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Piitznerald Enterprise.
o BY THE
7 ERALD PUBLISI{ING CO.
$E MERCER ..o Ediot and Manager.
p " PUBLISHED THRICE-A-WEEK:
ESDAY, THURSDAY, SATURDAY.
. ONE DOLILAR.
, Thursday, April 5, 1906, S
Get busy at something useful,
i F O )
f Pull for Fitzgerald or pull out,
F oA
. If you find a knocker, knock him and
charge it to the Enterprise.
w»
© The Star favors anew county for Fitzger
“ald. Isn’t that plain enough?—Ocilla Star.
R :
If you haven,t registered, then you will
have to let others do the voting at the county
primary—the books close today.
@ M
Editor Mercer says in the present cam
paign it is Irwinville'against the county. Now
we are listening for some smart Alec to add:
The tail trying to wag the dog.—Ocilla Star.
#
Clark Howell’s “future loyalty”’ rule ap
pi‘ed to the primary would disfranchise a large
_majority of the colonist voters in the Fitzgerald
precinct. The probability is his strikers here
will be willing to make an exception in this case,
since there is an attempt to persuade the pen
sioners that they are due to vote against Ex-
Secretary of the Interior Hoke Smith.
;MM
Yes, the Rambler is for prohibition. Now,
boys, won’t negro disfranchisement mighty
nigh bring prohibition in Georgia?
When Hoke gets to be governor there will
be something doing within the prohibition line—
and, boys, he is going to be governor unless a
tree falls on him and bruises him todeath. You
little fellows had better get on the band wagon.
—Cordele Rambler,
& A
The most powerful pelitical combination
ever formed in a county in wiregrass Georgia is
that now on between Fitzgerald and Ocilla and
the sections interested in the formation of a
new county seat, and in preventing the erection
of a costly courthouse at Irwinville-Ocilla Star.
. oM
Law and order leagues are getting to be
common in Georgia. At Baxley, Thomasville
and Moultrie, and several other places we can
not at this moment recall, the good and law
abiding people have come together in the or
ganization with intent to discourage the evil
doers. The Broxton Journal advocates one for
Broxton. It’s a pretty good way to manage it
when the authorities for any reason fail and the
wide openers get too bold.
E O ]
Selfishness is the greatest and 'commonest
of all the human weaknesses. Its mother, greed,
points the way and whips it into constant ac
tivity., Few men bave the power to rise above
it in the simple transactions of every day life.
It is every man’s privilege and his honor
able duty to those depeadent upon him to look
first to his own interest, with a due regard to
the erect line between duty to himself and justice
to his neighbors. All too often, the plumb line
is swayed to one side or the other by that sel
fishness that ignores every other man’s rights.
R A
Every fair-minded man knows that Fitzger
ale is entitled to a new county, and that it will
not hurt Irwin if she gets it. Then why should
there be any opposition? Eliminate selfishness,
and there will be none.— Ocilla Star.
3 M
Every day some voter inquires of us the
proper candidates for county commissioner.
The inquiries are made by people willing to sink
personal preference for the general good. We
have been approached by quite a number of col
onists and other voters who realize the impor
tance of selecting a board of county commission
ers that will not obstruct the new county move
ment by attempting to build an expensive court
bouse at Irwinville. We believe that it is im
portant to Fitzgerald, Ocilla and the county at
large to select men who will not involve the
county in any such extravagant expenditure for
the sake of obstructing or interfering with the
overwhelming new county sentiment.
There are five candidates for county com
missioner already in the field, each of their an
nouncements appearing in this paper. It
~ seems to us that the proper policy would be to
select three of these candidates (as three com
missioners are to be elected,) and center on
them. The present indications are that it
would be easy to take W. R. Walker, H. T.
Fletcher and D. T. Paulk aud urge the adop
tion of that ticket without scratching at the polls.
We have no especial interest in either of the
f" lidates except the knowledge that they are
iependable men, and that it would probably be
h quy Blemnolidate on them effectively,
)
WHAT'S THE MATTER WITH PENDLETON?
A prominent and influential Southwest
Georgia man sends us the following letter
which appears to have been published in the
Blakely Reporter.
The letter is worth the time of any man at
all interested in the present Gubernatorial race,
to read and carefully consider.
Mr. Editor:
Did you ever read the Telegraph years ago,
when Pendleton was at his best and wrote from
his own convictions of rignt and wrong? Do
you remember how his editorials sparkled and
how strong they were? And do you read his
editorials of late? Doesn’tit make you sorry
for him when you read them? Nobody would
ever imagine that the same man wrote the edi
torials of the Telegraph two years ago and the
editorials of today—two, four, six and ten years
ago, we will say, when he used to be writing in
favor of sound money, and encouraging the
party to have a strong sound money platform
and fully endorsing the administration of Grov
er Cleveland and the administration of Hoke
Smith as Secretary of the Interior. Everybody
praised his editorials. Not all of the people
agreed with him on Smith and Cleveland and
sound-money, but everybody admitted that he
made the best presentation of his side that
could be made. His editorials were referred to
as Pendletonian.
And two years ago, do you remember how
ably he wrote in the defence of Parker, and
sound-money and sound Democracy and ali
that? If you have read any number of his edi
torials for the past ten years, don’t it make you
sorry for him when you see how he writes today?
There was a ring of the true metal about his
old editorials, but there is no ring about whathe
writes these days on Georgia Politics.
Take for instance an editorial which ap
peared in the Telegraph a week or two ago in
which he attempted to make light of platforms
(I am informed that such an editorial appeared.
I have not seen it and it is not now before me,)
in which he ridiculed all political platforms, and
said that platforms were not made for except to
get into office on, or words to that effect. He
compared it to the platform on a railroad coach
—good for nothing only to get inon. I don’t
know that I have quoted the exact language
which he used, but it was about like that.
Do you remember how he applauded Park
er when the Democratic party failed to take a
position on the sound money question, and how,
when Parker declared his position on the matter,
he extolled Parker for being brave enough to
make a platform for himself when the party did
not do it? Do you recollect numbers of editor
ials written in the past in which he showed the
value of party platforms? Now don’t it make
you feel sorry, for when he gets in a position
that he has to repudiate all platforms and say
they don’t represent anything? And takeupand
use this cheap twaddle sooften used by militia
district politicians, about a man’s platform not
amounting to anything,—that it is like the plat
form of a car, only made to get inon?
And then did you notice his editorial head
ed “Revolutionary and Reactionary,” on March
24th, where he flings a fit because he thinks
somebody is after the railroads, accusing them
of not being fair to the people? If you did not
read it, please get it and read it and see how ri
diculous itis. And just say what you think of
his proposition that because the railroads carry
freight across the state cheaper than you can
haul it in wagons, that, herefore, all this hue
and cry against the railroads is wrong. Did
you ever expect such an argument from Pendle
ton? Let us see. If thisis the rule to test the
fairness of the railroads to the people, there is
not a man in the country but would siy that
they are fair and very fair, just and very just,
to the people. :
Let us calculate a little. By wagon way it
is 275 miles from here to Atlanta, and 275 back,
which makes 550 miles. We will suppose that
a man has togo to Atlanta to get a wagon load of
corn with a twc-horse wagon. Anybody who
koows anything about it, knows that thirty
miles per day is big traveling. At that rate it
wiil take 18 days to make the trip. He could
briog a ton of corn, which would be 36 bushels.
A team that could pull a ton 30 miles per day for
that many days would be worth $3.00 per day,
driver and all. Thus it would cost over $50.00 to
bring 36 bushels of corn from Atlanta.
What it would cost to bring it 500 miles
from where it is made to Atlanta I don’t know.
Now if the T:legraph’s theory is correct and
the railroads were to charge $l.OO per bushel
to haul corn from Atlanta, it would be a glorious
thing for the people. The people would not
have any right to complair, and if aaybody
should be fool enough to complain at the rail
roads for making high charges, it would be a
complete defense for the railroads, according
to Pendleton, to show that it was less than they
could haul it for on a wagon.
Now this is Pendletonian, isn't it? How
dces that proposition strike you? Now, if you
read his paper, you will find that he falis into a
swoon almost every time anybody saysanything
against the way the railroads are treating the
people. Can you explain this? Why is it he is
so sensitive about ‘he railroads? Does he own
arailroad? Hashe got anyinterestinone? Or
is his paper under the control of anybody else
who does own one or has an interest in one,
either directly or indirectly?
And then again, what's the matter with him
on the Negro question? Didn’t be used to
write editorials favoring some disfranchisement
plans of some of the other Southern States? I
wiil not say that be did, but I am inclined to be
lieve he did for I haye been reading his paper
ever since the good days of Albert Lamar, But
Ican't remember everything he has said,
Listen to him as follows: “Thecumulative
poll tax disqualification and the White Demo
cratic Primary bave put him, the n2gro, out of
the political game.” Now doesn’teverybody in
Georgia know befter thanthat? Don’t we know
that when we go to hold an election under the
local option law that he is largely in the game
in the majority of Lowndes County in Georgia?
But we kaow that the regro is the balance of
power in a municipal election in the majority of
towns in Georgia? Not only in the election of
those who are to govern, but in elections for im
provements. And in local elections on stock or
fence law the negro comes in and settles this
great question which so materially effects the
white land owner. Then how ridicuious it is to
say that he is out of the game of politics—that
the white primary and the cumulative poll tax
put him out of the game of politics.
But, Mr. Editor, I cannot quote further
from that ridiculous editorial,—you would not
give me space, Itis perfectly ridiculous.
But did you note how sacred he pretends to
be of an imaginary new party to be called the
“Radical Party’’? That party has no existence
nor any threat of existence except bya Populist
or two who suggested a new party by the name
of Radical. Did you notice in another editor
ial on this same subject of a new party how he
bellowed and pawed up the earth and how he
belched fire and emitted smoke from his nost
rils and declared “No sir, you can’t ram that
down the Telegraph?” If you didn’t read this,
go look it up and see wpat it was that flung him
into that fit. Nothing except that some fellow
writing for Watson’s Magazine suggested a new
party be named ‘“Radical.” This article of this
writer caused him to gointo heroics. Now, Mr.
Editor, it is mighty cheap and mighty little
business for a man of Pendleton’s standing to
try to stir up the people or to go into a spasm
about a word. Itis Pendletonian?
Now, can you remember only a few years
ago when Clark Howell’s paper. The Constitu
tion, and all of its little two by four worship
ers, were calling the Macon Telegraph an assis
tant Republican orgar, claiming the paper was
owned and controlled by a Republican, and ridi
culing the idea of Pendleton writing. editorials
or suggesiing any lines for the Democratic
party. Don’t vou recollect how they ridiculed
him and said that he was not in position to ad
vise the Democratic party, that he was not a
Democrat, and that he did not represent a Demo
cratic paper?- You certainly must remember
that?
Now all that same crowd are fighting Hoke
Smith—all the same crowd almost to a man, and
barking at him. And—would you have thought
it7—Pendleton has crawled to bed to them with
out their ever having apologized to him in the
least way. How do you imagine he feels with
these new bedfellows, as he scrooches up to
them and spoons with them? Don’t you imagine
it is a queer sort of a feeling that goes over him;
that he must have the cold chills occasionally
in that crowd?
There must have been some overpowering
force to bring him to such humiliation. lam
sorry for him.
Now, Mr. Editor, in the light of Hoke
Smith’s record in Georgia and as Secretary of
the Interior, (which no one knows better than
Mr. Pendleton) do you, can you believe that he
doubts the genuine Democracy of Hoke Smith?
Can you think that he poes not look upon Hoke
Smith as a true and sincere man and a safe lead
er for the Democrats in Georgia?
And all this stuff about Hoke Smith want
ing to destroy the railroads—do you think that
Pendleton believes it? Doesn’t every inteligent
man in Georgia know that Hoke Smith has no
such desire nor aim nor purpose, and does not
pretend to have it. Don’t he know that Hoke
Smith’s motto is just this: ‘‘Be just to the rail
roads, and compel the railroads to be just to the
people”? Aud is not that a safe motto? Is
there anybody who can object to that?
Do you think Mr. Pendleton believes that he
can waive aside the railroads, and also the other
question of disfranchisement of the mnegro?
Does not Mr. Pendleton know that he can’t get
rid of it by ridicule, that it is tco deep-seated in
the hearts of the people, and that it is growing?
And then again, I want to ask you, do you
think Pendleton is afraid to trust the fate of
Georgia in the hands of all the white people of
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the State? Is he unwilling to let ‘the white
people get together and control Georgia to the
exclusion of the negro?
" Surely he is willing to that, although he
seems to be opposed toit. A man who knows
Pendleton can’t believe that he objects to the
whité‘egople of Georgia cantrolling Georgia,
notwithstanding the fact that he appears to be
against it. . ;
There must be some overpowering force
that makes him appear to be what he is not.
: SUBSCRIBER.
We confess that we can not more than guess
the source of the influence that has worked so
marvelousa change in the Pendleton of the days
when populism menaced democracy, who now
defends.and extols those who then mocked the
party of the people.
#o@
COL. ESTILL RUNNING HIS OWN
RACE FOR GOVERNOR OF GEORGIA
To the Democratic Voters of Georgia:
A report is being persisteatly and indus
triously circulated, especially in the First, Sec
ond ard Third Congressional Districts, by Hon.
Hoke Smith and his friends, that my canvass of
the state is in the interest of Hon. Clark Howell.
I have denied this report in the most positive
manner whenever brought to my attention,
~ but it is still being circulated, with the hope, no
doubt, that it will cause my friends to become
lukewarm in my behalf. :
I take this method of denying it again, and
in the most positive manner. The idea thatl
. would make a canvass as I am jnaking in the in
terest of another candidate is preposterous. I
am making a canvass of the state for the pur
pose of beating Mr. Howell and Mr. Smith and
every other candidate for the nomination for
Governor, and with the help of God and the votes
of my fellow Democrats I hope to be successful.
I am a candidate in my own interest, not in
| that of another candidate. My platform, other
than the constitution and laws of the state, is
the enforcement of the laws, the treatment of
all people and every interest with justice and
fairness. I ask the support and influence of all
who believe in a square deal for everybody and
business administration of the affairs of the
state.
Savannah, April 2, J. H. EsTInL,
Early in the campaign this paper took the
position that Col. Estill’s candidacy was desir
ed by Mr. Howell and his friends, who evident
ly believed, as we believe, that his candidacy
would be advantagous in stemming the Hoke
Smith tide and thus indirectly prove helpful to
Mr. Howell’s race. .
We have never believed that Mr. Estill
would consent for a moment to be the tool of
Mr. Howell is any campaign. But we have be
lieved and insisted almost a year ago that Mr.
Estill’s candidacy was desired by Mr. Howell's
friends, and we believe that while his canvass
is not made in the interest of Mr. Howell,
we believe that his ‘‘canvass of the state is
in the interest of Mr. Howell,” at least it
is tohis interest. We have the highest regard
for Mr. Estill, to whom we made a personal ex
l planation in the office of the Enterprise only a
| few weeks ago,of our reason for supporting Mr.
Smith to the very best of our ability, and we
know that he would ot be the tool of any man,
but the people generally understand that Mr.
' Estill’s candidacy is desired by Mr. Howell and
l his friends and that is no doubt where he has got
l his impressions that led to his card above
| quoted.