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life and demeanour of the excellent person
whom I tnwt that yon will again m'*e, Can.
not be contemplated without ihe admiration
due to her virtu***, and her pure and unpre
tending piety. Her lt moment* were
particularly striking; and I do not know,
that in rhe conr*** of reading the story of
nankiod. and still lee* i.i tny observations
of the existing portion, 1 ever met with
any thing so unostentatiously beautiful. In
di'putably tbe firm believers in the Gopel
have a great advantage over all others, —
for thia simple reason, that, if true they will
have their reward hereafter ; and if there
be no hereafter, they can be hut with the
infidel in hi 9 eternal sleep, having had the
assistance of an exalted hope, through life,
without subsequent disappointment, since
(at Ibe worst for them) “out of nothing,
nothing can arise,” not even sorrow. But
a man's creed does not depend upon him
self ; who can say, I will believe, —this, —
that, —or the other? and, least of all, that
which he least can comprehend. I have,
however, observed, that those who have
begun life with an extreme faith, have, in
tbe end, greatly narrowed it, as Chiiling-
Wortb, Clarke, (who ended as an Ariao,)
Bayle, and Gibbon, (once a Catholick,) and
some others; while, on the other hand,
nothing is more common than for the early
sceptickto end in a firm belief, like Mau
perlius, and Henry Kirke White.
But my busiuess is to acknowledge yonr
fetter, and not to make a dissertation. lam
obliged to you for your good wishes, and
more than obliged by the extract from the
papers of the beloved object whose quali
ties you have so well described in a few
words. I can assure you, that all the fame
which ever cheated humanity into higher
notions of its own importance, would never
weigh in my tr.ind against the pure and pi
ous interest which a virtuous being may be
pleased to take in my welfare, (a this point
of view, i would not exchange the prayer
of the deceased in my behalf for the united
glory of Homer, Ctesar, and Napoleon,
could sum be accumulated upon a living
head.— Do me at least the justice to sup
pose, that
“ Video meliora proboque.”
however the “ Deieriora sequor” may have
been applied to my conduct.
i have the honour to be,
Your obliged and obedient Servant,
BYRON.
(From the Journal of Mr. Wolf, while (ravelling
from Jerusalem to Bagdad.)
■Conversation with a Devil worshipper.
‘Fob. 20.—The brother of Ssytd Ktian
beck had not returned with the answer of
Mustala, I therefore called again on the
Christian family. The Christian was sit
ting at the door. I sat down near him.
He satat my right hand, and there sat a
Y zidi (a literal worshipper of the devil)
at oiy left hand
I looked in Ihe face of the Yezidi, and
observed that his countenance and hisdre—
differed from those of the Kurds; I asked
the Christian, whether that man siding ai
my left hand, was a Kurd? The Yezidi,
who understood my question, said, •*! arn
not a Kurd; I am a Yezidi of the order of
the Dauadia.
I. What is your belief.
Yezidi. We never pray.
And lifting up his hands Inwards heaven,
and bowing down with his knees, he said,
“ We oever do so.”
Shudder, my friends, the Yezidi never
lifts up his hands towards heaven, and
much les his heart; he never bowsdowu.
/. Do you sometimes think of God ?
Yezidi. -Never.
1 had heard from Christians, that they
Worship the Devil, and seeing that this Ye
zidi professed frankly his awful belief, I
asked him, “Do you worship the De
Vil ?”
Yezidi. We worship nothing: but we
never mention him whom you have named.
I. I)o you believe that the Devil is
good?
Yezidi. No!
I. Why do you love him?
Yezidi. Thu* it is !
/. Do you believe in the existence of
a God 1
Yezidi. We believe!
I. Why do yon not pray to him?
Yezidi. Thus it is !
I. If I would give you gome present,
Would you ihank me for it?
Yezidi I would give you many thanks
for a ahkbsbish, (present).
I. God gives-you life, breath, clothes
and raiment, and his sun shineth over you,
why do you not thank him ?
Yezidi. Thus it is !
I. Du any of you know bow to read ?
Yezidi. None of us !
I. Have you priests?
Yezidi. No!
Khalil Agha, a robber and murderer, re
siding at Ockbazyarad, five hours distant
from Merdeeo, is the head of the Yezidi of
the order of Danadia. They live in ieot,
and are very numerous. I left the compa
ny of that horrid professor of the devtl, and
tried to pray for him, but it was not possi
hie. Thus it is! The Yezidi never prays,
be never lifts up his hands towards heaven,
be never bows down ! Thus it is !
SENECA INDIANS.
* The Chiefs of the Seneca tribe of Indians have
petitioned the New York Legislature against the
sending of missionaries amongst them. I hey say
that •” The Priests of the white people make them
bad friends and had neighbour*. 11 And the hab
its of their women are worse than they were be
fore there men came among them, and their
young men drink more whiskey.— Kattera Jlrgut.
It is a fact ibat such a petition has been
presented : but that is not the whole truth.
The Seneca tribe is divided into a “Chris
tiau parly,” and a “ pagan party and the
petition in question is tram the latter This
party is composed of men who have heard
the gospel, but believe not; men who love
whiskey toe well to renounce it, and who
are incensed against missionaries and Chris
tian Indians, becane .they cannot bear re
proof for their evil deeds. And vet the
principal blame lies at the door of while
men. Traders who live on the vices oi
the Indians; tiplers and other vile persons,
who hate all that is good; these men, ui
white kins and black hearts, fill the head
of Pagan Indians with insinuations again*,
their real friends, and instigate them to
deeds of opposition. These are the m<n,
who broke up a missionary establishment
in this tribe about a year ago. by pleading
a law of Ihe state which prohibited the res
idence of whiles on Indian lands, but which
was never intended to apply to religion*
teachers. And these are doubtless ih*
men, who prepared this petition, and in
duced the Indians to sign it; and who verv
probably procured their assent while they
were half drunk. On this point the edit r
of the Utica Recorder remarks; “We veu
ture to say, that could the history of this
paganish petition be fully disclosed, it would
implicate more white men than red ones,
in the charge of wilful and gross misrepre
sentation. We have no doubt of this fact;
and we hope that the individuals concerned
will be held up to publick contempt.”
Against the representations of this fa
moos petition, we .may name a few facts,
j The tribe in question, and several others,
! reside within a few miles of Buffalo. Last
! winter Ihe member from Buffalo, who is
1 neither a missionary nor preacher, bore
■ testimony in the New York legislature to
the good character of the teachers, and to
i the happy effect* of their instructions on the
j industry and moral conduct of the believing
Indians. The several stations in New York
j are near to many white settlements, where
| ministers and Christians, and the enemies
j of religion also, hase.opportunity to know
’ the teachers and their pupils: and where
’ they are occasionally inspected by (he board
j which directs (he mission. What they do
is not done in a corner. And it is utterly
incredible, that a station should have been
continued for many years in the coofide.nce
of the church, if its influence had been so
baleful as the above petition represents.-
Editors at this distance may be ignorant
of these facts; but they ought to avoid re
tailing paragraphs, reproachful to the fol
lowers of Christ and to Christ himself, un.
less they have some knowledge of tbe
source whence they are derived
[Christian Mirror.
Prayer. —A gentleman conversing with
his friend respecting the exercises of his
own mind, before and after conversion, ob
served tha’ there was a great difference as
to the objects of prayer: When I was,
(said he.) only a nominal Christian, I used
to pray to my family —if any strangers were
present I proved to them —when I was
alone I prayed to myself: —But since I have
been renewed by divine grace, in all my
prayer* I pray to GOD
Anecdote of Dr. Young.— A9 the -Doctor
was walking in his garden, at Welwyn, in
company with two ladies, one of whom he
afterwards married, a servant came to tell
him a gentleman wished to speak with him.
“Tell him,” says the Doctor, “ I am too
happily engaged to change my situation.”
The ladies insisted that he should go, as
hi visiter was a man of rank, his patron
and his friend. As persuasions, however
had no effect, one took him bv the right
arm the other by the left, and led him to
the garden gate ; when, finding resistance
was vain, he bowed, laid his hand on his
heart, and io that expressive maimer for
which be was so remarkable, spoke the
following lines ;
Thns Adam look’d, when from the garden driven,
And thus disputed orders sent from Heaven ;
Like him I go ; but yet to go am loth ;
Like hitn I go; for angels drove us both.
Ha'd was his fate; but mine still more unkind,
His Eve went with him, but mine stays behind.
It seldom happens that a wilful deviation
from the right path of conduct, if ever so
slight, continues so, and that it does not
speedily increase into a considerable and
persevering fault. Imprudent inclinations
are so inen“iWy linked together, that no
one can safely select the mo9t trifling one
for indulgence—for “ they come, not sio
gle spies, but in battalions.”
Decency in Dress —Women should not
confine their attention to dress fur tbeir
public appearance. They should accustom
themselves to an habitual neatness ; so tha<
in the most careless undress, in their most
unguarded boors, they may have no reason
to be ashamed of their appearance. They
will not easily believe how much men con
sider their appearance as expressive of their
characters: Vanity, lenity, slovenliness, &
folly appear through it. An elegant sitn
plicily is an equal proof of taste and deli
cacy.
LAFAYETTE.
From Memoirs of Lafayette—just published.
His great military command, and bis still
greater personal influence, now brought
him constantly in Cof’act with the court &
the throne. His pd%, therefore, was
extremely delicate atf</,f‘Soolf, especially
as (he popular party iu Pavheaof which he
was not so much the leadciTorTihe idol, was
already in a state of excitement,
and atrocious violences were beginning to
he committed. The abhorrence of the
, Queen was almost universal, and was ex
cessive to a degree of which we can now
’ have no just idea. The circumstance that
the Court lived at Versailles, 16 miles from-
Paris, and that the session of the National
, Assembly was held there, was another
’ source of jealousy, irritation, and hatred on
the part of the capital. The populace of
Paris, therefore, as a sign of opposition, had
, adopted a cockade of blue and red, whose
‘effects were already becoming alarmiog.—
| Lafayette, wbo was anxious about the coo
sequences of such a marked division, and
who knew how important are small mean
of conciliation, added to it, on Ihe 26'h ei
July, the white of the royal arm, and a*
he placed it in his own hat amid*t the ac
clamations of the multitude, prophecied
that 4 it would go round the world’—a pre
diction which i* already more than halt ac
complished, since the triculonred cockade
has been used for the ensign of emancipa
lion in Spain, in Naples, in some part* of S.
America and in Greece.
Still, however, the tendency ot every
thing was to confusion and violence. The
troubles of of the times, too, rather than
a positive want of Ihe means of subsistence,
had brought on a famine in the capital, and
<he populace of Fauxbourgs, the most de
graded certainly in France, having assem
bled and armed themselves, determined to
go to Versailles ; the greater part with a
blind desire for vengeance on the royal
family, but others only for the purpose of
bringing tbe king from Versailles, and for
cing him to reside in the more ancient but
scarcely habitable palace of the Tbuilleries
in the midst of Paris The National Guards
clamoured to accompany this savage multi
lode ; Lafayette opposed their inclination;
the municipality of France hesitated but
supported it ; he resisted nearly the whole
of the sth of October, while the road to
Versailles was already thronged with an
exaperated mob of above an hundred thou
sand ferocious men and women, uojlil,fit last
having received an order to march, from
the competent authority, he set off at four
o’clock in the afternoon, a9 one going to a
post of imminent daoger.which it had clear
ly become his duly to occupy.
He arrived at Versailles at ten o’clock at
night, after having been on horseback from
before daylight in the morning, and having
made, during the whole interval, both at
Paris and on the road, incredible exertions
to control the multitude and calm ihe sol
diers. 4 Tbe Marquis de Lafayette at last
enteied the Chateau,’ say* Madame de Sta
el, ‘and passing through the apartment
where we were, went to the king. We all
pre**ed round him, as if he were the mas
ler of events, and yet the popular party
was already more powerful than its chief,
and principle* were yielding to factions, or
rather were beginning to serve only as their
pretext. M. de Lafayette’* manner .was
perfectly calm ; no body ever *aw it other
wise; but hi* delicacy suff. red from the im
portance of the part he wa called to act.
He asked for tbe interionr post* of ihe cha
teau, in order that he might ensure their
-safety. Only the outer post* were granted
him. This refusal was not disrespectful to
him who made the request. It was given,
simply because the etiquette of the court
reserved the guard of the royal per*oo and
family to another body of men. Lafayette,
therefore, answered for the National
Guards and for the posts committed to
them ; but he could answer for no more ;*
and his pledge wa* faithfully and despe
ratelv redeemed.
Between two and three o’clock, tbe
queen and the royal family went to bed.
Lafayette, too, slept after the great fatigues
of this fearful day. At half past four, a
portion of the populace made their way in
to the palace by an obscure, interior pas
sage, which had been overlooked, and
which was not in that part of the chateau
entrusted to -Lafayette. They were evi
dently led by persons who well knew the
secret avenues. Mirabeau’- name was af
terward* strangely compromised in it, and
the form of the infamous Duke of Orleans
was repeatedly recognized on the staircase,
pointing the assassins the way to the queen’s
chamber. They easily found it. Two of
her guards were cut down in an instant;:
and she made her escape almost naked.
Lafayette immediately rushed in with the
national troops, protected the Swiss guards
from the brutal populace, and saved the
lives of the royal faintly, which had so near
Iv been sacrificed to the etiquette of the
monarchy.
The day dawned as this fearful scene of
guilt and bloodshed was passing in the mag
nificent palace, whose construction had ex
hausted the revenues of Louis Fourteenth,
and which, for a century, had beeD the
most splendid residence in Europe. As
soon as it was light, the same furious mul
titude filled the vast space, which, from the
rich materials of which it is formed, passes
uoder the name of the court of marble.
They called upon Ihe king, in tones not to
be mistaken, to go to Paris ; and they cal
led for the queen, who had hut just escaped
from their daggers, to come out upon the
balcony. The king, after a short consulta
tion with bis ministers, announced his in
tention to set out for the capital; but La
fayette was afraid to trust the queen in the
midst of the bloodthirsty multitude. He
went to her, therefore, with respectful bes
itation, and asked her if it were her purpose
to accompany the king to Paris. ‘Yes,’
she replied, 4 although I am aware of the
danger.’ 4 Are you positively determined ?’
‘Yes, Sir.’ ‘Condescend, then, te go out
upon the balcony, and suffer me to attend
you.’ 4 Without the king ?’—she replied,
hesitating.— 4 Have you observed the
threats?’ ‘Yes, Madame, I have; but dare
to trust me.’ He led her out upon the bal
cony. It was a moment of great responsi
bility and great delicacy; but nothing, he
fell assured, could be so dangerous as to
permit her to set out for Paris, surrounded
by that multitude, unless its feelings could
be changed. Tbe agitation, (he tumult,
ihe cries of the crowd, rendered it impossi
ble that his voice should be beard. It was
necessary, therefore, to address himself to
tbe eye, and turning towards tbe queen,
with tfiat admirable presence of mind,
* So completSly were all persons unsuspicious
of any immediate danger that the guards of the
interior posts were no where increased ; and not
the slightest change was made in the customary
arrangements except what was made at the soli
citation of Lafayette.
which never yet forsook him, and with that
ntiogied gmr. and dig-i'y. which were the
peculiar inheritance of the ancient court in |
France, he simply Itn>*ed her hand before
the vast multitude. An instant of silent as i
Unishment followed, hut the whole was im
mediately interpreted, and Ihe air was rent (
wjih cue* of 11 Long live the qne>-n ! Long
the general!’ from the same fickle and|
cruel populace, that only two hours before!
had etphrued their hand* in tbe blood of tbe
guard-, who defended the life of this same:
qu< en. ‘ I
The same day, that this scene was pas-’
sing, the first meeting of ihe Jacobin club
was held. Against this club and its projects ;
Lafayette at once declared himsplf With!
Bailey, the Mayor of Paris, he organized an
opposing club, and the victory between the;
two parties was doubtful for above a year
and a half. The contest, however, which
was produced by this slate of thing*, placed
Lafayette in a very embarrassing and dau
gerous position. He was obliged to oppose
the unprincipled purposes of the Jacobins,
without retreating towards the principle*
of the ancient despotism ; and it is greatly
to his honour, that he did it most faithfully
and consistently. When, therefore, on the
20tb of June, 1790, a proposition was sud
ih-nly made in the Convention to abolish all
titles of nobility, Lafayette, true to his prin
ciples, rose to second it. A shori discus
sion followed. It was objected to the abo
lition of rank, that, if there were no titles,
no such reward could be conferred -as wa*
once conferred by Henry Second, when he
created an obscure person, according to the
terms of his patent, ‘noble and count, for
having saved the country at such a time.’
‘The only difference,’ replied Lafayette,
4 will be, that the words, noble and coum
will be left out, and the patent will simply
declare, that on such an occasion, such a
man saved the State.’ From this lime La
fayette renounced the title of Marquis, and
has never resumed it. Since the restora
tion of the Bourbons, indeed, and the revi
val of ihe ancient nobilily, there has been
sometimes an affectation among tbe Ultra
Royalists of calling him by his former title ;
but he has never recognized it, and is still
known in France only by tbe address of
General. At lea9t, if he is sometimes cal
led otherwise there, it is not by his frieuds.
At length the constitution of a represen
tative monarchy, which Lafayette’s exer
tions had from the first opening of the Con
vention, been consistently devoted to es
tahli-h, was prepared; and all were desi
rous that it should be received and recog
nized by the nation in the most solemn mac
r.er The day chosen, a* most appropriate
for the ceremony, was Ihe 14th of July,
1790, the anniversary of the destruction of
the Bastile; and the open space behind the
Military school, called the Champ de Mars,
from the Campus Martius of the Romans,
was the place fixed on for this great nation
al festival and solemnity. By the constant
labour of from one in two hundred thousand
persons of both *<xs and all ranks, from
Dukes and Dulchesses, Bishops and Depu
ties, down to the humblest artisan*, who ail
made the occasion like the Saturnalia of the
ancients, an amphitheatre of earth for four
miles in circumference was raised in a few
weeks, whose sides were formed of seats
destined to receive the French people, and
in whose centre stood the throne and the
altar On the morning, therefore, of the
day when the whole was to he consummat
ed, the King, the Court, the Clergy, (he
National Assembly, a deputation of the
military from the eighty-three departments,
and a body of people amountir.g to above
four hundred thousand soul* were assem
bled in this magnificent amphitheatre.
Mass was first said, and then Lafayette, who
that day had the military command of six
millions of men, and held in his hands the
pow*-r of the monarchy, swore to the con
stitution on behalf of the nation, at tbe altar
which had been erected in the midst of the
arena. Every eye of that immense mass
was turned upon him; every hand was
raised to join the oath be uttered. It was,
no doubt, one of the most magnificent and
solemn ceremonies the world ever saw;
and. perhaps no man ever enjoyed the sin
cere confidence of an entire people more
completely than Lafayette did. as he (hu
bore the most imposing part in these extra
ordinary solemnities.
The Champ de Mars, however, as Ma
dame de Stael has well observed, was the
last movement of a genuine national enthn
siasm in France. The Jacobins wrre con
stantly gaining power, ahd the Revolution
was falling more find more into the bands of
the populace. When the king wished to go
to St. Cloud with his family, in order to pass
through the duties of Easter, under the
ministration of a priest, who bad not taken
certain civil oaths, which in the eyes of ma
ny conscientious Catholicks desecrated
those who received them; (he populace
and the national guards tumultuously stop
ped his carriage. Lafayette arrived at the
first suggestion of danger. “If (said he)
this be a matter of conscience with your
Majesty, we will, if it is necessary, die to
maintain it;” and he offered immediately to
open a passage by force ; but Ihe King hes
itated at first, and finally determined to re
maiD in Paris.
Lafayette, indeed, under all drcumstnn
ces, remained strictly faithful to hi* oaths;
and now defended tbe freedom of the King,
as sincerely as he had ever defended the
freedom of the people. His situation,
therefore, became every day more danger
ous. He might have taken great power to
himself, and so have been safe. He might
have received the sword of Constable of
France, which wa* once worn by the Mont
morencies, but he declined it; or he might
have been Generalissimo of the National
Guards, who owed their existence to him ;
but he thought it more for the safety of the
State, that no such power should exist.
Having, therefore, organized ‘his last body,
according te the project he had originally
formed for It, he resigned all command,
i'li it disinterestedness of which, perhaps,
Washington alone could have been hi* ex
ample ; and retired to his estate in the
country, followed, as he had been for many
years, by crowds wherever he went, and
accompanied on his way by every form of
popular enthusiasm and admiration.
From the tranquillity to which he now
gladly turned, he was soon-called by the
war with Austria, declared April 20th, 1792,
and in which be was, at once, appointed
one of the three Major Generals to com
mand the French armies. His labours, in
the beginning of this war, which he did
not approve, were very severe, and the
obstacles he surmounted, some of which
were purposely thrown in his way by the
factions of the capital, were grave & alarm
ing. But the Jacobius at Paris were now
a well organized body and were fast matur
ing their arrangements to overturn the cnn
stninion. Violences of almost every de
gree of atrocity were become common,
and that publick order of which Lafayette
had never ceased to speak on all suitable
occasions, no longer existed.* Uuder these
circumstances, be felt that his silence would
he an abandonment of the principles, to the
support of which he had devoted his hie;
and with a courage which few men ia any
age, have been able to show, and with a
temperance, which has always kept ovpcon
duct on one even line, he wrote a letfer (o
the Convention, dated June 16ib, in wb.ch
he plainly denounced the growing faction
of the Jacobins, and called upon the consti
tuted authorities to put a stop to the atro
cities this faction was openly promoting,
la the course of (his letter he dared to
say ; “ Let the royal authority be nntouch
ed, for it is guarantied by the constitution ;
let it be independent, for its independence
is one of the springs of our liberty ; let the
King be respected, for he is invested with
the majesty of (he nation; lei bimlAtooss
a ministry that shall wear the chaiSr of no
faction; and if traitors exist, let them per
ish under the sword of the law.” There
was oot another mao in France, who would
have dared to takp such a step, at such a
time ; and it required all Lafayette’s vast
influence to warrant him io expressing such
opinions and feelings, or to protect him af
terwards.
At first the Jacobins seemed to shrink
from a contest with him. He had said to
the Assembly, “Let the reign of clubs,
abolished by you, give place to tbe reign
of the law;” and they almost doubted wheth
er he had not yet power enough to effect
what he counselled. They began, there
fore, as soon as the letter had been read,
by denying its authenticity ; they declared
it, in short, to be a forgery. As soon as
Lafayette heard of this, he came to Paris,
and avowed it at the bar of the Assembly.
The 20th of Juoe,however,had overthrown
the constitution before his arrival ; and,
therefore, though he 9iood with an air of
i calm command amidst its ruins, and vindi
cated it as proudly as ever, he was, alter
all, surrounded only by those who had tri
! nmphed over it. He could not succeed,
i therefore, and returned to htsermy on the
i borders of the low countries. But the ar
! my, too, was now infected. He endeavour
j ed to assure himself of its fidelity, and pro
j posed to (he soldiers to swear anew to the
constitution. Avery large proportion re
fused, and it immediately became apparent,
from the movements, both at Parts and ia
tbe army, that he was no lodger safe.
Hi* adversaries, who, for his letter, were
determined and interested to rnin him, were
his judges; and they belonge.d to a party,
which was never known to devote a viciun
without consummating (he sacrifice. On
the 17th of August, therefore, accompanied
by three of his general officers, Alexandre
Lavretb, Latour Maubourg, and
de Puzy, he left tbe army, and tn n ®>w
minutes was beyond the limits of 1 ,|hce.
His general purpose was, to reach the ter
ritory of the repuhlick of Holland, which
was quite near; and from that point either
rally the old constitutional parly, or pass
to Switzerland or the United States, where
he should be joined by his family. That
he did not leave France, whileflmy hope
remained for him, is certain, since before
his escape was koown at Paris, a decree,
accusing him of high treason, which was
then equivalent to an order for his execu
tion, was carried in the Assembly by a large
majority.
Lafayette and his companions hoped to
avoid tbe enemy’s posts, but they did not
succeed. They were seized the same night
by an Austrian patrol, and soon afterwards
recognized. They were not treated as pris
oner* of war, which was the only quality
in which they could have been arrested and
detained ; but were exposed to disgraceful
indignities, because they had been the
friends of the constitution. After beiDg de
tained, therefore, a short time by the Aus
trians, they were given up to the Prussians,
who, because their fortresses were Dearer,
were supposed to be able to receive and
guard them more conveniently. At first
they were confined at Wesel, on the Rhine,
and afterwards in dungeons at Magdeburg.
But the Prussians at the last became un
willing to bear the odium of such unlawful
and disgraceful treatment of prisoner* of
war, entitled to every degree of respect
from their rank and character; but espe
cially from the manner in which they had
been taken. They, therefore gave them
up again to the Austrians,who finally trans
ferred them to dark and damp dungeons in
the citadel of Olmutz.
* It is a singular fact, that in all Lafayette’s
speeches and addresses between 1781 and 1782,
he hardly once mentioned freedom, without coup
ling it with some intimation or injunction to res
pect and support publick order. Since that time,
the two phrases have been generally united ; but
they have not always meant as much as they did
when used by Lafayette.