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BY P. C. PENDLETON. j V OL. I. THE ©©TsrsFiuisiESJr ipads?? Is published in the city of Macon every Saturday Morning, at three dollars in aJu-rsnce, four dollars at the end of the year— two dollars for six months; and mailed to country subscribers L_»y (heearliest mails, enveloped by good strong wrappers*, with legible direc tions. !£r No subscription received for a less period than six months—and no paper discontinued, until all arrears are paid. Advertisements will be inserted a.* the usual rates of advertising, with a reasonable deduction to yearly ad -53* Any person forwarding a tx: s* dollar bill, (post paid,) shall receive four copies, for one year, to be sent to differeut persons, as directed. Letters, on business, either to the Publisher or Editor, must come post paid to insure attention. poetry^” TILK AMERICAN *»OETS. BY WILLIAM WALLACE. BRYANT. A river flowing through The flewer-enamel'd plsxi n ’Tis thus thouatand'st to view. Thy song without a staira- WILLIS. His spirit like a vase Os alabastershrines, W here gems and fire have place On nature’s holiest shrin es. FERCIVAL. An eagle in the sky Os song, he proudly mou n ts, And rears his crest where lie Castalia’s purest founts. HALLECK. A etreamlct in the morn— A torrent in the night, When stars arc o’er it born. Are emblems ol his might _ DANA. He strung his solemn lyre With chords that seraph sown,— Yet oft the wildest fire Darts round the minstrel* s throne. WETMORE. An oak, around whose form The greenest ivy clings. Soar; :g alike incahn and storm,— To us thine image brings - PIERPONT. He strikes Ins harp, and lo T Our patriots round us tli rongl— What tears of rapture flow At his inspired song. JOHN NEAL. A whirlwind in the clouds • Vesuvius spouting flame, Pale ghosts in snow-white s lirouds, Must typify thy name. GALLAGHER. Bold as the storm that roll Around our western skies. The thoughts that fill thy To us in song arise. HILLHOUSE. A mighty alp of mind ; ■Within its shadow, flowe r~B, Where poesy's enshrine’d In amaranthine bow'rs. FAIRFIELD. Wild as the sybil’s tone His burning thoughts arc 1 A tow’ring alp his throne— His wreath the stars of lie aven. WHITTIER. Lound as the trumpet’s blast. Sweet as an angel’s lyre His words in years long pas t Gushed out in patriot fire - MISCELLAN ZEOUS. From the Southern Literary Messenger. POLITICAL RELIGIONISM. BY A SOUTHROI'T _ 1. A Letter to the Hon. Henry Clay , on the Annexation of Texas; by William E. Chann. ing, D. D. Boston, 1937. 2. “ Texas,” Quarterly Review, Junes, 1833. [concluded.J We have the greater reason tocom plain of Dr. Chan ning, because he speaks ex-catheara the sanctity of his lawn is invoked to give weight to his testimony He is an American citizen, supposed to t»o elevated by the character of his function above the influence of party or local feeling; he professes to be consumed with love of country, and to be steadfast in his faith as to the sta bility of our institutions; and yet he tn ingles freely in the discussion of the most agitating poli t ical questions ; he advocates .'chimes which have already shaken and which still endanger the Union; to check the growth of slavery’ in the south, he invokes the interposition of a foreign government, and he supplies the friends of “stronger governments,” and the enemies of republics, with endless aiguntents to inveigle against the de moralizing tendency and frail texture of republican institutions. The reveries and libels of foreigners we might safely despise, though we w-ell knew that the trumpet of Miss Martinean had been filled with the voice of the northmen, for they spoke* in a tone to awa ken the sleeper and to startle the dca f. Let us not con ceal the humiliating truth. These men, in their mis taken zeal, become the most dangerous enemies of the cause of freedom, of the peace and. prosperity of our common country, and labor in that imost destructive of all earthly missions to shake the fait At of our people in the strength and stability of their inst i tutions. And these boding dreams, these hallucinations of minds heated with intemperate zeal, furnish a gcxxlly and perpetual repast over which the enemies of republican establish ments gloat with rancorous rapture. The policy of the government in relation to the re moval of the Indians, being definite I y settled, let us re flect a moment upon the fatuity of tfcaose agitators who seek to resist the action of the executive by inciting the Indian to rebellion, for such is the onlyresuit of their interference. The accumulation of Indian tribes on •nr southern and vt.item frontier, where the slave population i> most denis, both of ■swvhieh claves the Devoted to Literature, Internal Improvement, Commerce, Agriculture, Foreign and Domestic News, Amusement, &c. northern fanatics constantly feed with discontent, con centrate a force hostile and formidable to the white man ; and in the event of foreign interposition, which these enthusiasts openly invoke, the Mexican, the In dian, and the Negro, fortified with all the sympathies of their northern brethren, are prepared to assail the Anglo-Saxon of the south. Are these fit allies for the northmen ? The British power is invoked. Is this allegiance to the Union, or fidelity to confederates ? The great family of European nations has already been shaken to its centre, thrones subverted, and the superstitious observances of centuries dissipated by the first-breathings of free principles which our French allies of the revolution introduced among them. To weaken our institutions at home by domestic strife, to arm the cold, calculating fanatic north, against the im patient and fiery south, to repel the working of our principles abroad, is the policy of those nations; and they are not a little indebted lo those churchmen who delight in evil auguries, and who exaggerate the licen tiousness of our people as if it were the greatest of pub lic virtues.* And when one so distniguished as Dr- Channing volunteers his testimony’, it is seized upon with avidity, and published to the world, not as the re vilings of a prejudiced foreigner, but as the impartial declaration of a native citizen, a vessel of election, an oracle of truth, one anointed of heaven. The language of European writers in relation to our civil and political establishments, betrays that degree of ignorance which is the mother of fear. The true char acter of the colonists and the nature of their institutions have never been properly understood by the people of England. Negligent to observe the progress of the human mind in the new world, the inquisitive specula tions of its inhabitants upon the natural rights of man, and their extraordinary enterprise in thedevelopeinent of the plenteous resources of the country; when the long suppressed energies of this youthful but adventu rous people burst forth into successful action, the disci plined European, trammelled by hereditary prejudices and observances, regarded it as a trancient ebullition of feeling worthy only of derision. They mistook it for the mountain torrent that would pass away with the storm that gave it birth: they knew not that it was the stream of human opinion, which th# accession of every day would swell, and which was destined to sweep into the same oblivion the resistance of conservative bigotry and powerful oppression. The uncompromising love of freedom which induced the early colonists to abandon the home6and the graves of their fathers, and to subdue a wilderness in order to escape oppression ; the dangers to which in their infancy they were exposed from the vicinage of a murderous foe, and the hardships incident to their new situation, naturally inspired them with an energy of character and loftiness of soul, un known to their European kindred. The restraints of the feudal tenures had been left behind them, and they were warmly attached to the soil upon which they trod they were the “ free-holders of the land, and the rent day had no terrors for them.” The equality introduced by the abolition of the law of entail and primogeniture, the general diffusion of useful and practical knowledge, the deep stake each individual had in the government, could not fail to infuse into their bosoms that love of liberty, that independence and elasticity of character, that jealousy of power, which has led to the establishment of a frame of government which is at once a blessing te mankind and the hope of the nations. If we revert to the continent of Europe, we will discover that the principles upon which our government is framed, had long been recognized, although no people hail carried them into practical operation. History is an immense collection of experiments of the nature and effects of the various forms of government. Some institutions are experimentally ascertained to be beneficial, some others to be indubitably destructive to human happiness. The philosophers of Europe had, for a century preceding our revolution, listened intently to the testimony of ages, and of nations, and collected from them the salutary principles which regulate the mechanism of society, and recognize the unalienable rights of the citizen. The nature and excellence of free institutions had been re duced to demonstration, yet these convincing argu ments influenced the councils of no government, and awakened to resistance no oppressed people. It was at this propitious period when all Europe presented the repulsive spectacle of a liberal theory opposed to a barbarous practice, when the germs of free institutions had taken root in the understanding and were entwined with the affections ol man, thatour forefathers escaping from the oppressive and time-honored establishments which pressed them to the earth, sought at the extremity of the ocean, a clime, in which they might substitute for established formulas the pure and voluntary worship of the Deity, and where they might erect political insti tutions originating in compact,springing immediately from the will of the people, and reposing upon the rights of man. Deeply impressed with the injustice and the absurdity of the various constitutions which chance had scattered over the world, the comprehensive intellect of our revolutionary fathers was extended in erecting a stupendous and imperishable fabric, which reposing on the immutable basis of popular right and general happi ness, should exclude the defects and combine the excellences of the multiplied political establishments known to man. Antiquity could consecrate to them no rule which reason did not respect; and they shrunk from no .innovation to which reason conducted. Guided by the popularity of reason, they stood out from rhe shore, and leaving the ancient land-marks far behind them, they sought by a bolder navigation to discover in unexplored regions the treasure of public felicity. And they found it. Notwithstanding the vaticnations of men of evil augury and timorous apprehensions; notwith standing the eagerness with which those sickly dreams of a distempered fancy are repeated, by these who can neither appreciate nor admire our governmeut, as if they were the breathings of holy prophecy; we, the Ameri can people, unscduced from our allegiance, unshaken in our confidence in the excellence and permanency of our institutions, feel, and are thankful that the Ark of the Covenant is among us. If not more favored, at least more thankful than the chosen people of Jehovah, we w ill not proudly exult, but meekly bow down in grateful ness for blessings, such as heaven in its mercy has scl *But forthe unusual length to which it would have extended our article, we would have invited the atten tion of the public to other consequences of a serious character,which flow’from these exaggerated statements of the lawlessness of our people and the weakness of our government. They have already occasioned difficul ties, by many deemed insuperable, in the settlement of the outrage at Schlesser on the Canada frontier. Our own writers have so frequently published tothe world the unbridled licentiousness of our people, and the ina bility of the civil authorities to restrain them, that foreign nations justify an invasion of our territory, and the cap ture and cutting out of a boat, upon the grounds assumed by Mrs. Trollope, Dr. Channing, and Miss Martincau. But a full exposure of all the consequences of these impurtationa upon our moral and national character would requite a volume MACON, (Ga.) SATURDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 22, 1838. dom vouchsafed to man. “Ask of the days of old,” exclaimed the indignant prophet when he rebuked the repining Israelite, “ ask of the days of old, that have been before thy time, fr mi the day that God created man upon the face of the earth, from one end of heaven to the other end thereof, if ever there was done the like thing, or it ha h been known at any time.” Let us assure Dr. Channing that we are not the de praved people he has imagined us, and that in the whole book of recorded time, he will scarcely find a people equally numerous who are less depraved. And as the British reviewer bases all his prophetic aspirations of our speedy ruin upon the unfounded charges of the learned divine, the framework of his argument falls, because the foundations are hollow and unsound. There is in France a school of philosophers and politi cians, who have been appropriately denominated the mystics ; they are not unfrequently led by clergymen, and constitute in that crater of political convuleions, the movement party. At the very head of this band of agitators is the celebrated politico-religious demagogue, the Abbe de la Mennais. Reformation of abuses by he calm and peaceful agency es wholesome public opinion, has no attraction for them. The whirlwind of revolution is the only agent fitted to their rash designs and heated imaginations. And this morbid desire for revolution does not scent tobe entirely prompted by that love of change or excitement, or by that ambition which usually impels men to subvert existing establishments; no, they are fanatics. They anticipate stupendous results from the action of enthusiastic associations forcing public opinion into rapid and straitened currents and overthrowing in its resistless progress every barrier. By an agency independent of, and trancending al law* they expect through a long chain of revolutionary con vulsions to effect a certain social revolution, which is to consumate tfie happiness of the human race, by abolish ing every vestige of slavery, and introducing a happy millennium of universal equality. Let us not incline to ridicule this fanaticism as too wild and destructive in its character to engage the attention of reflecting men. It has its attractive as well as its dark aspects; it is to all appearence a mingling of heaven and earth. There is widely dessemminated among us, particularly in the northern and eastern states, a peculiarity of mental character, in which a strong native sentiment of religion is blended with a powerful tendency to skepticism and infidelity. In the delirium of hope, these men di vert all those aspirations which properly belong to a future state, towards speculations upon the perfectabili ty of mankind on earth. Unbeliever of ardent and imaginative temperaments are very prone to fall inta this fanatic trance; for, when incredulity draws an impenetrable veil over the future, it is perfectly natural that men should become the dupes of these gross delu sions. And why should this aetonish reflecting men, when the distinguished divine, who has become the apoligist of Kneeland, the blasphemer, boldly sustains Tappau the agitator? We will invite public attention to a few more ex tracts from Dr. Channing’B libel upon our character and government, and hasten to conclude. “We are a rest less people,” says Dr. Channing, “ prone to encroach ment, impatient of the ordinary laws of progress, less anxious to consolidate and to perfect than to extend our institations, more ambitious of spreading ourselves over a wide space, than of diffusing beauty and fruitfulness over a narrower field. Henceforth we must •ease to cry peace, peace. Our eagle will whet, not gorge its appetite on its first victim; and will snuff a more tempt ing quarry, more abiding blood in every new region which opens southward. To me it seems not only the right, but the duty of the free states, in case of the annexation of Texas, to say to the slaveholding slates, ‘we regard this act as the dissolution of the Union.’ We will not become partners in your schemes of spreading and perpetuating slavery, in your hopes of conquest, in your unrighteous spoils. A pacific division in the first instance seems to me to threaten less contention, than a lingering, feverish dissolution of the Union, such as must be expected under this fatal innovation. We shall expose our freedom to great peril by entering anew career of crime. We are corrupt enough already,” Ac “ Still I am compelled to acknowledge an extent of cor ruption among us, which menaces freedom, aid our dearea interests. That the cause of republicanism is suffering abroad, through the defects and crimes of our countrymen, is as true as that it is regarded with in creased skepticism among ourselves. Abroad, repub licanism is identified with the United States, and it is certain that the American name has not risen of late in the world." Deepiy as we revere the function of the priesthood in its appropriate exercise, a love for truth and justice to aur common country, compels us to pro nounce these extracts a gross libel on the American character and government. In the just indignation which every man who respects the national character must feel for this unwarrantable and unfounded abuse by a Christian divine and native citizen, there is little inclination to complain of the lo triumphes ! which the British reviewer pours forth abundantly over the moral degradation of a people, who, before the publication of Dr. Channing, had persuaded themselves that they were the purest, and happiest, and most intelligent of the sons of the children of tnen. It is from publications of this kind, that the enemies of republican institutions in the old world derive those atrocious calumnies, w hich represent us to the nations of the earth as the moat tur bulent and demoralized of people. The article of Dr, Channing had probably reached Europe when M. Lackanal read to the French Academy of Moral and Political Science, the following extract from his work on the United States, to which we append a few obser vations by a Paris correspondent: “According to M. Lackanal, in the United States ‘nothing is easier, than divorce —nothing more secure from judicial process and social disgrace than insolven cy.’ His account of our negro slavery,and the condition of the free colored people, rivals at least that of Mia 6 Martineau. ‘The Central of Federal Executive pawer is without means of enforcing the law of Congress with the States, who resist whenever they please. With every American, individualism of personal indepen dence is at its height. No American entertain the least veneration for the law, or respect for the magistrate; he creates both one day; he can unmake them the day after; he never forget i that they are his work. The people literally regard the President, the members of Congress, the judges, as their serv ants, and give them no other appellation. They slap them in the face, —so great is their irreverence; witness the slap dealt to President Jackson, and with impunity. If a member of Congress ventures to call for law’s to repress popular excesses, he only provokes new storms, —this is what happened after the conflagation of the Ureuline convent near Boston-’ Lackanal them read details of •rneral Jackson’s treatment of legislators and judges at New Orleans, of the execution of Arbuthnot and Arnbristcr and similar adding—• tout as la pouvait event son utilile; mats ces fails son t peu d'accord avec le re spect qu'on proffesseen France jtour Its guaranties de la loi.’ Mr. Lackanal thinks that General Jackson,while President, let loose the reins of Democracy, in order to become at length a necessary dictator, 'ln fine, the futurity of the United States is a curious and pregnant problem. Will these wild democracies ultimately fall into the track, shape and polity of the old communities of the world, or will the elements now fermenting in America, engender anew regime and anew aspect for human society ?’ I leave these question to the sooth sayers. With regard to the superior respect manifes'ed in France for the guaranties of the law, let the paint be examined with a little reference tothe domestic history of France under the old Bourbons, during the revolu tion, or even since the revival or vindication of the charter of 1830. France is still under the government of state necessity; and the popular excesses are far more numerous and grave, than those which occur in the United States. The riots at Tours, Amiens, An goulenie, Bordeaux, Macon, of recent date, cost more blood than all the disorders of the kind which have #c curredin the United States since the date of their con stitution. Last week we had information of a femnie commotion on the banks of the Rhone. The women assembled in great numbers, broke down some dykes just constructed, and fought a hard battle with the sol diery called in by a sub-prefect to disperse or capture the ladies. Were it not for the military force always at hand, what would be the ostensible respect for law ? —Unfortunately) throughout Europe, the influence of lawseemstobe owing principally to the idea of an overwhelming military coercion. Law ie received as the work of selfish power, not of executives and legisla tures instituted and acting for the national weal. How ever, the comparatively few disorders, and the instances of Lynch justice, of which so much is made in the Lon don and Paris papers, together with the historical char acter of European democracy, have produced an almost universal impression that the American citizen is and must be anarchical; and it is upon this supposod law lessness that the writers on the Canada rebellion count as a sure and all-sufficient auxiliary for that rebellion, whatever may be the dispositions and proclamations of our General and State authorities.” That we shall ultimately attain our destiny—that our decline and fall will at some future day add another to the many lessons of experience, to instruct future gen erations—will only furnish another proof of the perisha ble nature of all human institutions. But that we shall demonstrate the great problem of the capability of man for self-government, and of the capacity of republican institutions to secure the greatest share of happiness and freedom to the greatest number, we can never doubt, so long as the past is admitted to be an index to the fu ture. Indeed it is by no means improbable that the Union may be dissolved, and that we may be forced into new associations by the agitators of the northern states. And the blow which severs the bond will come from the south, and the northmen will be startled in the midst of their agitations, by the decisive active of a people who have long since been convinced that upon the delicate subject of slavery there is no longer any union or sympathy between the free and the slave states. That blow already impends. Indeed we have twice seen the union of thes# states endangered. Once by New England in the dark hour of adversity, and once by South Carolina in the floodtide of prosperity. And during the session of the present Congress, when the southern members were driven from the hall of re presentatives by the abolitionists of the north,the Union for the time being was virtually dissolved. But there are better days, there are brighter auspices before us. Even the reverend gentleman himself, pro phetic of evil as he is, is constrained to admit that a mong dark omens ho sees favorable influences, reme dial processes, counteracting agencies. And we will venture to predict, that another lustre will not have passed away before the whola band of agitators, with their clerical leaders at their head, bowing down before the indig*ation of a long suffering people, will be made to confess and to feel that fanaticism is not religion, that intemperate zeal is not charity, and that political religionism is only calculated for the meridian of Spain. It is a melancholy butgrowing conviction, that a con siderable portion of our clergy is falling away from the sound morality and staid sobriety of the fathers of the American church. Ambition seems still to be a weed of quick and early vegetation in the vineyard of Christ; and surpliced priests, forgetful of the sanctity of their function, and swollen beyond the girth of the canon, plunge headlong into the turbid waters of political con troversy, and instead of being ministrants of peace ant 1 good will, are constantly obtruding themselves upon’the public, and mingling in the most exciting and exaspe rating discussions. Sterne was a lewd hypocrite, and has, we believe, had no imitators in this country; but the politico-religious demagogue, Swift, has many compe titors for the vile crown which he preeminently merited. It is because of our reverence for the clerical order,that we regret at all times to hear the voice of one consecra ted to Christian meekness and charity, lifted up amid the political clamor, where nothing pure can live and retain its purity. The forum is no place for the priests; and if he be earnestly devoted to the service of his Ma g ter, the widow and the orphan, the sick, and the prison er, the sorrowful and the dying, all the ministrations of charity will so engage his feelings and occupy his at tention, that he will have little inclination or time to abandon his appropriate functions to fan the flame political excitement, or to seek distinction by mingling in the heady current of religious ar political fanaticismi When not employed in the functions of their ministry, prayer in the solitude of their chambers would suit theta fin better than the publication ofletters to eminent states men, derogatory to the national character and morals They were consecrated to minister to the spiritual necessities, not to pander to the intolerant feelings of men; they were set apart to bless, and not to curse mankind. Whether we look to the extent of our territory, em bracing every temperate clime, and teeming with every variety of production, or to the character and promise of oar tree institutions, evidences of the munificence of a bountiful Creator crowd around us, and impel ue to maintain that union upon whieh much of eur happi ness and security depends, and which none but our selves can put asander. Licentiousness and insubor dination, the impatience which frets under a system of established order, and the fanaticism which would huw ry man by unnatural stimulants towards unattainable perfection, these are the restless and natural enemies of republican establishments; and the agitator and poli tico-religionists are the high priests of intemperance and misrule. We have opened anew volume in the book of man, more precious than the last of the Sybil’s. We have collected from the wisdom and experience of de parted ages anew theory of government. It is an ex p*ri»aat np* with pro*iaa *• ushers gsssnuoss. W# j| C. R. HAKLEITER, PRINTER. have no past history of our own to guide us; we stand forth before the natrons of the earth bearing through a wilderness the correecrnted emblem* of freedom, and ifi after a weary pilgrimage, w» shall attain the promised land, and infuse the spirit which • annates ns into stable and permanent institatiOßs ; if wc shall kindle the di vine flame of liberty upon altars surrounded and pro' tected by a nation of invincible freemen ; if we shall substitute, in the structure of govern* ntal machinery, ths controlling powar of mind for absolute will, and rational equality for artificial chucks and privileges I then may the governments of the old world tremble for their time-honored and eri.-pled observances, for the ancient despotisms will ba erusi-sd baueath the vast and magnificent structure cf democracy, which is al ready pushing its foundations hr and wide, into the confidence and a flections of mankind- It ie this princi ple of democracy, now in the full sweep of successful experiment, that alarms the despotism of the old world* and induces its votaries, with thoughts that are fathers to their wishes, to found, upon suck unmerited libels as those of Dr. Channing and Mrs. Troloppe, prophetic arguments of our speedy dissolution. These are men whose the ughts, feelings, habits, associations and pre judices, are closely interwoven with things of the olden time, and have embraced with a thousand delicate ten* drils which may ba sundered but never disengaged) the crumbling ruins of the ancient fabric, whose moulder* ing condition is concealed from themselves by the luxu* rianee of their affectiens. They look upon all change as ruin, and all decay as tlie fruitful source of life and beauty. Although they seem to walk with eyes wil fully darkened, yet intlieir hearts have they trembled; for they have Cel’ the agitations beneath and around them, and they “grope tremblingly among the bristling energies of popular feeling as if they ware on the crater of a volcano.” They live with the pset—they have no hope for the future ; and the spirit which animates our institutions, by a single breathing would shiver the en chanted tailsuun which guards all their treasured wealth. But for us, we are anew people, apringingat once into the full vigor of life, unafflicted with the weak nesses of infancy or the palsy of age; we have no re cords of the past—no traditions of glory; we have com menced our sublime career; our associations, our hopes, our honors, arc all with the future; in the past wa behold nothing but the sufferings of tha maay and the crime* and oppressions of the few —and shrinking from the contemplation of the dark ages of man, we hare opened a sealed book, anew volatile filled, with the promise of happiness and moral ezcellenca and dignity, tothe hu man family, under the influence of the equality breathsd forth in every lesson of that other book, whieh is called the book of life. VVe are in the bud and promiae of blossom and fruit; and like the rod of the prophet in the tabernacle, the staff upon which we learn blooms and fructifies. Let not the monarchists of Europe, mis led by the intemperate language of enthusiasts or agita tors, hug themselves in die forlorn hope that we shall find it necessary to borrow their arulicial checks epon the will of the people, end let not Dr. Channing persuade himself that we shall require a “stronger go vernment ;” our forefathers have impressed upon thair descendants too lively an image of their sufferings under the oppressions of kings and nobles, to permit thcgi td abandon their own pure faith to bow down before such idols in their western asylum. We are now the only nation in whom the vital principle is active and progres sive. Other nations have been—their onward career is closed—their history is written in the fa te of other empires which have preceded them in the march of ruin. But in the structure of our own beautiful edifice, it would appear that all the salutary lessons of history had been gathered and studied, and that the temple destined to flourish forevermore, had sprung up into fair and beauteous proportions, not unlike the foam-bora Cytherea from amid the wrecks of ages on the stormy shores of time. Our institutions are based upen a sound morality : and the genius of Christianity has imparted a portien of its immortality to the institutions which em balm it. What a sublime destiny is ours, and how im measurably beneath contempt do those sink, who affect to see in casual excesses that ruin which they rather de sire than anticipate. What a sublime destiny is ours 1 Os that Anglo-Saxon race peculiarly constituted for freedom, with political institutions admired by the world, and only feared by ito oppressors, with a pros perity like that of the Samian prince, so startlingly stu pendous as to be its only evil omen; carrying civiliza tion into the fastnesses of the forests ; erecting empires and cities in the wilderness, in ona short generatfon of the children of men; with ona eras stretched forth to wards the abode of winter, and with the other reaching towards the tropics, with opposite oeeaas for bounda ries; to whom is it given to calculate the future eleva tion and moral grandeur of this people ? And even while men of limited views discuss the excesses of the border, the frontier line has moved, and the theatre of semi-barbaric strife has already been subdued by all the refinements ofsociety. Before another century shall have elapsed, empires will have sprung into being which will render feeble the voice of those who demand tha abolition of slavery. When this unhappy race shall have been fitly prepared for freedom, when their eman cipation can be effected with safety to the white man, and when the slave states themselves in their own good time, shall deem it wise and proper, then, and not be fore, will the sons of Ham go forth from the house of bondage. The single enemy, the natural foe of our institutions, is licentiousness; for as all free instittition* repose on the broad basis of morality, whatever tends to introduce insubordination is eminently destructive. And whenever the fanatic, the abolitionist, the politico religius demagogue, in a spirit of wanton mischief or misguided seal, throw their fire-brands among any portion of the people, and stimulate them to rebellion, let us reflect upon the wisdom of the Roman* in the purer days of the republic, when they represent ed LICENTIOUSNESS AS TH»N»E*STRUCI BT HEAVEN AT tuf moment she strives to break a table or tk* law and the balance or Justice. Yet we entertain no serious apprehensions of tha consequences of clerical interposition in secular and political affairs; for, however deeply'' enthusiasts may deplore it, the age of erusAdes, like the age of chivalry, is past. Although eur peaee may be fearfully disturbed (bra season, and the Union seriously threatened, th* influence of the clergy in this country will ultimately be restrained within its appropriate sphere ; and th* moment its members mingle with excited crowds of citizens, making broad their phylacteries with Strange and unholy characters graven thereon, they cease to compel or to merit this reverence of reflecting men. They may bring religion into eontempt with the raaee of the people ; but they can never shake this* estab lishments or dissolve that Union, which were founded in a deep jealousy of their controlling influence and frightful corruption in other lands. But if, instead ts matting th* aagry and v#»g*ful failing* of dthgUdf NO 48-