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WR fljrfpvpfj PC jMfISC® li JLJ—> li LLiiJ J iMmliUoUlElljUa J. H. SEALS, ) AM) > EiSJ SOUS. E. A. STEED, S NEW SERIES, VOL L THE TEMPERANCE TANNER, pußLisnr.o r.xv.vA ‘ \timvw except two in rns yk vk, BY JOHN K. SEALS. The 3A A h:s ! : * cir-ul:i;ion, which is .lai'y in creasing:, and bids f;.ir to become the most popular paper in the .South. It i* ‘iffered, •vith cnrMcnoe, (*'\ing to its circulation be ing so gene r; l,) to Me-. I '. •• !>*, Mechanics, aud Pr<>iVssional men, as an ADVERTISING MEDIUM through which their business may be extended in this and adjoining States. THU MS OF Sl* nSCRIPTION. ♦I,OO per annum, J f paid in advance. $1,50 “ “ it not paid within six months. ♦*2,'o “ “ if not ;.lid until the <*nd of the year. TERMS OF ADVERTISING. 1 *quare, (eight lines or less,) first insertion, * 1 00 Each continuance, 50 Professional or Bu iness Cards, not ♦ xreeding 5 lines, pr yr 5 00 ST AX DIN <7 AIV Kll T 1 >F,M F. N T*. 1 square three month-, without alteration, ♦ 5 00 l “ six “ altered quarterly, 70 > 1 “ twelve “ “ 4 * 12 0” 2 squares “ “ “ “ 18 00 3 “ “ “ “ “ 21 O’ 4 u SAP“Artvert!*em*'!U.s not marked with the number of insertions, wil! he continue 1 until forbid, and charged accoidingly. J-flT 1 Merchants, Dru r: is, and othova, may contract for adver tising by the year, on reasonable terms. v ~ ■ , ' ll 11 • Os emheraitce. AD DR ESS TO THE PEOPLE OF GEORGIA, ox Tin: SUBJECT OF PROHIBITION, by the COMMITTEE APPOINTED BY THE ATLAN TA TEMPERANCE CONVENTION. Fellow-Citizens: —In a country like ours, where “the prior of liberty is eternal vigilance,” the exer cise of the elective franchise is alway* ar. inestima ble privilege and important duty. Hut there arc times when it assumes the character of a moment ous trust, and becomes an office of sacred and sol emn responsibility. Occasions arise when the re sults which emanate from the decisions of the popu lar suffrage are of such colossal magnitude—of such extended and enduring consequence—as to affect, for weal or woe, the happiness of the people and the destiny of the State. Such a crisis arrives when ever, in the course of events, a great moral and po litical question, bearing upon all the relations of life, and influencing largely and widely'the fortunes both of present and future generations, springs np lo ex cite public discussion and claim the adjudication of the ballot box. A question of this character, fellow citizens, one of vital importance to all the interests of society and the State, now demands your atten tion and invokes your action. Upon the voters of Georgia rests the responsibility of determining whether the high sanction of law shall he longer ex tended to the sale of alcoholic beverages, or wheth er, in accordance with the demands of a progres sive age and the claims of an advancing Christian civilization, the State shall proceed in the stern maj esty of its appropriate office to place, the seal of con demnation—the ban of proscription—upon the in iquitous and demoralizing traffic. The future histo rian will record the decision, if favorable to the ac complishment of the proposed reform, as constitu ting a memorable epoch in the legislation of our be loved commonwealth —a distinctive era in the annals of human progress. That such will be the verdict of an enlightened and virtuous people, the friends of Prohibition have every reason to believe, if the j subject is only dis ns-a and with that fairness and com pleteness which its importance demands, and the popular mind, divested of prejudice and free from all extraneous influences, is permitted to follow the dictates of patriotic and unbiased judgment. — Confident of the strength and purity of thei” princi ples, they fia les-iy appeal to the arbitrament of reason and the decisions of intelligence. Advocate .- of a just and righteous cum , they desire that its claims should be subjected to the ordeal of the ni cest criticism arid close st logic. Abettors of a pub lic enterprise in harmony with the spirit of a benefi cent government and demanded by high moral ob ligations, they invite inquiry and challenge investi gation. Animated by th s unfaltering conviction of the rectitude of their position, and trusting to the power of truth and the wisdom and integrity of Un people, the Atlanta Temperance Convention of the 22d February last, determined that th- time for ac tion had arrived, and having submitted their cause to the issue of the approaching autumnal elections were pleased to designate toe undersigned a com mittee “to address the voters of Georgia upon the subject of Prohibition.” In discharging the impor tant duty thus assigned, v.o invoke, fePow-citteens, your indulgent and patient attention while i;i vindi cation of the claims of this greet movinn nt we pre sent to vour considers'ion the following facts and argument -: We art happily tinder no no” ssity of discussing the Hit jut of a State, through its Legislature, to in hibit th•• sale of intoxicating drinks. This right has been tint qnivocally and repeatedly affirmed by the highest judicial tribunals of the country. The Su preme Court of Massachusetts in ] 13, declared the passage of a Prohibitory Statute to be within tlv province of what is called th Police Power of the State. To test the validity of this and vision, the e 9 s ■ was carried to the Supreme f ourt of the Lnited States, and in the winter of 1*47, in c nnection with -imilar cases from Rhode Island and New Hampshire, was fully argued befor- that body. Ihe liquor int*U"‘t was supported by no less eminent counsel titan the great Daniel Webster and the jDctotrt to (temperance, literature, Central Intelligence, anti Ik latest slctos. learned Rufus Choate; but the cause of n. oil . justice and humanity, achieved a mo t signal tri umph. The court decided anan.'mo •/.. .\ .. the ■''Me Jitttl the right to prohibit tht traffic. Chut Justice Taney held the following language : “If nm State deems the lctui! and internal tiatUv in ardei.t spirits injurious to its citizens, and calculated to produce idleness, vice or debauchery, 1 s* e no thing in the Constitution of the United States to prevent it from regulating or restraining the traffic, or from prohibiting it . get hr rif it thinks proj <-r.” Justice Catron said: “If the State has the po.vo: of restraint by licenses, to any extent, she has the discretionary power to judge of its limits, and mat go to the length of prohibiting sale - atiuyt tht r.” Justice Greer said: “It is not necessary to array the appalling statistics of misery, pan., t i.-tn am crime which have their origin in the use and alms of ardent spirits. The police power, which is ix clusivcly in the State, is alone coMern:, . to *.*)• rectum oj these great (til*: and till mots it res straint or prohibition ■ eecssary to tffi.ct (hot pur pose are within the scope of that authority Such was tiie decision and such the strong and emphntu language of the com t establishing beyond contro versy these two important points: First, that tie most stringent prohibitory law is not in conflict w ith the constitution of the llnitid States. Scondl*, that the enactment of such a law, and its enforce ment, are within the scope of the powe rs belonging to the State. The ablest lawyers and most distin guished jurist-) and statesmen have, either in a pri vate or official capacity, given their testimony in fa vor of the soundness and eondusivene.ss of the views held by the Supreme Court. In addition, nine States of tile Union, during the last four years, have passed prohibitory statutes which have been sustain ed by tlie courts and are, at this time, in successful operation. In some two or three instances, these laws have been adjudged unconstitutional, from the fact that they were passed subject to ratification by the people, and this condition of submission to tin popular vote was held to invalidate them. Bat the principle of prohibition—the right of the State, through its Legislature, to forbid and jaroish the Traffic in ardent spirits, has never been called, in question; but, on the contrary, ns previously stated, has been distinctly recognized and positively affirm ed by both the Federal and State Courts and by all civilians and jurists of acknowledged ability and rep utation, whose opinions have been expressed. We shall, therefore, regard the question of right as con clusively and authoritatively se tiled, and proceed to show that the abolition of the Liquor Traffic is a duty which the State owes first to itself, and secondly to the people. In consideration of the fact that oppo sition to prohibition has been predicated chiefly upon the erroneous assumption that legislation upon moral questions docs not lie within the province of civil government, we shall devote the more atten tion to the first part of this proposition, w hich assumes the contrary doctrine, that without such legislation government cannot appropriately discharge its high mission nor successfully fulfill the design of it crea tiori. Government exists, according to Mr. Calhoun, from the fact that it originates in the constitution of man’s nature, and is “necessary for Ids preservation and well being.” In order to accomplish the design of its institution, and secure the liappiin -s of its I citizens or subjects, it is evident that permanence ot duration must enter as an essential dement into it* organization*. To insure stability, it is equally man fest that every political organi -in unit have (In- pow er of self-protection. This power of self-protlion or principle of self-preservation which belongs to ah political institutions, demands of yovorimiriit the ah rogation of every tangible evil at war with its per petuity, and the suppn s.-Jon, by it* own strong arm, of every visible and embodied agaicy which fust rs. influences and engenders consequences that an known to be adv- isi to its stability and to Uneaten its overthrow. If then the tr.ilii ■: in aid nt spirit ran he shown to b* an agency ofthiseh u acn r, it Ibi lows as an inevitable conclusion fiotn ad it led pre mises that its abolition by legal enactment In come* tlie imperious duty of the Jaw-making power. To establish the fact that such is tin- nature and tui dency of the Traffic, and to demonstrate beyond ail cavil the necessity under republican gnvci run nt ol legislation upon moral questions, we lu g h ave, : t the risk of being some-’ hat tedious, to call your in tention to a few general principles and aximnali, i truths which show the relations subsisting between such qu-st ions and the civ. l authority. We might assume as a postulate that the tabi’ity j of every form of free govi rnment depends upon the virtue arid morality of its citi/ ns or subjects Lei I it be understood that by frr e government, we do net i mean freedom fi otn government or the absence of all j controlling power. Government withet.t l-w i* a [solecism, and law ncee-s-arby itnplic.-. r .oral rest-a-nt. It needs no argument to prove that a vicious and corrupt people arc Incapable of sub is-lon to this restraint. Vice tend-naturally and inevit ibly to in subordination. Iri the 1 ugurige nf ll eloquent and I philosophic I'nrkc: “Men are qualified for civil lib erty in exa t proportion to their disposition to put moral chains upon their own appetites. Society cannot exist unless a controlling power upon wi’l and appi tite be placed .-omewbere, and the !■.-< of it. there is within, the more there must h- without. It is ordained in the ete ; nal constitution of things that men of intern; - rate minds cannot b- free. Their passions forge their fetters.” Milton, the sea champion of the ii/bis of rn-in, and tlm un-ioi .k ----ing advocate of civil and r “Jigious freedom rn.d the . storms of revolution, i a- pr icla.un.d tl.e came great, i, truth in his immortal epic, nmm liwiummiv, jh so, m “l'rue Liberty Always with right reason dwells 1 u inn and, and from her hath no dividual being. Reason in man obscured, or not obeyed, Immediately inordinate desires Vmi updart passion.- cateli the gov* rnment From ii .Hsmi, and to servitudu reduce Man, till then fret .” According to Mr. Locke, and in the language of Daniel V clistcr, “libe r, is the creature of law,” ami it is evident that law finds its support, as well as <ni:: ; ii, in the in Vstruetihle and eternal principles ot virtue and morality. If tin.sc the foundations or dained of tin!- -be removed, there can he no Lew, no < i vcrninent, i.i Freedom. Tiuso views, which are pr cdii- .hlc of all rational governments, ,*uv emphati cally and pre-eminently tin- with reference to our systems of civil polity. In popular forms of govern ment like ours, where the eh-’ tivi franchise is IV, o to all, the representatives of the people, to whom is del egated the authority to make and administer tin laws, mu t par-fake to a large extent ot the ehai-ueter nl their coiisi ituents. If the people are w ise and moral, able and ( i.thful repn-sentatives will enact !!■“<*>l and salutary laws, and ihc gove: anient well ad ministered will Ik- permanent and stable. If on the other hand the people arc corrupt and depraved, self |V h end unprincipled representatives will enact unjust and oppressive laws, and the iii.-iladniiiiistiatioii of th-- government thus ensuing, will result in its over torow, and the estaHishmenf of despotism with its iron fetters, or anarchy with its untold horrors. Ii sl, ch are the deploiabh and necessary fi nits of pub lic immorality, who will say t- at. the duty of stlf preservation does not requueof governnieiit the sup pression nf every agency that debases the Virtue and degrades the morals of the people? And who gifted with the common faculties of observation and reflec tion, will contend that the traffic in spirituous liquors is not demoralizing in its tendencies, and corrupting in its influence? It cannot ho denied that (lie pre sent license system, conferring as it docs the sanction of law upon the sale and use of ardent spirits, popu larizes the vice of drunkenness, and thus betrays our fellow-citizens into habits of the vilest intemperance and grossest immorality; for it is certain that, in general, the vice is not contracted nor these habits formed at home and amid the sacred influences of the family circle. It is a well known fact, that in most cases not even the confirmed ,inebriate will make the intoxicating howl “the sepulchre of his reason in the rebuking presence of the loved ones of the fireside. No, it is not at home, it is at those places of legalised traffic in liquid poison, at the t,ip plin? shops of the land, where gather the slaves ol appetite, where the voice of conscience is smoothed and the whisperings of duty arc hushed, it is here that our follow-countrymen tempted, seduced, be trayed, corrupted, grow forgetful of their obligations to their families, their country, and to God, and be come the willing but blinded victims of a vice which is the prolific parent ol every species of immorality and crime. Yes, it is to the bur-sanctioned, traffic in ardent spirits that we are mainly indebted for the alarming prevalence of the monster vice intemper ance and its long, dark catalogue of attendant evils. It elects, under the protection of the civil authori ties, its dens of iniquity in alui -st every village, city and neighborhood, and from each of these fountains of corruption flows a stream more blighting and withering in its effects upon the virtue, uioralitv, and r eligion of the country, than Lina's floods of n -ilti n lava upon the v-g< lation of its vine-covi red -dupes, tan government he clothed with the high prerogative of M-lf-prot* ction and look with indiffer ence and unconcern upon such wide spread moral desolation, when its only hope of preservation rests upon tin- virtue of the propli? fan the Republic be, expected to withstand the- storms to which it will inevitably be exposed, wlnu ari agency so active and agi.-ri s-ivc is permitted to exercise* its baneful ■ ami deli norating influence upon (ho public morale? I Will the State cherish the fa'-a- idea of .-’ enrily arid j inn- the d< ‘usivc phantom to her breast, while nnre ipr sstd in hoc very mid-tarea thousand overflowing j I -mlMiit.of vie'-, innp.it van I crime - -idin * forth a {stream of profligacy that threaten-- to undermine the l uniiJaUon of the political f/ibrie? In vain havi the w is*; and good, the eloquent and trifled, essayed to stop the desolatihg tide. The whelming torrent sweeps over tin-barriurs of moral suasion and assn i oiled effort, and I*m ii*■onin in and. vn-Uat'ii'.’ course | with accelerated speed aid ificriasi.-d momentum. I Shull tin* flu*. I of fire continue to roll its liumin,- a-. over tin land, * ■ -at hintr arid consuming nil that for sit'd < xccllcnl alike in piospect and posses sion? Shall its channel vv iden and deepen, and its lament grow stronger aid troii.n r, until i: shall ga ther lui sufficient to de troy o-ir instil utions and swi op a way out liberties forever? Mur -ly American government - annot Ik S'* re'-roarit to dutj'--M) fa I e* to it - i.-xalted mi.--ton . • to t iru a (leaf ear to tli>- notes of warning which are resounding from Maine i*i t k;lifortiia. I'ati imte sentim-ls upon the watch ; tower of lib-rs v have expied the daoger an*! given Hie akirm. Everywhere are limy calling upon gov . title ot t*i itd.i-rpos** the *tg arm of tier law, arid r- *i<: from Utreaten- and ruin and overthrow the in -tituli'Uei and liberties of tint people. IF riven grant that the wanting voice may be heard arid speedily obeyed hy even- Hint* in the Ameri an ("onfedera-.-y. Heaven grant that tie |i->d-liitors of our own bc <e,i-d Ih -i i/ia, ■ ‘-.din.- tie r.dreonitiotn of the Fa l ther of his Country and of bis immortal compatri ots, to preserve uncoirttpted tin moral* us the peir -Ic, rnny refuse longer to throw th’ prole -ting a gi f’ the civil power over th* deuie ralizin r arid crime enz'-nderiiig Traffic inarii nt [drits, and place it : iiW.ceforth under the ban of law, as destructive of the virtue and happiness of the people, am! inimical to the* perpetuity and best interests of the* Slate. Think not, fellow-citizens, that we are discussing anew tangled theory of government, or advocating principles hitherto unrecognised in our legislation. All who are conversant with the* early history and laws of the country must acknowledge that the preservation of the morals of the people, has ever been regarded by American legislators as one e*f the prime ends of government Statutes for “the pre vention of vice and immorality” have been in force in Georgia from the dale of the formation of the con stitution, and none need be told that in almost every State in the l nion are laws forbidding and punish ing blasphemy, profanity, lewdness, obscenity. Sab bath breaking, gambling, lottery-dealing and other immoral practices and trades. The wisdom and tie ee-sity of such legislation are amply vindicated in the recognition of the principles which we have set forth in this discussion ns constituting tin founda tion ol all sound law, good order, and stable- gov ernment, and which enjoin upon the civil power, ns a sacred and imperative duty, tke protection and guardianship of the public morals’ Rut the abo lition of the Liquor Traffic as a duty to the State, is demanded hy additional considerations of no trifling importance. Education is the cheap ami stirp de fence of nations. A wise public policy, if it does ii"t ns tho ('‘institution of (icorgia directs, promote the arts and sciences and foster seminaries of learn rig hy din ct legislation, will certainly seek to re move all obstacles to a free diffusion of knowledge and the enlightenment of the people. Parental thrift and example aro essential to tho education of the young. Intemperance destroys the one and corrupts the other. Poverty, if not tit ter destitution, is the drunkard’s legacy to his ofT spring. Oftener than other wise his children art trained in no school but that of vice, and taught to lisp no alphabet but that of profligacy and crime. Uncultivated in mind and depraved in habit, they grow up to manhood totally unfit for the duties and responsibilities ofeilizenship. Thus does tho Liquor Traffic by its known effects and admitted tendencies, keep a large portion of our people in hopeless igno rance, despite the efforts of the philanthropist and patriot to the contrary. Hence tho anomalous fact disclosed by the last census, that in Georgia, the Empire State of the South, a State abounding in schools and colleges and all the facilities of educa tion, there are forty thousand adults of the free white population that are unable to read and write! We, therefore, declare the Liquor Traffic an iiiMipara ble obstacle to the education of tho masses, and as republican government can only be maintained hy an enlightened ns well as virtuous people, we de mand the abolition of this Traffic as a duty to the State. Rut vve have yet another argument to urge in this connection, for the suppression of the sale of ardent spirits. It is universally conceded that to insure the success and permanency of representative govern ment, tin- elective fianchiso must ho well guarded ami the people’s will through the ballot box fully and fairly expre Red. It requires no prophetic vis ion to foresee that if this inestimable privilege of fice incn- the distinctive feature and crowning glory ol Republics—is subjected to continued abuse, ar.d the popular suffrage prostituted to the accomplishment * fother purposes tlnm the country’s good, the ven end for w hich our political institutions were created will be defeated, and tlie gnat experiment of self government terminate in disaster and min. Our le gislators cannot estunate too highly, nor protect 100 carefully, this palladium of our liberties, this safe guard of our freedom. No one will deny that the Liquor Traffic exercises a corrupting inlluen e upon our elections both State and Federal, and t*i such an extent rs to excite the just indignation of every vir tuous citizen and awaken the fears of ov ,ry true pa triot. Its i-flcets are seen in the elev.it*> :> (too fee qucntly witnessed) of men to place and power, who are utterly unfit to fill public stations or execute civil trust:-:. Tim liquor-vender arid his patrons, whose name, alas, is Legion f always bestow their votes upon the designing demagogues, that pander to their depraved passions and unhallowed appetites without r egard to the legislator’s oath ; and in a county or Slate, when the latter portion of society is divided in sentiment, these votes control the elections to the exclusion from office of that class who are alone fit to b the rulers of a free people men of unblemish ed morals, tried integrity arid known capacity. These lire n -itl.i r fanciful conjectures nor idle statements, but stern, incontrovertible facts -facts ho apparent i and familiar that “he who runs may lead.” Omin ous of evil they demand the attention of the patriot, * and call for reform from the legislator. Thesupres ! sioit of tlio Halo of anient spirits is indispensable to ! litis iLlbrin, and i the only tin tuix of pr* ./ r ving tho purity of the elective franchise, i demanded as a du* | tv t-i the State. ‘l'lu* importance, fellow-citizens, of the preceding • lyinnotii • cannot he exaggerat'd, when we reman* h-r that we have received from our fathers, in trust for posterity, the purest and best institutions the .ad ha ev< r M en. 1 licit transmission intact and :un rnpaited to coming generations is the fondest us- J jurat ion of the patriot, arid an object worthy of the jealous care and unsleeping vigilance of the Htatcr rnan. Rut self-preservation is not the only nor most important duty of civil government. All political institutions exist professedly utcircs felieiter want. The primary object- the chi< f end of government, is to preserve and protect society. If the State, as a few political theorists hold, may not be positively beneficent in its laws, nor engage, as it has ever sought to do, directly and actively in securing the i highest poosible good, yet it can never consistently S .TAMES T. BLAIN, | I’KIMEH. VOL. XXL--IMIR 26. iguoro tho obligation to reform abuses, r. dress griev ances, prevent injuries, and in a word, to repress to tho extent of its powers all existing evils whether affecting individuals or society. In necord anco with these views of the civil power, we a-*k for ‘be suppression of tlie trade in alcoholic drinks as a duty to the people. That the effects of the Liquor Traffic aro evil, and only evil, and that continually, will not be questioned, ft is a nuisance to individ uals, to families and to society. It encourages, stim ulates and produces innumerable vices, multiplies paupers, maniacs and criminals, increa-es taxes de stroys property, endangers life and ruins the bodies, winds and souls ot countless thousands. It is con fessedly the great curse of our land. Its blight is upon every household- its shadow upon every heart. It has not a single redeeming quality. It worksevil to all, and does good to none. A cry, earnest and long continued, ascends from suffering men, women and children, calling upon the State to avenge their wrongs and deliver tho country from this dreadful .scourge. Shall government, formed to defend and protect its citizens, turn a deaf ear to this imploring voice? Shull the State, the acknowledged guardian ol the interests of society and of the happiness of the people, take no cognizance of the collosal i vilofmod ern times—an evil more destructive in its ravages and desolating in its i ff. els than war, pestilence and ;ain ino combined? Shull tho legislature, whose un questioned office is, to remove all obstacles to social progress and individual advancement, not only look with stolid indifference upon the fearful havoc, but even be guilty of so great an outrage upon the prin eiples of justice and right, ns. U\foster and protect hy law th* dire agent of such wide spread ruin? Shall public officers, the servants of tho people, when pe titioned by suffering thousands to redress their wrong by the abolition of a vicious and Immoral traf fic, be permitted with impunity and without rebuke to manifest such wanton disregard of dutt , dignity ami self-respect as to treat tho modest memorial of freemen with neglect, contumely and scorn? Forbid it, our countrymen! Forbid it, Georgians! Arise, fellow-citizens, in the majesty of freemen, and vin dicate your rights at the ballot-box. Lot the Oclo l'Vr elections proclaim to tho dismay of demagogues your recognition and adoption of the sentiment that drunkards and tho patrons and defenders of tl o drunkard-maker arc unfit to be the legislators of a free people. ‘l’he foregoing expositions of the right and duty of the Legislature to prohibit the sale of intoxicating drinks, might bo confirmed by additional arguments; but since the limits of this address forbid their pre sentation, and the views advanced are in tho estima tion of the committee .sufficiently clear and convinc ing, wo shrill proceed to answer briefly a few of the most prominent objections which have been urged against prohibitory legislation. Many who admit and professedly deplore tho evils of the liquor traffic, contend that law has no moral and regenerating force, that men cannot Ire coerced into temperance and morality,” and hence that “moral suasion is the only proper and efficient remedy.” This objection, if val <J, would provo tho inutility and insufficiency of tlm entire penal code. It is has**] upon a misap prehension of the nature and objects of prohibitory legislation. Penal statutes are not designed primari ly to reform criminals, but to restrain and prevent crimes. They arc intended to protect society against • hat. class of persons upon whom “moral sua i<*u” has no influence, and who need something more tangible than a sense of duty to deter them from the cominis ion of evil. Hence, law, taking cognizance of acts only, provides penalties nut toienew the dispositions md affections of men, but to restrain them from the perpetration of injury to others. Prohibitory legis lation, therefore, does not seek “to co* rce mm into temperance and morality,” Imt to deprive tin drunk ard inak’ r of tiie power to seduce, corrupt, and r uin bis fellow men. That “law,” however, “has no mo ral force,” is a false and mischievous idea. It is not only “a terror to evil doers,” but “tire praise of them that do wcll”-—“a minister of God for good.” Its mission is to teach as well as to restrain. “Com manding what is right and prohibiting what is wrong,” it is a school in which the people are educated in tlie purest morality. All acknowledge the force of public opinion—all see and feel its influence upon the individual mind and conscience. Law is the embod iment of public opinion, and ns “the State’s collected will” “sits empress, crowning good, repressing ill.” Such is the reciprocal influence of the statutes and morals of a people, that in every a g t . and nation tho one is an umi ring index of the other. We must be permitted in this connection to quoto tho words of one of tlie greatest of American statesmen—words which deserve to b< written in letters of light in ev ery legislative hall in the Union: “1 have some times thought,” says Mr. Webster, “that tlie influence “f government on th** morals and on the religious foldings of the community is apt to bo overlooked or underrated. I speak, of course, of its indirect influence, of the power of itsexam t *le, and the general tone which it inspires. A popular government is in all those respects a powerful insti tution; more powerful, as it has some times appear cd to me, than th* influence of most other human institutions put together, either for good or evil, ac cording to its character. Its examples, its tone, whether of regard or disregard fur moral obliga tion, is most important to human happiness. It is among those things, which most affect the political morals of mankind, and their general morals also.” The advocates of Prohibition are not to to be re garded as the enemies of moral suasion. They ac knowledge with pride and pleasure the triumphs it has won —the wonders it has accomplished—and still look to it as an invaluable agency in the great