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* am> Ataut ri/mt ii, jjn ■ ihercm r.„" rMmha , on t, m „ „, a „ .n„ rmMe j. Flre „ oll^ VOL. 1, ‘ “These are counsellors “That feelingly persuade me what I am,” from, the Athenian, of April 5. GEORGIA, GWINNETT COUNTY. Gwinnett Superior Court, March Term, 1831. The Stale Y vs. V. Habeas Conrus. Yforcester and others, j THE CASE. The defers£ht and five others w ere in the custo dy of Col. Sanford, Georgia Commissioner, to whom the writ w<* directed, to show the cause of their -capture and detention, and who returned -up on said writ that ar-Commissioner aforesaid, ap pointed under the act -of the State of Georgia, jpassed on the 22d of December, 1830, entitled “ An Act to prevent the exercise of assumed and arbitrary power, by all persons under pretext of the Cherokee Indians, and their laws, aad to prevent white persons from residing that part of the chartered limits of Georgia, oc cupied by the Cherokee Indians, and to provide a guard for the protection of the gold mines, and to enforce the laws of the State within the afore- said territory.” He had arrested said persons for a violation of said act, and particularly the 7th ecction thereof, and had brought them to be sur rendered to the civil authority to be dealt with as the law directs. Whereupon their discharge was moved for upon the pounds hereinafter men tioned. Dougherty and Trippe for the State.— Harris, Harden and Underwood for Defendants. THE OPINION OF THE COURT. Preparatory to a ceciabji of this case, it will be pecessary to bring into 'ipw, such parts of the above recited act, as are applicable to the question The 7th section, in the following words: “ That -all white persons residing within the limits of the Cherokee Nation on the fiat day o£ March next, or any time thereafter, witLopt a license or permit from his Excellency tAe G-vtraor, or from such agent as his Excellency shall au thorise to pant such permit' or license, and who shall not have taken the oatljlieremafter required shall be guilty of a high misdemeanor, an d upon conviction thereof, shall be punished by confine meat in the Penitentiary at hid. labor, for a term not less than four years : Provided, that the pro visions of this section shall be so construed, as to extend to any authorized agent or agents, of the government of the United states, ar of this State, ox to&ny perron who may red*, aiy of these im provementsfcvhtch ■**ve_bcen abandoned by In dians, who have emigrated west of the Mississip pi.” And it provided also, thaiicmales and chil dren-under age, were not to be sheeted by the sec tion. The Bth section provides*, “Tuat all white persons, citizens of the State oP Georgia, who have procured a license in -writing f;om his Ex cellency the Governor, or from such agent as his Excellency the Governor, shall authorise to grant such permit or license, to reside within the limits of the Cherokee Nation, and whohav taken tho following oath, viz: “I. A. B. and. solemnly swear (or affirm as the case may he,)'.hat I will support and defend the Constitution and Laws of the State of Georgia, and uprightly dmean my self as a citizen thereof so help me lod,” shall be, and the same are hereby declared, xempt and freo-from the operation of the 7th sectoa of this •act. The 11th section provides for the apointment of the Commissioner and guard, for tlupurpose of tarrying the act into effect. And the lith section declares the duty and power of the gurd, or any member thereof in arresting persona ckrged with or detected in a violation ot the laws i the -state within said Nation, and to Convey turn as soon as practicable before the civil authbritj to be dealt w ith as the law direct*!. • In the prosecution of the defendant application for a discharge, their Counsel set up two classes of objections to the act under which hey are ap prehended. Ist. That it is contrary to the Contitution f Vie United States. 2. Thatit is contrary to the Conetityion of the State of Georgia. In the first, upon four-grounds, viz : Ist. No State shall pass any ex postjeto latv. 2d. The citizens of each state shall b entitled to all privileges and immunities, of ctzeas in Overall states. id. No state shall without the consenof Con gress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep bops or slaps of war, in time of peace, enter inttany a groement or compact with another state, r with! a foreign power, or engage in war , unless dually 1 invaded or insuchoimuiueut’dangor as not 'admit oTdelay. 4th. The right of the people to be sore in "their persons, houses, papers and effects, gainst unreasonable searches and seizures, shall :>( be "Violated, mid no warrants shall issue, buupon probable cause, supported by an oath or alrma and particularly describing tke placeo be searched, and the person or things to be aein. In the last, upon the following ground, viz .f‘Nb person shall be denied the enjoy met of any civil right, merely on account of his relig* a* principles,” and as connected w ith this gro< W the oath required by the statute is a test oath, id the refore contrary to the inherent rights of mat The course of tire argument makes it necestfy to examine all those points. *■ Ist. It is satd that the act is ex post facto lv, ' "-in this, that these individuals were resin? on the territory at, and before the time of thop* -OCjiJo of the act, ynd contrary tv an existing k, and that a residence, innocent at that time, could not be made criminal by the Legislature. This objection will be made to disappear by a very plain statement. What is an ex post fab to law ? It seems to be agreed on all sides, that it is a law punishing an act, which when committed, was repugnant to no law. In other words, accor ding to the first lesson of every tyro in the legal science, law is a rule of action prescribed for the conduct of men and consequently regulates all his actions after the passage of the law*, and can never be said to be a-rule of action to past conduct, or actions existing prior to the law. Is this the fact, in relation to the statute before us f When was it passed? Owthe22d of December, .1830. What residence of these people constitutes the'Crime? Is it the residence at the time, or before the pas sage of the act. Candor will dictate a negative answer to this question. When then does the •crime of residing in the nation .commence ? Not until after the first day of March ensuing, the date of the act. How then can it be said, that this is prescribing a rule of action to the past, instead of the future donduct of-the citizens! It cannot be. 2d. The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states. It is urged that the law' is ndt a general one, that it applies to a particular part of the state, and these -individuals being citizens of other states, and coming into that territory con trary to no taw at the time of their emigration, are now made to perform duties that are not required by the other citizens of Georgia residing in the settled pans of the State, This is not a true con. Btruction of the act. Law's are not made to act up on mere territory, but upon people who may oc, cupy that territory, whether one, or one thousand miles square, and if all persons, without discrimi nation, are to be equally affected by the law' so soon as they enter the forbidden land, it is a gen eral law,, because it is the whole people sought to be restrained, and not the land. The expression of the law is not citizens of other states, but all white persons, w'hether citizens of Georgia or elsewhere, who may reside within the limits of the Cherokee Nation on and after the first of Ac. Now here is no distinction be tween citizens of this and other States. The mo ment a -citizen of South Carolina comes into into Georgia he is a citizen of Georgia, for all thp purposes of enjoying tho privileges and im munities resulting from thfe powers granted by the states to the Federal government, in that sense he In a citizen of the Union, and conse quently a citizen of each state. In reference to the reserved and ungranted powers of the states, he is not a citizen entitled to all the immunities and privileges of the citizens of the state into w hich he comes, such' as-voting At state elections participating in public lands, Ac. until he has complied with, certain conditions as to his res idence, imposed by the laws of the state. But without this distinction, these persons cannot complain of the law for it applies to our own cit izens as well as all others, and surely it will not be contended that citizens of other states shall have greater privileges than our own J will not let our own reside there without obeying tkp law. 3d. No state shall keep troops or ships of war in time of peace. It is contended, that the officers and guard for the protection of the gold mines,and to enforce the laws of the state w ithin the Indian territory', are such troops as come within the meaning of the clause j ust quoted. It is 6aid bear arms, are raised for a year, have barraeks, are paid and furnished like regular troops, &c. Now this may alfte true, and yet they ire clearly not troops, in the acceptation of the constitution. The character of a military Sferfrice is betts known by its objects, than by its name or organization.— They may bb-called guards, troops, nay if you please, army—they may even wear a uniform and bear arms, but if they are not raised for the pur pose against which the constitution intended to guard, they neither violate its letter or spirit.—- The Federal Convention, w ith their well known wisdom,caution and forecast, seem to have thrown around every power in the constitution a duo and proper restricti n, or some forcible expression by which their meaning might be ascertained. In the clause under consideration, the W All is the lead ing and controlling idea, is mentioned twice, and and sands intimately connected writ the phrase relied upon, to wit, no state shall “keep. troops or ship* of war in time of peace, or engage in war, unless actually 1 invaded, or in such imminehtdan ger as will not admit of delay.” Now who does not perceive the object of this clause 1 What is war,and whom is it waged 1 Is it ever carried on by a regular government,.not in of revo lution against its own citizens 1 Are we at war, do we contemplate war in protecting our gold nines, andiu enforcing the laws of the state in a particular district I A proper attention to the paragraph of the clause, will plainly ’ (,iew that the keeping of troops in time of peace, las reference to defence against foreign invasion, fijr troops may be raised and kept, and the states iiay engage in war if “ actually invaded ” or in “ such imminent danger as will not admit of de lay.” Here thV object and the enemy are clearly designated, against which there shall be no pre paration for war, in time of peace, on the part of the states. This power of defence having been conferred upon the Union, the separate states should not interfere w ith it for many reasons, but particularly, for fear they might embroil the Fed eral Government in unnecessary wars. ( See the Federalttton the subject. J It cannot be believed for a moment that tho convention intended by this MACON i TUESDAY, APRIL 19, 183i. ■j . , • clause to take away from the states, the right to execute by force their municipal regulations.— The moral powers of a government would be per fectly useless, if they could not employ their phy sical energies to carry them into effect, and these must be exerted exactly in proportion to the de gree of resistance to the public authority. Slight resistance will require the application of only slight force, or just enough to overcome it, and this will be found in all the varied degrees of opposition to the laws, from the refusal to pay a simple debt up to the most angry state of in surrection, and the corresponding application of force, from the arm of a Constable to the whole artillery of the government. Hence all those guards for the protection of Jails, Penitentiaries, Cities, and many other objects not necesary to be mentioned. Hence the patrol el the southern states. These may with the same propriety be called troops of war, or rather for the purposes of war, as the guard designated to protect the gold mines. This is public property and can at the discretion of the state,-be guarded and protected, as well as any other property. What is the dif ference between a treasure in the Cherokee Na rion and one in the state-house 1 A captain and guard for the last thirty years, havfe been kept to secure the public monies in the treasury, and no one has ever suspected fot a moment, that they were such troops, in time of peace, as were for bidden by the federal constitution. 4 th. The right of the people to be secure In their persons, houses, papers and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated) and so warrants Shall issue, butupon probable cause, suopprted by oath or affirmation and particularly describing the place to be search ed, and the persons or-things to be seized.” This clause is said to be violated by seizing these persons without a warrant, without oath, and without the usual regular process for arresting of fenders against the laws of the land. This is an amendment of the Constitution, and one of the offsprings of that jealous fear entertained by the ttates, of the powers of the federal government, and it was designed to protect the citizens from a species of star chamber oppression, which in En gland, had proved f,tal to many a tnie friend of liberty. Blacfesfone says, “a practice had obtain ed in tho Secretary’s office ever since the restora tion, grounded on some clauses in the acts, for re-, gulating the press, of issuing general warrants to take up (without naming any person in particular) the authors, printers, and publishers of such ob scene or seditious libels, as were particularly spe cified in the warrant. When those acts expired in 1694, the was inadvertently con tinued in every reign, and under every adminis tration, except the'four last years of-Queen Anne, down to the year 1763; when such a warrant be ing issued to apprehend authors, printers and pub lishers of a certain seditious libel, its validity was disputed, ami the warrant waE adjudged by the whole Court of Kings bench to be void, in the case of Mamy vs. Leach. After which, the issu ing of such general warrants was declared illegal by a vote of the house of commons.” To prevent the issuing of these general warrants, so obnoxious to the liberty of the Press, the great safeguard of the liberties of tho people, was the solo object of the clause in question. They have now' ceased in England, but it was thought advisable to guard against the recurrence of them in a government which had so much to expect from the freedom of the Press. It has not disturbed, either in Eng land or this State, the usual common law manner of arrest, which ip may bo made four w'ays 1. By warrant. 2. By an officer without warrant. 3. By a private person--also, without.a warrant. 4- .By hue and cry. To these modes of arrest,' being nothing but the creatures of the law, it wilUiot be denied that the Legislature majpau peradd any other method they may think proper. If they can authorise a sheriff, constable, or even a private person to arrest, What is to hinder them from conferring the same power upon a guard. They require the guard to bring them before the civil authority, and the act of fee Legislature is their warrant for that purpose. A'eonstable does no more by virtue of a Magistrate's warrant. He often has his fire arms to effect his purpose, and where is the difference. in principle between one armed man, with the power to summon as many to his aid as he pleases, in arresting an offender# and twenty armed men clothed with authority to do the same thing. Besides, the State is not with out example on this subject: when the Cherokee Nation was under the contronl of .-the General Government, they had a much mbre rigorous law against white men, than the one Much the State has passed since she lias taken til* management of tlto Nation, and which is so grievously com plained of. .The intercourse law subjected a white man to-overe fine and imprisonment,if ho even put his foot'into the nation, and that but foe a moment. Aral often have poor men, ignorant of tho law, been dfagged from the-frontiers to Sa ab, and there fined and imprisoned, for no ©• ter offence than the one above mentioned. How often have white men on ilie line separating the nation from tirawhite settlements,had their hous es demolished, their fields laid waste, and them selves imprisoned for no other offence than resid ing in this self same nation, that Georgia is now legally attempting to regulate. If the general" government eould do it, in the name of every thing that is consistent, wliat hinders Georgia from exercising precisely the same power, now that it is acknowledged by the President himself, we have a right to do it. When the Federal troops, by virtu® cf tire intercourse act, arrested white men in the nation, and carried them before the civil authority to be dealt with as that law di rected, who ever dreamed that it violated the clause of the constitution, now said to be assailed? That clause does not declare that no offender shall be arrested without warrant supported by oath, &c. but that if that method of arrest shall be pursued, no warrant shall issue, hut upon proba ble cause, supported by oath, particularly describ ing the place to be searched, and the person to be seized! The is too plain to be miscon ceived,' We have now gone through the objections ari sing underlie Federal Coitstttutiuii,.w* will next consider those which spring from the state Consti tution. 1. “ No person shall be denied the enjoyment of any civil right, merely on account of his reli gious principle.” I am at a loss to know how this clause is intend ed to apply, for certainly no distinct app’ication of it has been made to the casw. No one will con tend,. I presume, that the act strikes at any reli gious opinions, that there is any one word of it can be so tortu/ed, as to indicate any hostility tQ religion, or the separate tenet® cf any denomina tion. Ido not suppose that such is the idea intend ed to be conveyed by the present use of the clause. I collect from the argument used, that the oath re quired to be taken is such as to produce scruples of conscience, which the religious ttenste of the individ uals at thebar will not'allow them to disregard. I am sorry for it; but they know What they can do, they can leave the country, especially too as it doca-rtot belong to them, and as they have been living there by .the gracious favor of the state to whom it rightfully belongs. There can be no scruples against such a course as this, unless in deed they should be of that character, which makes a man unhappy at the performance gf duty. But it is my opiniou we should be very cautious how we let religion interfere with the civil rule of the country. It is not less encroaching to day than it has been In any past period of the world, aud though I may bo alone in this matter, yet whenev er religion leaves its proper sphere and gets to reaching out its feelers after civil power, it ought to be driven back with the same alarm and dis patch that is employed to chain a furious beast that has broken front its confinement. There is . scarcely a law against which similar objections might not be raised. W® have a statute that makes it criminal to hunt or fish en the Sabbath, and this pusrly because it is the Lord’s day. Now totiiose whose Sabbath is different, and those whose religious opinions claim the right to disre gard all Sabbaths,it.might be urged by them, with the same propriety contended for at the bar, that they have great scTuples of conscience in obeying such a law. But the same answer remains for all such, if you riinAcieirce sate, live in a society which has passed such law’s as it con ceives most conducive to its well being, go where you can find more repose for that troubled spirit, and do not expect or ask so unreasonable a boon as for a whole community to give up their con science to appease yours. But another idea is suggested and relied upon, connected with the foregoing, that the Oath re quired it a test oath, and though not actually trampling upon the Constitution, it so treada up on its heels as to give it great inquietude. It is said to be contrary"'to the inherent rights of man, and English law is quoted to prove its illegality. It is urged that no man ought to be required to swearto support the ♦‘laws of a state and upright ly to demean himself as a citizen thereof,” what ever may be required as to his support of thdCpn stitufion, and that this path is not general, and taken by all the the state pnd that therefore it is a test oath, and odious in the ex. tremg, Oaths havo been required in all ages, and havo been considered as coming more strong ly in Ufi of the civil authority' in effecting the the groat ends of government, than perhaps any one agent employed foMhat purpose. The oath feulty, homage and allegiance is familiar to every man of reading. Oaths of office are almost innu merable. Oaths of witnesses and affiants are forever recurring. Now if anew oath required falls witlun any of these classes, liow can It be ob j jeeted to T For instant if it is an oath of allegi ance, or in the nature of it, we can refuso tt> take it, without incurring'the suspicion that lie is se cretly inimical to the government. Itis not a par t'd <>ath, it is a jferHrvt one, and intended for ev ery' nun who plares himself in a certain situation justly subjecting him to the suspicion of infidelity to his country. What is the plain state of the easel Letnwfeo honest in the answer to this question. The Cherokee Indians, within the ac knowledged limits of Georgia, have setup a gov ernment of their -own, declared ihemscU'aftf free and independent, and for fear the thriefr boasted declaration of it v\ ould not bo enough, they have .determined to give 11s other ' more convincing proofs, and consequently our citizons residing onf of the nation haivo been druggiid before their Courts, held in the woods, upon the most summa ry notice, without preparation, • nay, without a know ledge of their language, and alter a mock: trial, they have bien stripped and suspended, and then scourged in the most inhuman manner.— Georgia has determined that this state of things 'shaft nut exyat, that tho Indians shall come under o4t laws, and that our citizens shall not be sub jected to their savage, code. Tins lias produced a most unusual excitement every where, and the most obstinate and uuduUfulconduct i:i the Indi ans. In this course they erp pertinaciously en couraged in and out c/Uip nfttjvii, N ow,. ftrcly, ; Georgia has a right to say to such white men as wish *to reside in the nation, you must I choose sides; it for the Indians, leave the na >n. If tor us, take the oath and you arc welcorire to re main. Georgia may well say, this is our Juris diction, arid when the Indians leave it, it h our land; it is ours now, only subject to the occupan-. cy of the Indians. At least, you have no rights there. But as you havp homes and connexions in that country, we ai c -willing you should remain. All wb ask ofyouit not to aid and countenance* the Indians in their r obellious conduct towards* the public authority of the Stata. This you oan do, by taking on oath which we require of all, persons who do no'thold under our permission.- Like the power which the general government was wont to exercise;-when it controlled that ter ritory, we have the same right to order you away, cut down your corn, and burn down your houses; but this we do not wish —we are disposed to be more lenient towards you—leave the nation or give us proof of your fidelity ! What is the lan guage of such an oath ? The government re quires good behaviour of the officer, that he will support the ltrivs aud demean himself as ah hon est, upright officer-j-take the oath and hike the office—but if yqu leave the oath leave the office- What says the oath before us 1 Take the Oath and hve in the nation ; but if you reject the ..ath leave the nation. It is said in argument, that all oath 6 are for the benefit of the person required to take them, afid tfiat this is a proper test of their legality. Without admitting the corrects ness of this position in the general, it may be safely granted in the case before us, and we think that a snug, profitable residence .upon land that does not belong to the person who oemupios, Its is a very, fair equivalent for the simple oath of alle giance. But there are some oaths, and one in particular, which every man in the state has to take, and which promises him but a very remote if any benefit at all, and which in many cases might Justly alarm his conscience. I mean the tax oath. Now this oath shows that the state has the power to impose oaths on every citizen in the state, whether he holds office or' not, and the only reason why the oath of allegi ance is not required from every man, is on ac count of its inconvenience. It is believed that the attachment of the people *0 tlieir govern ment, is strong cnoiigh to bind them to their du ty ; and that the trouble and expense of admin istering that oath, is -not justified by any pre sent suspicions of their infidelity; but this does not preclude the right to impose that oath when ever in the discretion of the Legislature, and occasion either in whole or part calls for the ex ercise of the right. Hence, when private indi viduals rtae bo public Ousts, they meet the oath of allegiance, demanding security for tho faith ful discharge of duty, and the defence of the laws. Also thjc may isquire it under any other emorgcncy, whore a well grounded apprehension may dictate the necessity for its aid. Under all the foregoing views of the subject, 1 am of the opinion that the law is perfectly con stitutional, and that its provisions must be car ried into effect. But there is one provision in it wliich two of the individuals in custody seem, for reasons best known to themselves, to have overlooked, and which wilt discharge them from their present arrest, if I have been correctly in forined.as to tho facts. Both of them arc Mis sionaries, and one of their a Post Master. In tho first character they are there with the consent, of the general government, and as its agents are in the nation for the purpose of civilizing and christianizing the Indians, at#! as evidence of their being govcYifmcnt agents, they have the dis bursement of large sums of public money for the aforesaid objects. It is not for me to say what kind of temper that must be, or what the character of that spirit is, whicii declines the benefit of a law because that law' cannot be Set aside altogeth er. Whether it proceeds from religious scruples,' or a more wayward passion, I shall not pretend to say; bht this much I will assert, that I respect too much my own oath, and the character of the State, to inflict penalties unauthorised by law, merely to indulge individuals in the fanciful idea, that they arc suffering a species of martyrdom.— Thoy iftust be discharged upon the following ground—The aCt has this proviso, “that the pro vision of this section shall not be so construed as to extend to any authorised agent or agents of the government of tho United. States? 1 1. lam proud of the present occasion to testi fy my hearty respect for the'Federal Constitution, and I am willing to declare that the truly consis tent advocate of state rights, oilght always to have an equal zeal for the support ot the Fedetal Con stitution, because they are both governments of his own choice. That instrument declares that “Congress shall hfevfe power to establish post offices and post roads,” therefore rite appointment of this individual is clearly within the right of the general govetnment and lie w ould have been dis charged without the provision above referred to. It would be inconsistent to Contend fora contrary doctrine, for Georgia urges tlmt the Cherokee ua tion is as much a part of tlie state tey other, and, if it would be lawful to appoint a post master for Lawrhncevillc, it would be equally so to ap point one for any part of the Nation. We cer tainly have the right to draw this, conclusion from the fact, that it is not considered a fore'gn nation by the general government, unless, indeed; there is some treaty that obliges them to furnish post masters for that unfortunate race. ‘ ... \ •2. The mis.j'cnary rh:mc*crJhas.nglso a claim for his discharge, he properly fall* within the provision of the act. The law prescribes no limits to the agencies to be protected, it la indefiir. he and extends the to any authorised n^ eri * of thc ? cneral government It is not for the Court to prefix boandaries to the Will of tHe hi gislatom, has thought proper ndt to do ao, tod do ,t. All that xemainVfor me is to. inquire n& into what kind of agency, but is he an *ten4t— and is he an ‘‘authorised.toent” of tha°gen e ral government tfhe is, he conks Vnhin the saving * ****"*** derstood, that this in&vtdual owes hia discharge to the courtesy which the state has manifested to die general government by excluding its agents tram, the operation of the law. The general gov ernment hak no more right to eend missionaries into the nation and quarter them there, than they havfe to fix them upon any other part of the state. It is said that the agents intended by the law were the Indian agents Sent to the Nation to carry into effect the intercourse law. This does ndt appear, and the expression' ifc-too broad to act upon such a Suggestion. Besides, Indian amenta have now no more constitutional privileges m the Natidn, since Georgia has taken it into her own hands, than missionary or any other agents, tod this has been frequently stated by the President, and lately confirmed by a special! tnmmunication to the Senate of the tlnited State*. Let thc tdm missionaries (one of theU being a post-master) bei discharged, and let the other four persons bo bound river to answer to tho misdemea nor charged against them, they having exhibits* no excuse. A. S, CLAYTON. SELF-RESPECT* One of the strongest and most prevalent incentive to virtue, is thc desire of th? world V esteem. Wo actTright, rather thatou ructions may be applauded by others, than to have the approbation of our own conscience—-we .re* train from doing wrong not so much from principle, as the fear of incurring the censure of the world. A due regard ought, indeed, to be paid to public opinion, but there id 4 regard we owe burselves, of fat greater importance— 1 regard which ,keeps ue trom committing a wrongs action when with drawn trom the observation of the world, aa much at; when expo&ctf to its broad glare.— If we are as .good as others—and itisourqwn fault, il we are not so—why stand in more tear of other* than ourselves? What ifl there in other men that make# ua desire their ap probation and fear their censure more than our owif? In other respects we are dpt to ov errate ourselves, butiurply when pay such blind and servile respect to the dgimons of others, we forget our own dignity’and under value ourselves in our own esteem. I admire the sentiment of Cassius when speaking of the Imperial Caesar, he exclaims, ‘‘l had as lief not be, as live to be, ' In awe of such a thing as I myself.'* MANNERS. ' I make it a point of morality never talfcnd fault with another for hie manners. They mav be awkward or graceful, blunt or-polite, pyj ishedor rustic, I chre not what they are, i. the man means well and acts from honeet in tentjons, without eccentricity of, affectation All men have not the advantages of good so ciety, as it is called, to school themselves it. all its fantastic rules and Ceremonies, and i', *4 ere * s a °y standard of manners, it ie on' founded in reason and in good scn3e, and no upon these artificial regulations. Manner? like conversation, fihould be extemporoneou. and not studied. always suspect a mn* who meets me With the same perpetual smil on his face, the-same congeeing ofjthe body and tho some premeditated shake of the hand. Give me the hearty—it may be rough—grij of the hand—the coreless nod of recognition, and when occasion requires, the homely but welcome salutation—How arc yon my oW friend, • * , . -f WOMEN. .. . To the honour of the *qx, be it said, that in the path of duty, no Sa/rafice is with them too high or top dear. Nothing is with thejr. impossible, but to shrink from what we love, honour, innocence, and religion Require.— The voice of pleasure or of power may pas> by unheeded ; but the voice of affliction nev . er. The chamber of the Sick, the pillow ot, tho dying, the vigils of the dead, the alter/ of religion, never missed the presence os the pympathies of women. Timid though' she be, vet on euch occasions ahe looses sense of danger, and assumes 9 perpetual courage, which knows not and fears not con-. sequences. She displays that undaunted gpi-j rit which neither courts difficulties nor evade* them; that resign;t on which utters neither, murmurs nor regret ; and that patience ifc suffering which seems victorious even af ter death itself.— Judge Storjt 4 * 1 f t / Education is a companion- which it t> saii fortune can depress, no crime can destroy, nr enemy can alienate, no despotism enalavi At home a friend-—abroad, an introduction in solitude a solace-—and in society, qn orta “ment. It chastens vice, it guidM,virtue.—if gives ot once grace and governtyent *0 ge nius* Without it, what 13 man ’ —a spleadii* slave, ft reasoning savage. ; t “What daf yon pic up dorr, FaniV 1 *- “Dollar, Fompcy.” **Wcß-sus !oiT *erh down ag r n; I only pit ’em dere to try vd fro. I.