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ROOT OPT THIS ROT.
NO SUCH THING AS A FIFTY
CENT DOLLAR.
It Makes No Difference to Lg What a
Dollar Ooflts the M an Fro to wiumi
Up Receive IT, Ho Long an it Tays
One* Dollar of Debt for I *•
Stop this senseless twaddle about a
fifty-eent dollar. There is no such j i
mi ,, ,u is a < , o ,, "
A flfty-cent coin l« half a dollar dollar fifty fifty 1
rents of good money and it wo«W J j
honest money were it in i the aggregate \
full legal tender just as it was wnen ,
democrats, whigs, republicans and j
others were declaring that gold nothing and sil- j
ver were alike money, and that ;
else could be money!
Were there such a thing as a fifty
eent. dollar It would be preferable to a
two-dollar dollar, as the gold dollar is
- one dollar’s worth of gold and one
dollar’s worth of flat.
Why not say something about the
nickel, which is five cents as sure as
you are born, though there is less than
one-sixteenth of a cent’s worth of
nickel or metal in the coin. But it is
five „ cents, and stops a fivo-cent . debt , . ,
hole as quick as a president stops talk
Ing for the people as soon as ho reaches
the White House.
What about your postage stamps, all
sizes and yet of many different values
as the law has spoken through them?
A lady’ takes ten cents’ worth of
strings and wires and in an hour makes
a flfteen-do!lar hat. Why not talk
about that a little?
A saloonkeeper sells you a fifteen
cent drink which costs him three cents.
Why not kick at that a few times?
The president of the United States
receives fifty thousand dollars a year
as salary from a law firm In the city
of New York, he steers Into the pud¬
ding-patches he has his hands on. and
fifty thousand dollars a year more as
his salary as president. What kind of
a nfty-eent dollar is that?
A lawyer goes to Washington and
sells a lot of talk for $100,000, as did
(’honie, who was paid the latter sum
for his argument in the income tax law
case, and surely there was a difference
between the cost and the get of the
thlng sold.
It makes no difference to us what a
dollar costs the man from whom we re
eeive it, so long as it will pay one dol
lar of the debt wo owe. Therefore
there is no such tiling as a flfty-ceut
dollar, unless a man will deliberately
sell us n debt-paying dollar for a half
a dollar, In which case he Is foolish and
we are financially wise to buy it. even
if we hold it a few moments before
some creditor conics in and beckons it
away.
Why do not the people of this coun¬
try get down to talking business a lit¬
tle while, and if they have a govern¬
ment that can create money good
enough to pay its debts at a little' or
no direct ooRt. In God’s name let us
have it, as the government lias cost the
people more money than they bar
gained for, and it is time it was return¬
ing to those who have footed the bills at
least a trifle of the expenses of the pnst.
If our government cannot, after all
that has been done for it, and all it has
cost in the way of blood, treasure,
life and suffering, return some profit
io the people it should be set aside
for a better one or knocked In the head
and handed over to the Rothschild fnm
il\ if the government should create
every dollar of money to meet all its
needs. and use but ten dollars’ worth
of paper and all the rest flat, having
nothing but a substance that can carry
the money declaration, it would still be
Pillions of dollars in debt to the people
who homed and brought it up. Pom
eroy’s Advance Thought.
A TRUTH CONCISELY TOLD.
Government i>> injunction «* "«•*,>.>H»tn
I'urr ami simple.
The following letter from Eugene \
B"bs concisely expresses a truth which
many people In America are just be
ginning to realize:
Charles F. Blackburn. Weaverville,
Cal.:
My Dear Sir:—Your favor of the 20th
is received. Thank you cordially for
your kind and sympathetic words. To
bear punishment for one’s honest eon
vletlons is in the nature of a privilege
which does not require a high order of
courage I fully concur with you in
your estimate of the courts. As a gen¬
eral proposition, they are for the pro¬
tection of the rich and the punishment
of the poor. Judge Trumbull said the
other day that any federal judge may
uow imprison any citizen who happens
to displease him. This is despotism.
pure and simple, and so far as the lib
erty of the citizen is concerned, we
differ with Russia only in name. There
is. however, a hopeful view to be taken
of the situation. The people are wak
ing up. Educational influences are in
operation and in due time American
manhood will assert itself. Thanking
von again. 1 am.
Yours verv truly.
EUGENE V DEBS.
Talking Recession.
In an interview in this city, a few
days ago. Mr. Frank McLaughlin, one
of the chief owners of the Philadelphia
Times, said: "There is bound to be a
secession of a part of the union, sooner
or later."
He says that he does not think that
lhe dissolution will be brought about
by the sword, but lie thinks the time is
not far distant when the west will say
to the east: "We are tired of taking
laws made from Washington Our in
terests are separat and distinct from
yours: th^re is no community of senti¬
ment between ns it us go our v.av in
peace and you go yours
• i • ; 1 ntingen y
instead of the eas
the west Silver Knight.
WAYLAND'S HOT SHOT.
Tl»* One Ho*h Editor" Ki< k« for m
Pur pone.
The dispatches give us the wonder
ful news that the architect of tho Clu
cago postoffice wa "granted” an In¬
terview with Secretary Carlisle! How
grarious our rulers are becoming! It
will soon be as easy to approach one
of our hired hands at Washington as
any king. And this is what you call a
republic, eh?
Wheat is selling at 32 cents in Utah.
Wheat gamblers live in palaces. One
bU8ts occasionally, but the farmers do
^ ^ pa lace-another
gambler does that. And the farmers
arp pmty soli(1 for thf! K ame good old
tickets, i’ll tell you what, fellow-citi¬
zens, this is the greatest, grandest,
freest country on the globe and our
people are the most intelligent.
At Houghton, Mich., thirty-two min¬
ers are killed by “nobody to blame,’
while getting out coal for the coal
barons to mako money on. No loss to
the owners, as men are the cheapest
things on earth. Horses, hogs, sheep,
even chickens have value to their own
' 18 — on * y mon bave nor >e. Thirty morp
to take their places can be had without
paying a cent for them. O. this is f
jo , Jy country an(J a glorious system
0n)y Qn eJect|on (lay are men worth ?
do|lar a heaf] t() vote the old tickets,
Why do men buy houses to live In
or do business in? Is it not to avoid
paying some one else interest lu the
shape of rent? If this is desirable—
this avoidance of interest—why do not
the people vote to buy or build their
own street railways, water works, gas
and clectrict plants? This idea hit me
w iien I read that the street cars of
Philadelphia netted nearly $4,000,01)0
] afd y Par [j, al wou | d pave remained in
the peopIp - s pockct8 j, ad they owned
the system, as they should,
Only sixteen people were killed by a
little collision near Melby, Minn., on
t)n> private enterprise railroads last
week. People are cheap and dollars
are dear, and safety appliances would,
cost dollars. Railroad owners must
have big profits to live in palaces and
buy titles for their daughters. The
cheap people are taught it would ruin
them to have the nation own the rail
roads and not have any profits go to
millionaires. This is not anarchy, sure
i not! This is order and harmony!
* * *
National hanks are enemies of tlie
j republic. ly all corruption They are and the bribery means of in near- poli
tics. They work In secret like an as
sassln. Already the press is current
I with reports of the on-coming lobby
at Washington by (he bankers. I hope
they will succeed to such an elegant
1 degree that the people will get real
mad—then their bonds, stocks, mort¬
gages and real estate will be served
just like the sacred right of property
in the chattel slaves. History repeats
itself. Crime always brings up at the
halter If let run far enough. I don’t
blame men for being bankers, but I do
for defending so villainous a system
and preventing a juster one.
Pharaoh put new burdens (bonds) on
his people as fast as he saw they could
stand it. Our people took their sale
Into bondage to American and English
bankers so meekly, never uttering a
protest, and indorsing it by electing the
same people to office, that a new set
of bonds will be again given to the shy
locks next month. The American peo
pie don’t know that bonds mean bond
age. They don’e know their lives and
property have Boon pledged as secur
itj for gold for their rulers to squan
der in riotous, licentious and traitorous
luxury. There is not a savage tribe in
Afrlea that would so meekly submit to
sueh degradation. Issue more bonds,
masters. Issue lots of them. We love
bonds. We like to bow the neck to
British rule. We don’t care a cent how
() f 0 ur land and property the
grandees own. We like to work for
them. Next fall we will re-elect the
()1(1 par ti es to prove our pleasure at
your action. Hurrah for the bonds,
\v e will hang any traitor that utters
a word against the bonds. Whoop-la!
* * *
You can hire two men one day for
two dollars now. Formerly you could
hire but one man one day for two dol
lars. Are men depreciating?
OUR GLORIOUS SYSTEM.
.fpiilutorit lit ami Solti Like
Slu't'p.
Tliis is the nineteenth century of the
world’s civilization and progress.
This is America, the land of the free
and the home of (he brave.
Here the people are supposed to gov
themselves through representa
tivos instructed to do their bidding,
yet behold the charges men of prom
inonoP lu ake openly. Ex-Governor
Campbell of Ohio, in a speech at Co
i um ims recently, said: "It is safe to
say that no bill of any character what
ovpr V vas passed or defeated in the
Seventy-first Ohio general assembly
without the use of money.”
Here is a man whom his party has
hcuored with a renomination for gov
eruor of one of our greatest states—a
man who is entitled to some respect,
Think of such a statement coining from
such authority.
'd here challenge the records,” said
he. "to show that a single bill can be
exempted from this charge."
No doubt he tclis the truth—and per
naps his own pav.j would uo worse.
At least his opponent makes charges
jU we’to believe
Are the utterances of
either?
It we believe either, might we not as
well believe both?
lt is surely time for the people to
break loose from both old parties, and
elect honest men to office.
the benefi'^of corporations has^oth old
part:** In its toils.
The eggs of a crocodile nr . y
larger than those of a goose.
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LAWS BY THE PEOPLE
THE INITIATIVE AND REFEREN¬
DUM PRINCIPLE.
Ik Ilemorracy In Its Purity and Re¬
publicanism In Its Simplicity—Govern¬
ment by the People Impossible Other¬
wise.
By George X. Young, Longmont, Colo,
in theory a representative govern¬
ment is a republic; in fact a representa¬
tive government is not a republic, or at
least it does not long remain one, after
its founders have passed away.
Every representative republicwof the
past has perished from off the earth.
Tlie little Alpine republic of Switzer¬
land was upon the same road that led
so many of its predecessors to ruin; but
nearing the rocks it changed its course,
adopted direct legislation, and is to-day
the healthiest, as well as the oldest, re
public in existence.
Perhaps our own country is the most
striking example of the complete fail¬
ure of the representative system, The
people never get the laws they desire,
but they get plenty which they dislike.
If a measure good for the people be in¬
troduced In a legislative body, the final
product is as badly disfigured as u man
who has run an Indian gauntle‘ (
Even our constitution fails us. Made
more than a century ago, its framers
saw not the embryonic but tremendous
forces lying in ambush, to finally crush
the liberties of the people; but they
heeded not the warning voice of the elo
quent Patrick Henry, who plead in vain
for a bill of rights for the people. They
turned a deaf ear to the admonitions of
that embodiment of statesmanship—
Thomas Jefferson—who, from beyond
the sea. deplored the absence of a bill
of rights. Of this defective document
James Monroe said; “I see in it no
real checks upon the government,
See Bancroft’s “History of Constitu
tion,” page 428.
The people have, for many years,
been clamoring for the poor little pnv
ilege of themselves electing their
United States senators, But even this
is denied them. The enthroned corpor
ations prefer senators of their own
choosing,
The history of legislation in this
coun try for the century uow closing
should convince every one that it is a
waste of time and energy to work for
reform under the present system of law
making. All efforts for “free coinage,”
prohibition, single tax, restriction of
immigration, government control, etc.,
w ill fail in the future as they have done
in the past. There is always some
power other than Divinity that shapes
all the ends of legislation.
The initiative and referendum consti
tute direct legislatiou by the people,
it is democracy in its purity. It is re
publicanism in its simplicity.
It is. in itself, not so much of a reform
as it is a means of obtaining reforms.
It will throw wide open the gates which
have so long barred the people from
rights. . . . .. It ... relegate .
their God-given . m
to the rear all the political ciooks, the
heelers, gangsters, shysters, parasites,
" "teich have so long been a curse
ind a disgrace to our country. Hypo¬
crites and fawners, too. will have to
take back seats.
Of all the demands of reformers, the
referendum is most feared by plutoc
racy, as witnessed by its omnious si
lence regarding it. It does not oppose,
it dare not agitate. It orders its tools:
"Fight government ownership, ridicule
sub-treasury, but ignore the referen
dum.” It sees that its ' craft is in dan
ger:” for, with direct legislation, the
briber and the lobbyist could not ply
their vocation, and the reckless parti¬
san. the oily politician and the heart¬
less demagogue would be as helpless for
harm as would be a lot of wild beasts
after their claws and fangs had been ex¬
tracted. With the imperative man
da te and the veto power in the hands of
the peop!p there would be no need of
driUinp Sunday-school boys in the arts
of war, for the people would respect
ancl obe >' !avrs enacted by themeselves.
Instead of being nominal freemen, but
real slaves of the politicians, as now.
the people would all be. in reality, free
mcn
Little or no argument is ever ad
vanced against it. Occasionally some
or.c says; “It may do in a small conn
ny like Swi'zerin&d 1 >;t w-a'-d never
do iu a large country like ours.”
With equal consistency the same
could be said of the golden rule—it
might do in a little country like Pales¬
tine, but not in a big country like ours.
It is of vital Importance that all re¬
formers unite their strength for the fast
approaching campaign of 1896. An¬
other four years and it may be too late
We are nearing the dead line.
The next presidential term will ex¬
tend into the twentieth century.
Momentous questions are confront¬
ing the American people. Shall the
wonderful discoveries, advancements in
knowledge and the arts and sciences go
out in darkness? Shan tne bright and
glorious possibilities of the future end
in disappointment? Shall the hopes,
aspirations and happiness of millions
of our countrymen be sacrificed upon
the altar of greed and avarice?
“Forbid it, Almighty God!”
The brazen-armored pnalanx of Aus¬
tria met a Winklereid; and the gold
armored phalanx of our country may
meet many a Winklereid e’er its last
chain is rivited upon its victims.
It is probable that there are not a
dozen well-informed persons in the re¬
form ranks at this time, but would
agree '.hat the principle of direct legis¬
lation is right and just. It is the one
and only issue upon which all reformers
can unite; it is absolutely invulnerable,
stronger and more perfect than the god
made armor of Achilles. It is founded
our immortal declaration that
governments derive their just powers
from the governed.
The common enemy of all reform will
no doubt, continue to sow the seed of
dissention by means of hireling dema¬
gogues and a shackled press.
But the sad experiences of the past
should warn us to unite our forces.
Many a good cause has been lost for
want of union of friends.
The Christian church may be cited as
one instance of how feeble a great and
good power becomes when divided into
factions. With commendable zeal it
has been fighting Satan ior nearly two
thousand years, and still a glance at
surrounding social and economic condi¬
tions should convince the most skepti¬
cal that the old fellow is not only alive,
but has lots of “business on his hands.”
In nearly every human undertaking
there is some one article of prime neces¬
sity. The woodman must have his
axe, the seamstress, her needle.
A party of campers might disagree as
to what they would have for their first
meal, whether fish, flesh or fowl; but
all would agree that in order to have
anything at all, they must first have a
camp-fire.
So the mass of reformers must first
get their right to legislate, then all de¬
mands which commend themselves to
the people will be enacted into laws.
While no one should expect the refer¬
endum to cure all the ills from which
the people suffer, yet all thinkers must
see in it a measure calculated to loosen
and ultimately break the galling chains
which now fetter a tax-ridden and
debt-burdened people.
Unjust and unequal laws could not be
enacted.
Instead of state legislatures consider¬
ing a thousand or more bills at each ses¬
sion. and passing a few hundred of the
worst ones, the people would enact a
few plain, wholesome laws that could
be easily understood and efficiently en¬
forced. Court expenses would be
greatly reduced, and three-fourths of
the lawyers would he out of a job.
Juries would decide causes on their
merits rather than upon precedents es¬
tablished way back in the stone age.
Partyism, as we now have it, would
disappear; and last, but not least, every
election would tend to educate and ele¬
vate the people rather than brutalize
and degrade them, as does the present
system.
It is not wisdom for us to longer play
the ostrich act. The storm is actually
upon us. We are being rapidly driven
upon the rocks. Let all join hands,
brace up the halyards ’bout the old ship,
put honest, capable officers in charge,
and she will yet outride the storm and
carry us safely over.
Hosran for Congress.
James Hogan, of the hoard of direc
tors of the American Railway union,
was nominated for congress at the state
convention of the people's party re
h « :d at Salt Lake cit -; Utah
Brother Hogan was not only not an as
r , ' ran: * or tbe office, but strenuously de
c -- ne '- nomination. His menus
aati ^Porters were too numerous.
however, and amid demonstrations of
the greatest enthusiasm they made him
the nominee by’ acclamation. In mak¬
ing Brother Hogan its congressional
standard bearer, the people’s party
have made no mistake. In no sense of
the term a politician and scorning the
methods of political wire workers, Ho¬
gan is a man in whom the people can
place implicit confidence, He is a
close student of men and affairs, is
thoroughly honest and his heart throbs
responsive to the common people. If
Hogan is elected, as the Railway Times
earnestly hopes he will be, the people of
Utah and of the country will have at
least one congressman who will bravely
champion the rights oi the people and
who will be above the corrupting in¬
fluence of boodle.—Times.
MONEY TALKS.
Both Old Parties Use Money to Bov
Their Ends.
What is the difference between
them? Nothing, though nominally one
is labelled a democrat and the other a
republican. Both are vastly rich—
both are capitalists—and both use the.r
money lavishly to accomplish their po¬
litical aims and ends.
Quay is a high tariff and gold stan
dard advocate, So is Brine, though
three-fourths of the democrats of Ohio
are against him on both questions; yet
he rules democratic conventions as
with a rod of iron by the lavish use of
money. ^
The recent democratic convention in
Ohio illustrates the fact. Brice won,
and money did it. Quay, on Wednes¬
day, achieved the greatest triumph of
his life. Money did it, for it :s esti¬
mated that more than $1,500 were
spent in the election of the delegates
to the Harrisburg convention, and
Quay spent more than any one else or
he could not have been victorious.
Brice had nothing to recommend him
but money and never had; bu: “money
talks,” and Brice came out on lop, as
Quay did at Harrisburg.
We would as soon be in the hands
of one as the other. They use their
money to achieve success, and the peo¬
ple allow them to do it. But f.’e hope
the day is near at hand when merit
will win and not money. Neither
Brice r.or Quay would have a seat in
the United States senate if the honestly
expressed will of the people could be
heard. Tiicksters rule and stiile the
voice of the people, and corrupt men
force themselves to the front by foul
means.—Saturday Bulletin, Aurora,
Ind.
J. PIERPONT MORGAN.
TIio Treasury “in the Hands of God
and Morgan."
Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan, of New York,
seems to bo the undisputed king of this
country. He is acting president, sec¬
retary of the treasury, treasurer and
general king pin of the government,
and that is equivalent to being king.
A New York banker said last week that
“the treasury situation seemed to be
in the hands of God and J. Pierpont
Morgan.” Without desiring to appear
irreverent, we are inclined to remark
that in our opinion Morgan” has the
whip-hand of the arrangement. It
must be anything but comforting to
the American people to think that a
Wall street banker, the personification
of greed, has the country by the throat
and that his will goes. If he Orders an
issue of bonds the bonds come. If the
government wants money the president
says to this august financial autocrat
and boss of 70,000,000 people: “Will
you please, sir. loan me a trifle?” The
back doof of Wall street is the great
government of the United States.
^ hen Mr -Morgan’s feet are particular
ly dirty he wipes them on Washington
and steps into his palatial office. He
is the Rothschild of America, and every
man in the republic is paying tribute
to his greed. Is it not time to an
nounee that this country be free from
Morgan? Is it not time to proclaim
an independence for the second time
in the history of the republic? The
spectacle of 70,000,000 people being de¬
pendent upon the bounty and will and
greed of a product of Wall street is
quite enough to crack the old liberty
bell on the other side and to make
every dead patriot from ’76 to '65 turn
0V er in his coffin. If we can get the
living dead to show some signs of life
c xt year, possibly we may free our
selves.—Farmers’ Voice.
ARE PATRIOTS?
THE BANKERS AND BROKERS
OR THE TOILING MILLIONS?
Abtorbera of American Produce Who
Annually Spend Millions In Europe
Are Not Truly Americans—Love Theli
Native Land for the Profit Only.
There are a class of people in Amer¬
ica, a growing class, who call them¬
selves Americans, whose individual
members are asking, “what does a re
yub’ic amount to anyway?” This class
is .iiade up of those who absorb the pro¬
fits of American labor and American
enterprise. They annually go to Eu¬
rope, and annually spend in Europe
millions of American dollars. They are
not truly Americans at heart, and the
more they see and enjoy the European
privileges which their money so readily
commands the less American are they.
In short they care little for their native
land farther than they reap the results
of its energies and genius, which re¬
sults are dissipated in wasteful self-in¬
dulgence on the bounties of older civil¬
izations whose glitter and pomp is aris
toeracy. Gold is the god of this grow¬
ing class of Americans, and costly jew¬
els their playthings; women their pas¬
time, and fine wines their recreation.
America’s toiling millions to them are
all right so long as the millions do not
rise above their toiling conditions.
The happiness and prosperity of Amer¬
ica’s millions is a menace to these an¬
nual American tourists, to these ab¬
sorbers of American blood, and con¬
trollers of American destiny, The
brokers and bankers of this class are
found in the financial heart of every
commercial city, their servitors in
every capital of the country. In speak¬
ing of America to their foreign enter¬
tainers they praise only its material re¬
sources and its financial possibilities.
Their paid agents and expert statisti¬
cians count the number of acres under
plow, and watch the weather reports;
estimate the probable tonnage to be
moved and determine how much freight
charges each commodity will bear; cal¬
culate the output of every kind of mine,
the produce of every sort of factory, the
margins of profits of all which they
deem to be theirs by virtue of their
stock-exchanges, their boards of trade,
their chambers of commerce, and the
money of their banks, and even of the
treasuries whose volume they control.
The national treasury itself is not
safe from their manipulations nor the
precious metals of which money 13
coined, they sending the price of the
one up and destroying the value of the
other at will, whereby the farmer’s bin
of corn, the miner’s pound of ore, the
planter’s bale of cotton, all becomes
theirs.
The man who never goes to Europe,
the man who never expects to go to
Europe, the man who loves the govern¬
ment and the institutions of America,
loves it mountains and prairies, its
woods and streams, and all that It is
physically, socially and politically, past
or present, outnumbers the man who
spends his millions in Europe a thou¬
sand to one. The piain from which
the Caesars sprang, the waters that re¬
flect the palaces of the Doges, the
grape-laden hills and cathedral-shad¬
owed valleys of Spain, the castle-be
studded banks of the Rhine and all that
England or Prance has to offer in the
way of the mist and dust and ruin oi
ages, with all their tinsel crowns, and
feather-bedecked nobility, fail to at¬
tract, much less win the heart from its
fealty to this land of manhood and hu¬
man equality of the man who nevei
goes to Europe—of the American who
is for America.
The question which is now confront¬
ing the man who never goes to Europe
is: Who is to rule America? The
thousand, or the one; the toiler who
stays at home or the absorber who goes
abroad to criticise his own land? It is
confronting him through the medium
that has ruled all lands in ail times,
and which has become so potent of late
in this country of the ballot-box and
school-house—the medium of money.
Is it to be a currency of the people or of
medium so limited that the absorber
can corner It at will? Is it
to be of both gold and silver and
promises to pay in either or both? or of
a metal which is owned and held by the
absorber, together -with such additional
currency as the absorber may see fit to
have issued by those w'ho own our
bonds and control and fix the amount
of our debt-burden? Is it to be uni¬
versal national prosperity with an even
handed chance for every man, or peon¬
age to syndicate gold?
In the great middle agricultural sec¬
tion covering a dozen states, in all the
region whose fields are white with
fleecy cotton, in the vast sweep of
mountain and plain that stretches from
lakes to gulf and from the Mississippi
river to the Pacific ocean, there is not
one man in ten thousand who is an “ab¬
sorber,” not one in ten thousand who
distrusts the republic, not one in ten
thousand but that loves his country and
its institutions.
Why should the ten thousand 'submit
to the selfish greed and rule of the one’
—Uretula Eagle.
Spinning to the Fire.
A distinct feature of the crowd at¬
tending fires inMhe metropolis thes6
days is the wheelmen. It was observed
that when the fire engines, hose carts
and ladder trucks began to race in to
ward a fire in Sixty-first street, near
Second avenue, one day last week, the
wheelmen and wheelwomen who were
taking spins turned and followed the
firemen, distancing them often in the
race.—New York Sun.
Two public DiKtm-uer* at Large.
“I suppose,” said Rivers, watching a
loose steer as it darted round a corner
and went splashing through a narrow,
dirty side-street, “that*# what you call
beef alley mud.”