing, by legislative ac tion. Hut the license law does not do ibis. The object of the law, was, evi dently, to restrict the privilege. Be lore the passage of the law, it was the privilege of all and every’ one, to sell as they chose. Tlte “license law has only restricted this privilege to certain persons upon certain conditions. The obtaining license—giving bond—taking an oath, and paying for the privilege. The legislature no doubt considered, that the broad cast plan, practised up to 1791 —the date of tiie tirst license law in Georgia, was working evil to tiie State. The license law w as passed to re ined v that evil. Various amendments have been made to that law at various limes. All going to show, that it “as tiie intention of tiie legislature to pro tect the country as far as they might from this evil. The law was designed to be a good one, and should not there fore, be attacked except to showy that it had failed to accomplish its designs. This l believe is abundantly shown by the expeiienceof every day . My opin ion is, that the cause of temperance would be promoted by an entire repeal of this law, even if a better one should ! not be substituted. 1 know that evils would exist —serious evils. We would be annoyed tor a time, by jugs and I denrii-j dins at every corner. But this I must soon cease. It would be put j down by tlie good sense of our people, who would soon regard the “jug carrier ‘] as little better than lie who carried his neighbor’s sheep en his back. The business would not pay. But under our license system, the dealer in this jtialTic, actually regards himself as en | gaged in an honorable calling. Hav i ing complied with the requirements of the law, he feels that he lias the sanc j lion ofthe State. And enjoying as he (ioes, a monopoly of the trade, he is en abled to sustain himself; particularly when he has the auxiliary benefits of the j erquisits of liis business. I’he li cense lav, just moulds all the jugs and demi johns into larger reservoirs. It ; casts the pop-guns into heavy ordinance. Now, Mr Editor, when Hewlett or uncle Dabney go to one of our towns to lecture, they have to face a regular bat tery of decanters, variagated with all the colors of the rainbow, and though they may display the beautiful and sig nificant emblem of their order; they have opposed to them, colors quite as significant. Look in that nicely fixed, up grocery, as it is called; there are the red, the white and blue—and there too is love, (for the critter,) and though there is no purity or fidelity, still there is the white, “ball face” anil the “blue ! ruin.” Tbe license law enables them ; to “fix up.” A young man don’t feel | disgraced much, if fie is seen entering j the back door of one of these ge/itee?con tectionaries ! Set the “jug man” after him, Mr. Editor; fight the devil with j Ins own (ire. Only break up these j whited sepulchres, and in twedvej months, uncle Dabney and Hewlett j would break up all the jug factories and I run all the stills into cow-bells. If my views of the license law are; correct, it should be the first business of j tiie temperance men to get tlie legisla- j ture to acknowledge it a failure and re- j peal it. If more can be done, let it be \ done. But this much tnay be done.— ; Many men who could not be indu ed to ! advocate a law for tlie direct suppres- \ sion of the traffic, would vote in favor I of repealing all laws upon the subject, j i’hey would lear to vote against it. 1 1 will not address myself to the ques- i tioti of revenue arising from this law. ! Ever, if it brought revenue to the State, ■ which it does not, ! would insult no; man by supposing, that in this day, he \ could desire revenue from such a source. NAUVOOt For Ike Temperance Banner. i Investigator, etc- During the past winter, 1 read the answers to “Investigator,” 1 must con-; less, with a good deal of pain, as most of; the replies were written, no doubt, in u bad spirit, especially, the article of “(Jastigalor. ” —“Saimagunda” is u man alter my own Heart. Ido not feel ] my self at all capable of a reply to aj writer of “Investigator’s” merits; but: still, 1 feel a decided inclination to | make a few remarks, and at live out set, j i promise that they shall be respectful, j I really love “investigator,” for his boldness and candor, and 1 cannot for a moment doubt his sincerity. 1 believe ;he is just as much entitled to his opin ion, as lam to mine; and he very tru ly remarks, an “institution that cannot ! hear tiie test of scrutinizing investiga tion, ought to go down,’ —you are j l ight, “Investigator,” and for your bold-; ness and candid sincerity, 1 give you ! full credit. 1 also iove tiie Editor for | his fearless conduct in publishing, if “Investigator’s” fears are well founded, then it is full lime the people should be i gin to think upon this subject. To see | whether this is really so, shall be our I sole object, and Mr. “Investigator,” be I assured if 1 say any thing calculated to wound the nicest feeling, that 1 have erred in judgment, such is not my in tion. 1 conceed at once that abuse is not argument ; and Ido think titat the writer who indulges in personalities, must be hard run tor something to say, and had much better keep silent. Then to the task. The first thing j that 1 would notice is the remark, that ! “all organizations that seek to hide their principles, and practice, behind the vail j of secrecy, are dangerous, &c.” In! this, you are no doubt right, and Ma-! sons, Odd Fellows, and Sons, would tell you so too. They do not seek to hide their principles, or practice, from the closest scrutiny of mankind. Now “Investigator,” betore you make this opinion available against secret socie ties, you must first establish the fact, that their members do not pratice vir. tue, morality, charity, etc., in public, but only in secret, for these are the principles, tiiat are taught by these socie ties m secret, to be carried out betore tiie public,—just as tiie dancing master takes a young Miss into a closed room, to teach her to be graceful in her car riage, before company. Their princi ples they do not conceal, and of’ their practice ail men must judge. Next, Investigator denies the right ot secret societies to administer oaths, and l would infer also, that tie intends to deny tiie tact that such oaths are at all binding, hut quotes Mr. Wirt to prove that tiie multiplicity of oaths in this country, is a reflection upon Christians: that “tlieir wor I should be as sacred as an oath.” All this is surely so, hut my dear sir, by this admission, you also admit titat you have introduced a set of most abominable liars for witnesses, Ino o her kind,) lor allowing the oaths administered by secret s icicties not to be binding, you leave admitted, or asserted, that the word of a Christian, 1 should be as sacred as an oath. Your witnesses confess, that they had tasen I these obligations, and if the obligations were not binding, they had at least giv- I en their word, which you allow should be as sacred as an oath, (they being, ac cording to your own confession good tnen,) (I suppose you mean Christians.) Then surely, my dear sir, you would not be willing to condemn a large and very respectable portion of our citizens, upon the bear word of a few men who, by your own r, usoning, were base liars. O consistency, well mayesi thou have hidden tt y abused countenance ! Again : You say “every master Ma son swears, among other tilings, that he will apprize a brother master Mason, of all approaching danger, &c.” ; “and that he will not violate the chastity of a master Mason’s wife, sister, or daugh ter, nor suffer it to be done by others, if in his power to prevent it, he know ing them to be such, &c.” Now 1 do suppose every master Mason, will thank you for letting the public know that they take such an obligation. VVliat could be more creditable? A band of broth ers, swearing mutually to protect the chastity of each others’ family. My dear sir, only a few more such ar ticles, and you will surely convert eve ry woman in tlie land that lias hereto fore opposed Masonry. Now 1 do think if you will only lay by your prejudice, (which you cannot conceal,) you will at once be able to seethe inconsistency of some of your positions.—For instance, you annex a long string of penalties, to the obliga tions, (that you are so confident are ad ministered by secret orders,) that you certainly know does not add one thing to their strength, if used. Upon the contrary, you are well aware, that so much unmeaning verbiage, would weaken an obligation. But do- you think they use it ? Certainly you can not. You would have to admit that in telligent men administered obligations to men equally intelligent, and annexed penalties that both recipient and admin istrator, know would not be inflicted il violated. 1 suppose you would not at tempt, to even assert as fact, that ever Masons tried to carry any man’s vitals to the valley of Jehoshapliat ; even your much loved Bernard and Allyn, does not charge with them any such attempt. Have you any account of Morgan’s left breast being torn open 1 Did Ma sons try to pull Ally’s tongue out by tlie roots? No sir, I know that no man who writes as sensibly as you do-, can conscientiously believe any such ab surdities. You eeituinly cannot be lieve, that as sensible a set of men as I you know many of! the Masons are, would administer to a candidate equally jsen ible, an oath, and to that oath an nex a penalty, that they did not intend to intfict if the oath was violated ; and tli* candidate knowing also, that it was only for effect,—ami the fact that even i the bitterest enemies of Masons have | never ciiarged them with trying to in flict any such penalty, at once proves ‘that if used at all, tiny are never in- I tended to he inflicted. Now 1 ask, is ! not here an absurdity too gross ever to be repeated ? Again : 1 ask is it fair to take the bear word of a few men, ( w ho, if no: ] perjured, have, by your own reasoning,] violated their Christian word, which you | say should be as sacred, as an oath,) to condemn thousands equally as good j every oilier way, and wno have not vio- i Mated their word? Have you ever! i thought of this “Investigator?” It : really does appear from your articles, that it is only necessary for a man to violate his word, given the Masons, to immortalize him in your estimation ; and still you say the word of a chris - i tian should he as sacred as an oath. It! j certainly should be, and is it not as much sin lot’ the Christian to violate his pledge, (or as you would have it, dread ful oath,) to Masons, as to other men l Only think sir. You think it dreadful, that Masons should swear to protect each others’ females and not include every body else’s females. They only j leave oilier females where they were, i and with the same protection tiiat exist ed before their initiation. Is thpre sny thing wrong in this ? Are you not un : der more obligations to protect the chas ! tity of the females of your own family, ! than others ? 1 know you at least feel so. But are others in any way injured by this obligation being stronger towards ] your own family ? Your are terribly shocked at the eon- ] duet of the rascal, who tried to seduce the wife of a bru her master Mason, (and so is every man of any sensibility,) but you can’t blame the order for “that, 1 suppose it is the only case of tlte kind, | you ever Hoard of, (or you would have given it, if you liau heard of another.) Well, Christ found a Judas with twelve he chose. You seem to think if a Mason should succeed iu seducing a female, and tell the same to a brother master Mason, that he would be bound by “an awful oath and shocking penalty,” (if told in confidence,) “never to reveal it.” In this sir, you are mistaken. Seduction is a violation of the laws of the land, and il a brother so fur forgets himself, us to violate the law, to the offended law, lie must atone. The lodge, nor any of its membeis, would be under ob ligation to conceal any such conduct; but any member would be bound to ’ report such a brother forthwith to his lodge, and my word for it, he would receive merited punishment. One of 1 1io principal comnmiiiiso't this “Jo unio all men as you would hAve them do to you.” Now, friend Investigator, if you have had any /ears that members ot se cret societies were bound to protect one another, in the violation of the laics of the land ; at once dismiss them, for as soon as a member violates (purpose ly) the laws of his country, he has for feited all claim to protection from his lodge. Now the statement that I have made, 1 know to be true; for I have learned them in the lodge. You guess at what you say. O ily one tiling more, and I am done for the present. You pay Washington a compliment with a vengeance. Do you really think that this great man was base enough to belong to a society that he knew was immoral and danger ous to the interests of religion, and free government till the day of his death, and never, in any sr nse of the word, expose it l Why did he expose the evils of the Cincinnatti ? Or do you think he saw the evils in Masonry, and did not have the moral courage to ex pose them? Who can tell where a man’s prejudice will lead, or what ab surdities he may be made to believe, where he wishes the creatures of his imagination were real beings ? His secret desire may no doubt become, that the fancy of his ideal hours were true, if really they are not, and he says : Stay thou, dear delusion ! stay; JJea utious bubble ! do not break: ******* Who from such a dream would wake? More by and by. Bulah, (jla., April Ist, 1953. TOLERATOR. Mr. Editor: —l was asked by a county-man a few days ago, to what extent we liquor law inen wished to sup press the sale of ardent spirits ? My reply was, we wished it sold only’ for medicinal and mechanical purposes. “Ho,” says he, that is not it, “you wish to make a wholesale business of ui retail ; you will forbid the grocery man selling his half-pint, and allow mer chants generally to-sell a gallon or tive gallons. Thereby depriving the poor man ofone of the luxuries of life, an 1 placing it in the hands of the rich.” I allude tot his to inform you of an objection made use of by designing, men in operating, on tbe ignorant of tli ; poor against the present teinpeiauc'v movement. They inculcate the idea that the move is aristocratic, anti-repub lican, originating.among t lie ujiperclas ses ol society, and designed lo oppress the poor by depriving them ofone oft ic lew luxuries of life they enjoy. Avery I utile object iou indeed, when viewei uy sens;ole men, Out a very elf ctive one in its operations on a certain o'ass, The objection furnishes additional evi dence of tlie purity of the cause it i designed to attack. Because when men are constrained to resort to sue i low, underhanded,, and cunningly de vised measures to thwart the etfocts oi any public move, it is conclusive evi dence that the u of the disreputable means, arises trom liie fact that thein are the best that aie funds! edv A.UKJUd PUBLIC!. Lexington, Ga., April 4, 1923. Picture of Intemperance. Portray the evils of intemperance!: did 1 say? He does siot live tiiat can tell the whole story of its- woes.- Ex aggeration is there impossible. The fatigued fancy falters in its-Hight betore it comes up to live fact. The mind.’s eye cannot take in the countless mis.*- iies ot its motley train. No human art can put into tiiat picture shades darker than the truth. Put into such a picture every con ceivable tiling tiiat is terrible or revolt • mg; paint health in ruins, hope de>- troyed, affections crushed, prayer silen ced; paint the chosen seats ot paternal care, ot filial piety, of Brotherly’ love, ot maternal devotion, all, vacant; paint all tiie crimes of every stature and of every hue; paint home a desert, and shame a tyrant, and poverty, the legiti mate child of vice to this community, and not its prolific mother; paint tho dark valley of the shadow of death peo pled with living slaves; paint a land scape with trees whose fruit is poison and wnose shauc is death, with niouu— turn toil (‘ins tiibutary to hd ocguii whose fiery waves are fire put in the most distant back ground tiie most van. isliing vision of a blessed past, and into the foreground the terrible certainty ot an accursed future; paint prisons witii tiie doors that open only inwards, people the scene with men whose shat tered forms are tenanted by tormented souls, with children upon” whose lips no smile can play', been burnt by tears, wrung by anguish from breaking hearts. 1 uint sucli a picture, and when you, are ready to show it, do not let the rays, ot (lie heavenly sun, but iluniine it witii the glares ot tiie interna! fires; and still you will he bound ,o say ilia), your horrible picture fads short of the truth.— Stevenson. W hat U hiskey Barrel Contains. Senator Rusk of Texas, was once at an Indian “talk,” when a man drove up with a barrel of whiskey. An old Indian, attei looking earnestly for some time at it, asked Mr Rusk if lie knew what was in that barrel. He said he presumed it was whiskey. “No,” said the Indian, “ there are about a thousand songs and fifty fights in that barrel.” A Curiosity— I he man who is not as much in favor of temperance as anybody.”