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rK REVIEW — Continual. very facts. "With a small explanation of winch they are justly susceptible, they <io as effec tually relieve the motives of Mr. Crawford from all suspicion of unfairness in this whole transaction, as is possible to conceive. Mo tives mark the character of an act. Intention constitutes the criminality of a deed,and these few facts of Mr. McDuffie’s do as clearly ex -1 ibit the purity of Mr. Crawford’s conduct on this occasion as it is in the power of evidence to “ lay open and make plain” any-fact what ever. First, with regard to t'4o explanation alluded to —and let it he borne in mind that Mr. McDuffie is calling up facts that had been stored away for twelve years and perhaps sel- dom thought of, in that time—lie says Mr. Crawford stated that Mr. Calhoun “ had been in favor of an enquiry into the comluctof Gen eral Jackson and that Mr. Crawford had con curred with him.” Mr. Crawford does not deny this now. lie snys lie went to the Coun cil with a full determination to censure Gen eral Jackson, but after lie got there, his “own views 011 the subject had undergone a mate rial change,” and that “011 his mind at least that letter had an important bearing.” Now who docs not believe that all Mr. Crawford in tended to convey was, that lie had concurred, in all his antecedent conversations, with Mr. Calhoun, in the course which ought to be pur sued towards General Jackson ? Is not this the most charitable i-onstructien to be placed upon that statement, perhaps not duly recol lected ? What earthly inducement could Mr. Crawford have to tell Mr. McDuffie not only a baref c and but a wholly useless falsehood? The tiling is unreasonable. Now as to that part of this testimony which we co'x ivc so favourable to Mr. Crawford. He is charged with betraying the secrets of the Cabinet & having lately divulg. and tli m to ruin Mr. C’s. political standing. How is this to be reconciled? Mr. Crawford just after the Council breaks up, on his way home, goes right into the bosom of Mr-Calhoun’s most de voted friends, tells them “ without reserve” what each member of the Cabinet had done —that Mr. C illioun had been in favor of an inquiry into General Jackson’s conduct—thev know it and never complain for twelve years. —never censure Mr. Crawford for revealing the secrets of the Cabinet, with every political inducement to do so that can well be imag ined—never deny the charge or upbraid Mr. Crawford with any misrepresentation,ot course giving implicit or -deuce to Iv.s then statement. But, behold! all at once! when precisely the same facts come to light through another channel, when it was hoped, that Gen. Jack son had been fairly gulled and duped and the thing all forgotten, then forsooth! it is a “I lile plot" —all false, a base intrigue to ruin the political standing of poor Mr. Calhoun. Who so scandalizes his understanding as to believe -such a monstrous inconsistency? Mr. Cal houn is more than welcome to Mr. McDuffie’s evidence ? The next witness to he examined is a Mr.- Garnett,honorable we think Mr. Calhoun calls him! the diary gentleman! Who convicts peo ple of just what any of his friends may require, out of his diary. Wonderful invention! Well, what does Mr. Garnett say in this nota le nnd veritable diary? “Went to see the Pros idont, (with some other persons, though New ton would not go, because he had to shave and ■put on acl an shirt.) The President then talked very freely about public atFuirs—gave us an account of the proceedings of the gov ernment in relation to the Seminole war. He stated what I had frequently heard be fore, that the whole Cabinet were perfectly agreed that he should not censure General Jackson. It is, however, well understood that Mr. Crawford, out of the Cabinet, used his endeavors to have Cobb’s resolut ions pass, ■cd; and I could not forbear telling the Presi dent, that, in conversation with me about Cobb’s resolutions, while they were pending, Mr. Crawford said Jackson ought to be cen sured. ’ It is a little unfortunate for Mr. Calhoun that almost all his witnesses prove too much, though in this case it is not to be won dered at, forwc hold that a man who would volunteer his s Tvices as a witness, who would testify from a diary and who would make his diary say that some of its most material facts were only “understood,” without saving ■from whom or by whom, is just prepared to say any thing whieh either a bad cause nvght demand or bad men dictate. Will any one explain to us how it happens that Mr. Monroe would reveal the secrets of the Cabinet to Mr. Diary Garnett? “The President talked very ire ly about public affairs—gave us an i. mount of the proceedings of the government [ - •••:: jin relation to the Seminole war.— t* rat- 1 what 1 had frequently heard before, that ‘he whole Cabinet were perfectly agreed that he should no? censure General Jackson.” What a pity it is that Mr. Wirt and Air. Ad ns had not known that nil the secrets of the Cabinet were out! Mr. Monroe had tol l the a .o the Diary man! Mr. Crawford had told the n to McDuffie and Simpkins! and yet they, poo-souls, have been stuffed up and choking tod nth for these last twelve years with the wonderful secrets of tqe Cabinet that every bodj iios heard perhaps, General Jackson;and V’ho, doubtless, has been purposely played up on to keep him ignorant of them and which now accounts for all Mr. Calhoun’s amazing concern, to Mr. Hamilton, about keeping the seer is of the Cabinet. What a ridiculous fare;! This diary gentleman says it is ” well im elresfood that Air. Crawford, out of the cabi net, used his endeavors to have Cobb’s reso lutions passed.’’ Now we call upon an hon oat community to know whether a man is to be convicted upon testimony that would oven .be srouted from a justice’s court. It is “well understood !” Shameful! But wo say it is not well understood. Wrtl Mr. Cobb himself be beleivcd on this subject? By those who knew him I know’ lie will, for, from the morning of .Ada n’s expulsion from Paradise to the 1:10- n ent iri which we record the declaration, an hemc.stcr man neve r passed through life. What dors he say? Let Garnett and Cal houn listen and be confounded. In a letter, written as has hc<n justly said, “with fredom and without any motivofor concealment or mis representation” he declares:—“You (Injus tice Imthfo Mr- Crawford and myself in say ing that’ Mr. Crawford disapproved of the comae which I f* It it my duty to the Consti THE MACON ADVERTISER, AND AGRICULTURAL AND MERCANTILE INTELLIGENCER. tution to pursue on the Seminole war. He did persuade 1110 not to movcf any thing on the subject, and endeavored to convince mo that there was no necessity. A Part of our con versation occurred in the presence of John Holmes, of Maine, who no doubt will remem ber it. At another interview between our selves Mr. Crawford again persuaded me not to be the leading mover on the subject, urg ing not only his former reasons, lut stating expressly his fears that, from the friendship existing between us, my conduct would he ch arged to hare been dictated by h im. I re plied that 1 should be sorrv if my conduct should do him any injury, but that I must be permitted to pursue that course which tnv conscience prescribed, especially as I firmly b* lieved that the Constitution bad been viola ted in the most flagrant manner. According ly I did move the resolutions, on the subject, lobe found in the journal of the House of Representatives.” Here then is a triumph ant refutation of a charge against Mr. Craw ford, which has been artfully used, and which he foretold, to destroy him in the opinion of Gen. Jackson and his numerous friends, and which, now that it is in his power to explain, and by the use of which lie has been able to bring to light a gross and mean deception, be hold he is branded with the character of an intriguer and accused in his old age wth tin crime of falsehood. By every consideration which can bind the human heart to honor—that can attach the mind to truth, and that can oc casion both to glow with an ardent love of be nevolence, General Jacksen ewes is to the much injured Crawford, to atone, for the in justice which a base delusion has made him the innocent instrument of inflicting. O If ever Mr. Crawford told Garnett, that Jackson ought to be censured, which ought to have stronger proof than his declaration, it is-verv readily explained. Mr. Crawford al ways believed General Jackson ought to he censured and went to the cabinet prepared to do it himself,but, meeting there what chung -1 his mind, and which was never known to Congress, and acting as they would without that information, Mr. Crawford might well say, if they knew what he did they would ex cuse him, but not knowing it and called on to decide upon other testimony they could not avoid it, for Mr. Crawford would not have done the same thing but for the letter. So that away vanishes all the inconsistency of Mr. Crawford founded upon this weak, and we will say wicked, because cruel, interference of an uncalled for volunteer. This brings us to the second general head. 2. That the whole affair is a base intrigue, and foul olot against his political standing. It will he well to hear in mind what is’meant by a “plot” er “intrigue.” We say it must have an indirect object, a secret motive, con cealed agents, and especially, above all things, it must be false. What is the object of this foul plot against Mr- Calhoun? What the se cret motive that directs it! V/h< re the false hood of it? What office has he that is sought? Surely he does not believe that tho Vico Presidency, with which he is nearly done, is the object! Or doss he stand so "well with himself as to imagine that he is to be the next President!* and that this is what the intriguers are after? He need not mince the matter. This is precisely what he affects to believe is the grand design of the foul plot. Without stopping to amuse ourselves with the charac ter of that s lf-complncency which has Con ducted a giddy mind to such a pinnacle of ideal greatness, we will proceed to shew that there has been nothing secret, indirect, or false in this whole matter, and not a secret agent appears in any part of the transaction. Mr. Crawford is the first individual who is seen in the plot, and that in a letter dated 14th ;)cc. 1827, to Alfred Baleh, Esq. in which he states that “he has no ambition to emerge from his retirement” is perfectly reconciled to his situation, and would not willingly ex change it for that of Mr. Adams.” He states he would, (as a freeman he had a right to do) employ all lawful means to keep Calhoun out of power, and gives his reasop for it, that he is a political hypocrite, attached to no side, sometimes for, and then against General Jack son, and now only for him to subs-' rve his own stilish views. If this be true, no man could have better reasons for his course, especially as he himself had suffered greatly under this double dealing politician. If false, the charge was made openly and above board, for it is a fact which seems to have been ov< Hooked, but which is worthy of all notice, that this in triguing lett-r, whieh so alarmed the tender nerves of Lumpkin and N wnan, had this re. markable injunction, “Jft e what use you please of this letter&nd H-o it to whom you please .” Does tins look like a plot? Where is the secrecy? What cone, nhnent is there? M .hat seen t agents? V hat untruth ap. i pears? lias not the duplicity 'vuich it char ges now come to light? Do..- not General Jackson believe it! A more open, honest and direct letter wu3 nev r penned. Away then with tnis first link ot a base intrigue. 1 he next agent, who makes his appearance, is Mr. Forsyth. Fortnnat. Iv for him, Mr. Calhoun excludes him from all concern in the conspiracy, and he is still more fortunate in having it in black and white; tor, using a ve ry courteous remark made by Mr. Calhoun himself to Mr. Crawford, if Mr. Forsyth has been “taught by the past,” ho is well aware by this time of the “necessity of all possible precaution” against such a man as Mr. Cal houn. But Air. Forsyth is the channel thro’ which Mr. Crawford’s statement reaches the President. Wo have sufficiently discussed that document before. It remains for us to examine its intriguing character. Is there any secrecy about it? Does Mr. Crawford obtrude. it upon General Jackson uncalled for? Is it not drawn from him by Mr. Forsyth, a person that Calhoun himself, honorably ac quits of all sinister motive? If Mr. Forsyth is ignorant of any design against Mr. Calhoun, Mr. Crawford must be; for surely there is nothing in the communication that shews him connected with any secret agents behind -Mr. Forsyth. But for the President, who is also exempted from any improper motive, and Mr. Forsyth, this production never would have appeared. Then, here arc three agents, in this “foul plot, that have been made, to use Mr. Calhoun’s own language, “tiik victims ok a I’OLirrc.w. lvinici K.” Can any one be- ■ lieve slich an id? a? But there is a circumstance attending this document which must upset all the present practised principles of mental philosophy, and render metaphysics still more uncertain, if it do relieve it wholly from even the suspicion of intrigue What is it? says Mr. Crawford, “Vou may show this letter to Mr. Calhoun if you please." Not show this letter secretly to this man, and that man. Net conceal it, and keep it in the dark, until it has worked its object, until the poison has gone beyond the hope of cure. No. Show it, and show it to [ Mr. Calhoun! Is this the character of in trigue? To our mind it is inconceivable hew a paper that is designed to carry on a concer ted plot against an individual, can effect that object, if, to that very identical individual, it is to be first shown. That man who can believe it, labors under an infirmity of mind that should give just alarm to his surrounding friends. So far, then, every thing is public, nothing is secret, no other object but to detect, what would be called among farmers and plain people, a lie, but which in the courtly style of the higher circles would be ycleped an act of duplicity. The agents too, all stand fair. But the next idea that forces itself upon the mind is, where is the falsity of this state ment? Can truth be so managed as to be worked up into a plot, and made to have the appearance of fraud? Have we got back to the old English doctrine, that the “greater the truth, the greater the libel”? If we have, then Mr. Calhoun has proved his plot. And it the American people are prepared for such a principle, they shall not enjoy it without a proper view of its absurdity. If they can wrap such a monster to their bosom, they shall not close their eyes to its deformity. We will present the case fairly before them, and divested of its prolixity and ambidexter ity. It is simply this—Mr. Calhoun moves in the Council to punish Gen. Jackson for disobedience of orders, fails in his object, re tires from the Council, and says to General Jackson, and the world: I was your friend; intimates that another individual was his en emy—That individual, in ten days after tells the truth of the case to Mr. Calhoun’s own ‘a lends. The matter rests twelve years, much ta - he injury of that same individual, and per tcctly unknown to General Jackson. Finally, he gets a hint of the fraud—procures from the injured individual a statement of the fact —presents it to Mr. Calhoun—he equivocates, but confesses the fact, charges a plot and base intrigue to ruin him, and, wonderful to tell, there are people found weak enough to believe it! If, hereafter, the detection of falsehood and its consequences are to be eva ded by the charge of conspiracy and intrigue, what villainy is not safe from the scrutiny of virtue or the wholesome scourge of justice? The plot has now to be examined in other hands. It has got safely by three of the prin cipal agents, and it seems, but two other per sons can now be found upon whom to cast it. These arc, Mr. Van Buren and James A. Hamilton. The former no where appears in the remotest degree connected with the affair, by any of the documents, and comes in for a share ot this dreadful conspiracy; first, be cause he is Secretary of State: secondly, be cause he is among some of the fortunate in dividuals who are spoken of for President— thirdly, because he is nil intimate friend of Mr. Hamilton. If there is any other proof, we aver, in the most solemn manner, our ig norance of it, save perhaps a fact which will presently be mentioned. Now we ask can did men, men who would like to be judged by the golden rule of doing unto others as they would others should do unto them, whe ther if political conspiracy was a crime pun ishable with death they would consent to take the life of Mr. Van Buren, upon the foregoing testimony? If they would, then ho is guilty of the plot. If they would not, then let the whole community rise with one voice to pro tect his REPUTATION, dearer to him than LIFE. But Gen. Jackson tells Mr. Calhoun, who charges Mr. Van Buren with intrigue: sir, you are mistaken; he has nothing to do with the affair. Is Gen. Jackson to be believed? But, says Mr. Calhoun, you are the dupe of his artful management: he ha3 secret agents at work, to make you the “ victim of a politi cal intrigue." Who does not perceive the drift of such an insinuation—that the very man supported by Mr. Calhoun himself, for the high office which he now holds, and which he has so ably filled, is an old senseless do tard, with so little discernment as to be played upon and deceived by every intriguant who wishes to use him as an instrument? Mon strous! Can the people consent to think thus lightly, nay, meanly, of a man whose services have been of such a character, that if they bespeak one trait of mind more than another, it is great strength of intellect, prompt to dis cern, ready to seize, readier to execute, and decided to a fault, merely for the purpose of relieving Mr. Calhoun from a dilemma pro duced by his own folly and insincerity? We are aware of an argument made use of by one of Mr. Calhoun’s printers, which is as disen genuous as it was unfairly obtained, and which fully shows the shifts to which skulk ing meanness is often driven for a shelter from infamy. This printer charges a foul plot, a base intrigue, and shameful conspiracy I against his friend Mr. Calhoun—says Mr. I Van Buren has an agency in it, and calls upon | him to clear himself of the charge. When, upon these serious accusations, he openly I comes out with a prompt denial with any con i corn in the affair, because forsooth* ho does not enter into a long discussion to show that there is no plot or intrigue against Mr. Cal houn a matter with which lie had nothing to do, and with which it would have been folly in the extreme to have connected himself, behold, his statement is a virtual acknowledg ment of the charges! Mr. Van Buren has one consolation in this matter, which must and will protect him from the effect of such an ar gument. O Aj" It comes from 1)1 FF GRLLN! V name that carries its own cure; for having long lost the merit of being believed, it has lost the power to deceive. V c come now to the last person concerned in this vile plot, to wit, Mr. Hamiliton; and! it we have been so fortunate as to convince our readers that, all the other agents are inno cent, lie might safely look for an acquittal upon the force of that fact. For we presume -Mr. Calhoun does not consider Mr. Hamilton j in his way, and trying to rob him of the Pres idency, much less can he suppose one man guilty of a conspiracy. But, if we are not greatly mistaken in our view of the corres pondence between Calhoun and Hamilton— if we have not most delusively ove r ratcd the character cf some facts which we will exhibit —indeed, if we are not the dupes of a miscr labe infatuation, we will not barely discharge Mr. Hamilton from his indictment, but as in contestably prove Mr. Calhoun guilty of du plicity, to give it no worse name, as is possible to establish a fact by the agency of human language. This is a bold averment but we stand pledged to make it true. It is necessary to go through the whole cor respondence betwen these two gentlemen.— Mr. Calhoun complains in Ids supplemental that lie was over-reached by Mr. Hamilton!— Rather a bad showing for a man of as high talents, and character for penetration, and if not greatly belied, for a little circumvention himself! Be this as it may, Mr. Hamiltou has a private interview with Mr. Calhoun, and asks him a certain qnestion, to which he receives an unequivocal answer. He tells him his object for the enquiry, and requests to know if he is to consider Mr. Calhoun’s re ply as confidential.—By no means.—They part.—Mr Hamilton goes on to New York; but, influenced by a prudence, which certain ly indicates any thing but intrigue, he writes back to Mr. Calhoun to know if he under stood him correctly in their previous conver sation. This is the letter: “To avoid mis take’astowhat passed between us at the con versation I had the honor to hold with you, the evening I left Washington,! submit to you the following as the import of that part, which it was understood, was not to be considered as confidential. In reply to my enquiry, —” whether at any meeting of Mr. Monroe’s cab inet, the propriety of arresting General Jack son for any thing done by him during the Se minole war, had been at any time discussed,”? You answered, “such a measure was never thought of much less discussed. The only point before the Cabinet was the answer to be given to the Spanish Govermcnt.” Here is a simple plain question and its answer, both placed before Mr. Calhoun for his affirmance, denial, or correction—nothing ambiguous— nothing secret. An honest man never cares what use is made of the truth What need Mr. Calhoun care who it was to affect; wheth er old Mr. Monroe, General Jackson, or him self!—ls it true?—was the only thing for which he should feel concerned. The truth can ne ver hurt any one. Be mindful of that, and leave the consequences to an honest commu nity. If this was not correct statement of the conversation, why does he not say so? Why does he not point the variance? Why does he not say, no Mr. Hamilton, you have not un derstood me correctly. This is what I said, or that is what 1 said. Does he do this? Not at all. After stating how he thought the in formation was to be used, which Mr. Hamil ton had obtained from him, “to meet mere general rumour falsely put out to influence the result of the presidential election, his an swer was accordingly predicated on such sup position, and was intended to meet assertions unsupported by the authority of any name, in the same general manner, without a name.” He declines confirming the statement in writing on the ground that it would betray the cabinet secrets. Who docs not see that this course a$ virtually ratifies the conversa tion as if he had so said in direct terms? Does any one want more than this to be satisfied of the truth of that statement? Hero was the time and place to put matters straight—no evasion—no circumlocution. A straight forward man, such as we conceive Gen. Jack son to be, would have answered yes or no!— But now listen to what Mr. Calhoun himself says on this very subject, anil to us it is aston ishing how so talented a man, and one so sensitively alive to the purity of his reputation, could have risked upon an intelligent public the sentiment contained in the following ex tract. “I could answer (he says) his question whether his understanding of my conversa tion was correct or not, without going into explanations which would lead to details that I did not feel myself at liberty to state; and which if I had, I could not prudently , not knowing the bearing that it might hare in re lation to the affair above referred to, (mean ing an expected afra k on Gen. Jackson,) I accordingly waived an answer, but in such terms as were intended to convey the idea that his understanding of my conversation was not correct." Can a more Jesuitical prevarication be conceived of in any language? What! give a man to understand that the information i which he seeks is fiot correct, but that ho | may use it as such, if lie can answer a given | purpose, that is, if he can “meet, and defeat | mere general rumour” with it! Horrid. Is this the ethics of the Vice President? Besides, did ] he not give another reason for not answering j this question? Did he not shelter himself un der his obligation ofsecrecy? But this not the duplicity we have promis ed to expose. Mr. Caluoun evades much of the force of the above, by denying a part of Mr. Hamilton’s statement, viz, that part which charges his sayings, “the only point, &c.” He says he never said “main point or great point:” now let all this pass; a poor come off, heaven knows! and proceed we to a mat ter that will try all the powers of his ingenu ity. Recollect, Air. Hamilton asks him if the propriety of arresting General Jackson, for any thing done by him during the Seminole war, had been, at any time, discussed in the cabinet council? And recollect also, that he stated the answer to this question was to meet a contemplated attack against General Jackson in the Canvass that was then going on for the Presidency. Remember too, 3 that Mr. Calhoun, in commenting upon Mr. Craw ford’s dist. nction between arrest and punish ment, says it is an absurdity; “how, he asks, could an officer under one law bo punished without arrest and trial?” Now let us see how he answers Mr. Hamilton’s question.— After saying his obligation of secrecy will not allo-.v iiim to speak, openly he adds, “I am greatly mistaken if General Jackson would not be the last man to assent to be so defen ded. It is, however a .-a isfaction, in pur suing the course that duty impels me todo j to reflect that the information, ns l conceive, • will never be needed for his defence, (mark, 1 what information? The arrest ol Gen. Jack son!)! cannot believe that AN AT IAC K SO UNFOUNDED will ever be made; not but that he has enemies atrocious* enough: tore sort to the most DIABOLICAL FALSE HOODS, in order to wound his reputation; but it is manifest that an attack of the kind sup posed can not be made with the slightest pros pect of succc ss, without the countenance of someone of the members of Mr. Monroe’s cab net at the time, and I cannot admit the pos sibility that any one can be so lost to honor and duty as to be the agent or instrument in such an attack. But, if what seems to be im possible should prove otherwise, by there be ing found one base enough to lend himself to such a purpose, then would it become a ques tion worthy of grave consideration on the part of the other members to determine, whether, under all the circumstances of the case, duty would not impose an obligation, in order to counteract the injurious cifiect of a FALSE, a partial, statement of the cabinet proceedings, to demand of the then Chief Magistrate a re lease of the injunction of secrecy, or whether the Chief Magistrate himself would not be bound to disclose what was necessary to the vindication of the character of General Jack son, assailed in the manner supposed. Should such a case occur, though to me apparently impossible, I may, w ith confidence appeal to the past to prove that I would not be want ing in zeal to go as far as duty would admit in defending the character of General Jackson." W hat aie the reflections that must forcibly strike the mind upon reading this extract?— Can commentary be necessary? Will the rea der pause for one moment'andjfgo back to such parts of the clause as have been called to his particular notice by the usur 1 marks of atten tion! And then compare the whole para graph with Mr. Calhoun’s late acknowledge ments to General Jacksor , that he did move an enquiry into his conduct, doubtless, with a view to punish him, and which he has boldly attempted to justify. Mr. Hamilton asks if a proposition was made to arrest General Jack son, that he did move rind enquiry into his con duct, doubtless, with a view to punish him, and which he has boldly attempted to justify. Mr. Hamilton asks if a proposition was made to arrest General Jackson: says it is to defend the General -Igainst an expected at tack, Mr. Calhoun replies. I cannot answer the question, because-*-! am under the obli gation of secrecy—butfcuch information sure ly can never be wanted^—to my mind it is im possible—because an a ‘tack so unfounded can never be made—though he may have enemies atrocious enough, they elm not resort to such diabolical falsehood. If however they should, it will then become a grave question, whether all secrecy should not bo broken through to counteract, the injurious effect of a false state ment! Behold! when the truth comes out, an arrest was moved, and that by Mr. Calhoun, himself which he most artfully endeavours to make Mr. Hamilton believe never occurred, and which, if ever propagated through the country, would awaken the zeal in his breast, that his past conduct had proven Never to have been waiting in deirnce of General Jackson!!!! It this be not duplicity, we confess Wc know nothing about the term, and we do most confidently believe we have redeemed- our pledge. Where now is Mr. Hamilton’s in trigue, and where the foul plot that has been so much drummed upon the public car? When ever the people of the United States, to whom such a r\ arm appeal has been made, shall ponder upon these transactions, and after weighing them well, and duly considering all their bearings, shall pronounce John C. Calhoun an innocent and injured man, then indeed, will there he cause, serious, to de plore the moral and intellectual condition of this deluded country. I pon taking leave of this subject, wc beg permission to state that we have not been actuated so much by-an inclinat ion to defame Mr. Callioun, as to defend Air. Crawford. Ho has been our particular guide and friend; in the former capacity as a tutor, in the lat ter as a patron, and every consideration of gratitude and respect lias impelled us to this undertaking, doubtless performed withazeal greatly beyond the ability which the vindi cation ot his slandered character deserved. He is an old man, and nearly worn out in the service of his country. 110 had fondly ho ped, that though he had carried into his re tirement, nothing of the wealth of office, he had sunk from the cares of the world rich in the esteem of a grateful people. Of this con solation an attempt has been made to rob him, and the man who lias risen, from ob scurity, unaided by the force of fortune, or the influence of family, to soma of the high est distinctions of his country, amidst the most trying scenes ot opposition, and through which lie passed with more than Roman vir tue, is now standing before the American people upon charges which an unrelenting accuser has, for the last ten years most wan tonly preferred, but which have never yet been sustained by a particle of testimony. How long this persecution is to continue, is not for us to say, but of this much wc are certain, should ever Providence, in its kind ness, open the eyes of this nation to the pro per character of his calumniator, and sink it to the estimate which justly belongs to a life of treachery & hypocrisy, and certainly due to his late demerits, he will happily have out lived the capacity to injure an honest man. A. B. South Carolina. —An election has lately been held in .south C arolina in the eoneres sional district of Orangeburg, Richland’and Barnwell, to fill the vacancy occasioned by the promotion of W. D. Martin to a judgeship in the State Courts. The result is that Mr. John M. Felder, of Orangeburg, is elected by a majority of 260 votes over his opponent, Mr. M ni. C. Preston of Columbia. I)r. Davis, of Abbeville, is announced as a candidate in opposition to Mr. McDuffie. Arabian Horses Four full blood Arabi an Studs will be sold at public auction in New \nrk, on the loth of next month. These horses were imported in the brig Phabe Ann. in November last, and wc presume they are the fine animals which were presented by the Grand Stiltan of Turkey toour Minister" Mr. Ritixn, the disposal of which lias created so much difficulty with our government. iLJfr&A'iu — “These are counsellors “That feelingly persuade me what I am.” From the Cherokee Phcnix t of 4 ml 0 THE CHEROKEE NATION TIIE STATE OF GEORGIA: January Term, 1831. Opinion of the Supreme Court of the United States, delivered by Mr. Chief Justice Mo' r . shall, on a motion of the Cherokee Nation for a Writ of Injunction and Subpama a gainst the State of Georgia. This bill is brought by the Cherokee Nr . tion, prayiug an injunction to restrain the State of Georgia, from the execution of ccr tain laws of that State, which, as alleged n directly to annihilate the Cherokees as a Po litical society, and to seize, for the use of Georgia, the lands of the nation which have been assured to them by the U. States in so lemn treaties repeatedly made still in force' If courts were permitted to indulge their sympathies, a case better calculated to excite them can scarcely be imagined. A people once numerous, powerful, and truly indepen dent : found by our ancestors in the quiet and uncontrolled possession of an ample domain gradually sinking beneath our superior policy” our arts and our arms, have yielded their lands by successive treaties, each of which contains a solemn guarantee of the residue until they retain no more of their former ex tensive; territory than is necessary to then comfortable subsistence. To preserve this remnant, the present application is made. Before we can look into the merits of the ease, a preliminary inquiry presents itself Has this Court jurisdiction of the cause ? The third ariicle of the Constitution dcs. cribes the extent oftlic judicial power. Tho second section closes an enumeration of the cases to which it i3 extended, with “contro versies between a State or the citizens there of, and foreign states, citizens, or subjects.” A subsequent clause of the section gives the Supreme Court original jurisdiction in all cases in which a state shall be a party. The party defendant may then unquestionably be sued in this court. May the plaintiff sue in it? Is the CheVokoc nation a foreign state in the sense in which that term is used in the Constitution ? • The council for the plaintiffs have main tained the affirmative of this proposition with great earnestness and ability So much of the argument as was intended to prove the character of the Cherokees as a state, as a dis tinct political society, separated from others capable of managing its own affairs and gov erning itself, has,in the opinion ol a majority of the Judges?, been completely successful. They have been uniformly treated as a state from settlement of our country. The nume rous treaties made with them by the U. States recognize them a people capable of main taining the relations of peace and war, of be ing responsible in their political character for any violation of their engagements, or for any aggression committed on the citizens cf the United Sftttcs by any individual of their community. Laws have been enacted in the spirit of these treaties. The acts of our Gov eminent plainly recognize the Cherokee na tion as a state, and the courts aro bound by these acts* A question of much more difficulty re mains. I)o the Cherokees constitute a for eign state tn the sense of the Constitution ? Their counsel have shewn conclusively they ale not a state of the Union, and indivi dually they ate aliens, not owing allegiance to the United States. An aggregate of aliens composing a state must, they say, be a foreign state. Each individual being foreign, the whole must be foreign. This argument is impossng, but we must examine it more closely before we yield to it. The Condition of the Indians in relation to the United States is perhaps unlike that of any two people in existence. In the general nations not owing a common allegiance are foreign to each other. The term foreign na tion is, with strict propriety, applicable by cither to the other. But the rela tion of the Indians to the United States is marked by peculiar and cardinal distinctions; which exist no where else- Thc Indian territory is admitted to compose a part of the United States. In all our maps, geographical treaties histories, and laws, it is so considered. In all our i ntercousc with* foreign nations, they arc considered as within the jurisdictional limits of the United States, subject to many of these restraints which are imposed upon our own citizens. They ac knowledge themselves in their treaties to be undet the protection of the United States have the sole and exclusive right ef regula ting the trade with them, and of managing all all their affairs, as they think proper, and the Cherokees in particular were allowed by tli ■ treaty ofllopewell, which preceded the Con stitution, “ to send a deputy of their choice, whenever they think fit to Congress.” Trea ties were made with some tribes by the state of New York, under a then unsettled con struction of the confederation, by which they ceded all their lands to that state,taking back a limited grant to themselves, in which they ad mit their dependence. I liougu the Indians arc acknowledged to? have an unquestionable and heretofore un questioned right to the lands they occupy un til that right shall lie extinguished; fiy volun tary cession to our government* yet it may well be doubted whether tribes which reside within the acknowledged boundaries ot the United States can with strict accuracy be de nominated foreign nations. They may more correctly perhaps be denominated domestic dependent nation-'. They occupy ati rritor* to which we assert a title independent of then will, v\ iiicn min t take effect in point ot possession when their right of possession cea ses. Meanwhile they are in a state of pupil ifrfe. Their relation to the United States p- Scmbles that of a ward to. his guardian. The* i ,ook to olir government for protection, rt-W upon its kindness, and its power, appeal to it tor relief to their wants and address the IV sidont as their great Put he r. They and their country arc considered fcv foreign nations' os well as by ourselves, as being so completely under tho sovereignty and dominion of f*h J nited Ftafithat any attempt to acquire S “*eir 1 >nds, or to form a political ronn-.xi:i : with them, would he con-rid: rod by -iff a::