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Political* K j ?rORF From the Cos nmittee of the “State Rights • A <D Fhee Thvdg Part*.” of Charleston, naninwusly adopted o.i L ucs.lay Lccniug . etst- Thc State Rights and Free Trade Party, s ave seen with deep TcgTct the correspondence i Which has recently taken place between a portion of our fellow citizens, styling them solves the “Union and State Rights Party,' and the President of the United States, on toe occasion of their invitation to the Presi dent to unite with them, in their late jxirty celebration of the Anniversary of American Independence. It is well known that an in vitation had heretofore been extended to Gen.! Jackson, in behalf of the citizens o( Charles ton, and with the corpial concurrence of all, oartics, inviting him tx> honor us with a visit, at his earliest convenience, rmd the promise flail been held out to us, that “the man whom the people delighted to honor” would come ! among us as a welcome guest —not lor the purpose of mingling in our domestic strifes, or throwing the weight of his name into the scale of any p-arty, hut for the purpose of receiving the friendly tribute of our attachment and af fection. Instead of this, we have seen the at tempt openly made, to bring Gen. Jackson into South Carolina in order to connect him wi th a party wo one ol the strongest and most decided party movements ever witnessed in this community. When the ground was ta ken by the Union Party, that the Anniversa ry of American Independence, should be commented by them as a party, in a celebra tion from which the members of the Free Trade and State Rights Party were necessari ly lo be excluded, the patriotic feeling of ma ny even among themselves revolted at a pro ceeding, which manifestly sonveyed a harsh and most unmerited imputation against their political opponents, and which no one could fail to see, was calculated to engender ani mosities the consequences of which no patri ot could contemplate unmoved. Though just ly indignant at this proceeding, the State Aights and Free Trade Party stilled as much as |M)ssmle the expression of theii feelings, and proceed in the spirit of peace to cele br ate the day by themselves, merely proclaim-1 ihgto the world with one voice their unaltera bl e attachment to Liberty, their perfect fideli- j ty to the Constitution, and their entire devo tion to the Union. They did hope that such conduct on their part and especially this pub lic declaration of their true sentiments; would have shielded them from any further imputa tions. They had indeed been accustomed of late to listen totthe denunciations of the party against whose fatal policy tbelr efforts had so hong and so faithfully been directed—and they had seen themselves denounced in cer tain pmsse9 as “ the Disunion party,” Con scious however of the integrity of their prin ciples—and the entire disinterestedness and patriotism of all their views, they have treat ed such attacks with the scorn and contempt which they merited. They cannot but regard ’however the late invitation to the President Taken in connexion with his reply coining as ■the invitation docs from a respectable source as entitled to a different treatment at our hands. The character of the proceeding, and She whole tone and temper of the corres|vond ence manifestly imputes to the State Rights and Free Trade party of Charleston, a settled thostility to the Union, and a determined pur pose to bring about, not a redress of our greiv. •nces, but a dissolution of the confederacy and General Jackson as the-executive, magis trate of the United States is given to under stand that such are our view s, but that there is a party among U 9 ioho are really attached to the Union and determined to preserve it, and he is in effect invited to come and unite -With them in putting us down, if this be Jtot the true interpretation of this proceeding, it is most manifest that it is that which has been put upon it, by Gen. Jackson h-mself Who, in allusion to the “civil convulsion ” with Which he is told this community is threaten ed, strongly deprecates “a separation” of the States—and at the same time holds out as -** as insurmountable "barrier to any plan ol Disorganization,” the exertiou of the exe cutive power of the Union. We have looked in vain ia the 'records ol' party for a parallel to this extraordinary pro ceeding. Amidst the most violent political struggles which have heretofore taken place in South Carolina we believe no precedent is to be found for an attempt on the part bf ei ther of the contending parties tq hold up to the world their own brethren, as disorganizes and disunionists, much less to invite the co operation of the national executive to put them down. But we trust that those who -Suppose, that the States Rights party are to be in the smallest degree influenced in their Course, or the State of South Carolina to be deterred from the prosecution rights— by mea sures like these have grossly mistaken the true Carolina spirit, which even when smarting Under a sense of injury, may be conciliated by kindness and forbearance, but can never be driven from its honest purposes by injus tice or menace. We deprecate this proceed ing the more, because nothing could possibly tend more directly to give encouragement to the supporters of dhe American System, and to call into action those feelings which may put an end to all hope of-redress and make re conciliation impossible. It is with the most unfeigned regret that ‘the‘State Rights and Tree Trade Party find in Gen. Jackson’s re >y to the invitation of the Union Party, evi dence of the partial success of the effort? Which have been made to infuse into his mind distrust aud suspicion as to our true motives, prmr ,ples and objects. We cannot but regret that Gen. Jackson did not find in the ac- Itnow ledge “private worth, and public virtues” uf our citizens, (his own long tried, and most devoted friends and supporters) conclusive evidence that “the sentiments inconsistent with an attachment to the Union,” which he informs us "have been ascribed to them ,” .could not possibly be entertained, and there fore must have been falsely “ asorihed to flthejn.” And we re gret still mere that lie has j not e cu *hat credence to which it was sure-, ly i iiiitt r d,W> the solemn and unanimous do- C jrat rvn recently made at a pnolic meeting i Of the State Rights Pa-ty in this city, “that to iaviciatj urn wmc Fxatit THE MACON ADVERTISER, AND . AGRICULTURAL . A'AG MElll.h Yjlf UJVf ELLICENC according to the true principles of the Consti tution is our sacred and imperishable aim.”' We shall not stoop to make further profession of our attachment to the Union. This has been conclusively shewn by our past conduct, as well as by thai forbearance which has in duced South Carolina, ( whose principles arc our own) to refrain for ten years from the aa sertion of her sovereign right's, in deference to “a flVsTeio,” which her Legislature, sever al years since,solemnly denounced as “utter ly unconstitutional, gro-sly unequal anil op- J pressive and such an abuse of power as is in- j compatible with the principles of a free gov eminent, and the great ends of civil society.” The State Rights and Free Trade Party are at a losshow adequately to express-their as tonishment at the course pursued by their op poitcnts, especially when they call to mind the fiiet that the grounds which we now oc cupy in relation to our existing controversy with the Federal Government, are the very same which have been over and over again taken by the Mate, with the almost unanim ous concurrence of all her citizens. Can it be possible that our opponents remember the language of the Protest adopted by both' branches of our Legislature in 1929, or the resolutions passed in the same year by the Senate by a vote 36 to 6. (Jr do they mean to denounce as treasonable, the re-ordered sentiments of South -Carol ina 1 Least these things may ba-e been forgotten we will here quote a portion cf the proceedings referred to, and leave it to the world to decide who ate most unmindful of the obligations of pat riotism those who maintained the sentiments in 1928, and now denounce us for supporting him, or those who refuse to abandon the high grounds so publicly and solemnly assumed by the State herself. In the proceedings of the Legislature in December -1828, (in reference to the American System) wc have the follow ing solemn declarations,“that this Legislature are only restrained from an assertion of tiie sovereign rights of tjieState (which they declare to be purely a question of expediency, and not of allegiance'') —“in the hope of the abandonment of a system, partial in its nature unjust in its operation, and not within the powers delegated to Congress.” Andfurther, “that ae South Carolina from her climate, situation and peculiar institutions not only is, but must continue to be, wholly dependent upon agriculture and commerce, not only for tier prosperity,but her very existence if by tho loss of her foreign commerce her products should be confined to inadequate markets, the fate of this once fertile State, would be pov erty and utter desolation.” And that, “Im pressed with these considerations, they feel it to lie their bounden duty to expose and resist all encroachments on the true spirit of the Constitution.” In the proceedings of the Senate, to which we have above referred, (and which passed the House hy a majority of sir to one) it is amongst other things stated, that “to use and exercise powers not delignted by the Constitution, or to extend the verbal meaning as the express ions ol that instrument, so include, by ingen ious implication, powers not meant to be con nected by the States, who met 'in confedera tion, is on the part of the General Govern-1 meat, usurpation ; to act upon powers thus assumed, and to compel opedience to them, is tyranny ; to permit such usurpations with out remonstrance, and if need be, resistance, is to betray the rights of the people ; to change a cot federated, into a consilidated govern ment ; to sanction tyranny, both in principle and practice; and to deliver our citizens and their property, bound hand and foot, to a des jtotism whose existence and character, was never contemplated, dzc.” That, “the several States, South Carolina among theurest, have also their own distinct, reserved, undelegated rights, which it is e -I’tally their bouiulen duty to watch over and protect from all encroachment; and this duty the State (of South Carolina) will riot neglect, but, on all occasions, if need be, w \\\, faith fully, to the utmost, and at all hazards ixr form." That, “the system of late years, introduced among us, termed the American System, in cluding the right of protecting domestic man ufactures, by .taxes imposed upon the consu mer, (not for tiie public necessities, or the public good, but to foster and protect one fa vored class of citizens at the expense of all the rest) including the whole plan of internal im provements, by means of roads and canals, by which certain States are benefitted at the ex pense of the common Treasury, is a system, not only partial, unjust and oppressive, but is entirely as a whole, and in all its parts a gross and in* reusable usurpation on the part of the General Government. This American Sys tern has been gradually imposed upon the i Union, by means and meuseres unjust and unauthorised. It admits of no defence, on constitutional principles. The powers claim j ed, and Conner ted with it, are no where clear ly to be found in that Constitution. It erects the manufacturing States into a favored Aris tocracy. It degrades and depresses the char acter, the industry and the prosperity of eve ry agricultural State. It imposes burthens, tor which the South receives no equivalent. It renders us, in fact, tributaries end laborers for the benefit of the manufacturing States. Against this state of things, South Carolina has repeatedly remonstrated in vain. She i has been contemned in her sovereign capacity j her rights have been trampled upon ; her re j monstrances lie neglected on the table of Congress ; her oppressions have been almost | yearly increased; and no system of redress i has been held out to her hopes or her entrea ties.” And it was therefore Resolve*!, “That ; ,llc A rta °f Congress for the' protection of do j mestio manufactures, are unconstitutional, and should be resisted ; and the other States’ are inuited to 00-oporatc with South Carolina in the measure of resistance to the same, Ace. (hi those proceedings, no further comment - is accessary than this, that tiie evils thus | complained of still remain undresssd in every particular and disturb the peaeg and hnrmonv of the Union. The State Rights and Free trade Party have hitherto submitted with, most exemplary patience and forbearance to the grossest imputations upon their patriotism they have all along manifested a sincere de sire to preserve t> # . public peace and to cul fivate thn most friendly relations, towards those differ from them in political opinions. 1 •aej itavc .not-v r r ., . . ' indulge any fccliags of p- jsonal lipstiUiy-io*- wards thciroppbbents. 'They have tart com plained, and will not complain of any fair and candid efforts to point'out wluffaay bo suppo sed to be their errors of opinion, and if it can he shown that their principles are false' in themselves, or calculated to produce the fatal consequences attributed to them, they shall he ready and willing to acknow ledge their er-j or! but they are icon, and claiming also to be i>atriots, will not submit to be branded as Disunicmsts and Traitors. Be it therefore resolved, That the iir-puta tion unon the States Right and Free Trade Party, of their entertaimngany designs against the Union of these States, come from what quarter it may is A BASE CALUMNY. ’■sr v>*- OUR LIBERTIES. In these "Times of political rejoicing, fftr.ny riot he improper to mingle reflection .with our festivities; and to consider what those po litical blessings are, which gl iddco our hearts; how they are liable to be impaired or lost; and how they may be perpetuated. Independence —Previous to the revolu ■ tion ot 1776, wc were not an independent na tion We constituted the North American Colonics of Great Bntaii^—-Each Colony had a Governor, King of Eng land as is Chief And although we enjoyed a reasonable share of internal lib erty—had our local legislatures which regula ted our domestic concerns—and were but slightly and occasionally interrupted in the pursuit of our social and municipal prosperi ty vet these political privileges, we seem ed to enjoy rather as a matter of courtesy, than of right. The supreme authority was vested in the Crown and Parliament of Great Britain. At the veiy time when, on account of our complaints, they refrained from the ex ercise of unreasonable authority, they declar-, cd their right to blind us in all cases whatso ever. Whatever privileges we might enjoy by the favor of our superiors, we were accor ding totho theory of the government, power less and dependent. Wo were-Provinces of the British Empire. AH our advances in po litical prosperity could only swell the great ness and augment the pride of the. English Monarchy, to which we appertained. While wc inhabited a widely extended fertile coun try, several of the colonics embracing sepa rately more territory than the mother count ry, yettlmt country claimed ever us an an tliority completely despotic, and which could not fail, whether exercised or not, to check our noble aspirations, and to repress the. spir it of enterprise,; to render us, in fact, if sub missive to this auhtority, tf tame unpromosing and degraded people. Our revolution released us from this state of dependence. It threw off all foreign au thority and gave us an independent place among the nations of the earth. This event freed us from political degradation, and placed us in a position, where if true to ourselves, we might aspire, without presumption, to tile highest attainment in political prosper'd..— The acquisition of this Independence may well be commemorated with the most lively demonstrations of joy. Popular Government.— -Independence was itself a mighty acquisition. But if our forefathers had immediately set about crea ting an American Monarchy, or, if you please, thirteen American Monarchies, with regular orders oi Nobles, titled arid legally endowed 1 Clergy, Gentry 1 &c. &c. to keep the people m order, and to live upon their substance, in-' dependence itself might have been rendered a questionable blessing. But bur father were much more rationally employed. It was well for them and for us, that they had been far removed from the Princely Governments of Europe, The forms to which they had been accustomed had been chiefly a republican character. The Royal Governors, indeed, might be said to represent his British Majes ty ; but as the local Legislatures, which were joined with them in the government of the colonics, mere the plain representatives of the people, their manners and temper of govern- 1 ’ inent became measurably assimilated to the popular character of the Legislative body.— These circumstances were favorable to the | introduction of a rational government. But | the enlightened state of the public mind was I the chief guarantee, that the simple, just, ! equal ami economical plan of a republican j government would be chosen, in preference J ofmonarehialor aristoeratical systems, which ! are founded in fraud and injustice ; elevating a part of mankind to irrational pride and splendor, while the rest, oppressed and doom ed to constant toil, for the benefit of the fa vorite few, are not permitted to think for themselves, or to enquire into the conduct of thoir rulers. When such governments have been of long standing, in a country, prudent men, who perceive their injustice, are not much inclined to disturb their foundations, lest they should occasion a state of anarchy productive of inure evil than good. In the United States, the case was different. The supreme authority had been cast off". The States, individually, and collectively, were at liberty, in organizing political institutions, to adopt such as they thought best. Tnc state men of the day, with snipe few exceptions perhaps, were too enlightened to propose monareliial institutions ; and the people, had they been proposed, were too enlightened to submit to thorn. Many English writers, on the principles of government, had contribu ted greatly to produce this enlightened state of the public mind. Few thinking men, who had read the political works of Lock *rd Mil- 1 ton, could be ignorant that Monarchy -was a system of government founded in gross injus tice, and an imposition on the mass of man kind. But |>o!itieal truth was still more broadly exhibited to the popular view, on This side ol the Atlantic by American writers.— Paine and others, while they advocate a sepa ration from Great Britain, attacked also the principles of monarchy and aristocracy, and while they exposed in strong and plain bin-1 guage, the injustice and absurdity of these | principles, alternately aroused against them I i the indignation ixd the ridicule of the p to -1 | pie. So democratic had the people become in feeling, at tlie time ofthe Declaration of In- 1 dependence, that this important docirtnent was as remarkable for the broad principles of equality and liberty which it laid down, as for the derided mapnerin which it declared the national independence of the State?.— j And perhaps it was owing, ss much to then i-! qualified annunciation of these principles of j equality, as to the heroic f’:ru'.:ic.->s it mauifes- 1 ted, in casiingpff’ the authority of Great Br;i- 1 am, that it met an approving response—we i were about to say in every American bosom- j There were exceptions; be- we would not remember them now. The truth of our Declaration cf Indepcnd icncc was self-evident; hut King "George r - quired proof; and it was verified and est.ib -1 lis.’ied by what has been called the last rca-\ J .so? of Kings W : i'ii he had fought, an Jeon- I qu£rcd, iu support of this declaration and the principles vi,;eh it contained, it ’was" not to be supposed tint they would ho abandoned in the organisation of government. These pri i rffpu.s were, not abandoned, hut were recog nized ami acted on, in the establishment of State Constitution'., and in that of the Fed eral Government. The noble doctrine of thp filial right? of man which had been avow ! effin thg better days ofthe Greeks and of the ltoihaiis,l)Ut which had been laid aside in practice for centuries, was now again solcmly re-acknowledged and boldly carried into prac tice, on< a broad scale, in the face of the world ( —of lyings, and Nobles and of the People.— j I The recognition ofthe equal rights *bf man by thirteen Mates, just entering on 'fresh exis tence, in the new world, was a delightful spectacle. This spectacle is now brightened when we sec the number of confederated free Stateshaost doubled: and it is still further brightened when we see the enslaved nations of Europe beginning to follow our example,' by tlyowing off the oppressor’s yoke ; and i when we see Kings and King’s Ministers bow ing to the majesty of the people. NAT?bNAL Strength.—Two important ac quisitions of the revolution have been men tioned, independence and popular govern ment; but something more was yet wanting. Independence must be maintained ; and our liberal doctrines of government, which tyrants hate, were to be supported. To this end, it was necessary that a close union among the states should be effected. A mere confede racy was first tried; but ready concert aud national strength were still wanting. After! earnest consultation and discussion, by the ! most powerful and improved minds, and by! the people generally, our present Federal! Constitution was formed, organizing a gener-i al government, whereby the States, while they ! retained tlieijr distinct existence, for the reg- j ulation of internal affairs, became as one na tion, in relation to foreign powers, and for; certain general concerns. j If any doubt the necessity-f such a bond; of union, let them read again the history of i the Republics of Greece ; that they may see how nobly they breasted all opposition when they were united, and how easily they be came a prey to tile splendid but feeble" gov ernments which surrounded'them when they cherished jealousies and animosities among themselves. Our strength is in our union ; { dissolve this, and we soon would become a j wrangling and contentious cluster of little na tions—instruments of discord, to be played up on by surrounding nations to our own destruc tion. The weaker State among us too, would be liable to be politically crushed by the pow er of the strong. If any doubt it they may find the melancholy proof of it in the history j ol a feeble people, who, though primitive A lncricans, have had to share in our union. Spirit of the Age. •<*V> POLITICAL ILLS. The Protecting System. —To this system we have ever been opposed. Our opposi tion is founded on principle; and not on mi nute calculations of the commercial or pe cuniary advantages or disadvantages of the system. The most minute and careful polit ical economists differ as widely as the poles, in regard to the effects of the tariff, and in re gard to the causes of the rise and fall of the prices of our staple commodities and of for-' eign articles. The investigation is compli- ! cated and intermidahle ; we should despair of arriving at precise certainty on the subject; besides we dislike to make a counting-house of our head, where there is a much shorter and readier way of coining at the truth. A ! tariff for protection, unless it be a defensive! measure against the wrong of some foreign ! power, is a violation of individual liberty j | Our infant manufactures, it is said ought to ' be protected. But protected against whom t j Against foreign competition, ft will he an-! swered. But on whom doestiie restraint, im plied in the very term protection, immediate-; ly operate? Certainly on our own citizens.— They are restrained, by the high duty, from ! purchasing the foreign article, and thus nidi- j rectlv compelled to purchase of the domestic ! manufacturer. This restraint upon ourselves, i we are informed is for our own good. And • so does the Emperor of Russia tell his en-; slaved subjects, that his despotic authority is] exorciucd for their good. But our notions of ; free government will not even allow the pco- { pie to be made happy and prosperous by force, j Individual liberty is above all peace. It j shotild be interfered with as little, and as seldom as possible. A protecting system un- j warrantably meddles with, and attempts to regulate the pursuits, the industry, and the ‘ domestic affairs of the people. Tlicscshould be let alone as much as possible by the state { governments—the general government lias still leees right to mterfiTre with them. This j , protecting system then wc regard as one of j the political ills calculated to impair the free dom of the people. Spirit of the Age • Infallible Rules to discover ti Husband and UV/'o. — Ifyou see ;i mail and woman with lit tle or no finding fault, and correct ing one another in company, you may be sure they are man and wife. If you geo a lady accidentally 1- t fall a glove, and a gen- 1 j tlcman that sits next her telling her to take j | it. up, she is his wife. Ifyou sec a lady pje | seating a gentleman with something sidewavs, ! | at arm’s length, with her hoftd turninganoth- j er way, speaking, to ft ft n w ith a look and ac-1 centdifferent from' that she uses to others,! you.niffy be sure he is her husband. In tine, ifryoii sft.a gentle-nan and lady in the same 1 otach,* in profound silence, the ono looking out at the one side, the other at the other side never suspect they mean any harm to one an pt-V-j the-.-r.ro alr a > iilrricd. * * * ITiE SimVOF THE STATE. In political,discussion (says Blackwood) we Igvc occasionally to be if not poetical, at least picturesque. Fancy is one of feeling’s best tilies; and reason is never so strong us when backed' by imoguiatu:i. Therefore, we arc partial lo that image, (bough it be as old as the Island—tiie b'hip of the Mate. It i an image that presents itself in many lights and shadows.. See the Ship of the State, how she strains, and bow her scams appear to open as she pitches LaiuMubbcrs, looking at her from the shore, swear that she is about (o go down. But an old Tar like Christopher gives her three cheers as she sweeps alongwith all her streamers. Ay, while her hull is hidden in the hollow, he secs the ‘meteorflagof England, aloft in heaven, and to his excited spirit these ups ami downs are full of power and glory. See the Ship of the State in a storm, close reefed and close-hauled, yet with more than an inch of canvass, for she has not taken in ev ery la? —not she indeed—of her weather bea ten and weather-beating Russia duck, but wings her i.ay'still exiiltingly against the wild est wind. The shore shrinks, ‘.She will foun der!’ But lo ! ihe Ocean Queen has eaten for herself a foamy path out of tiie wind’s eye close past the surges roaring along that range of cliff's, and having a free oiling now, lo ! how she whitens as sin; stands out to sea, herself her own sunshine in the storm she loves! See the Ship of the Si ito s :adding under bare poles, anbiier poop pursued by mountains. Let but one overtake her and down she goes to Davy’s Locker. But her wheel is ‘instinct with spirit,’ and sullenly she swings and sways along the snow-crested pitciiincss of her rolling path, not perhaps quite so smooth ly or steadily as the Rocket e.i the rail-road between Liverpool and Manchester, but as safely, and most majestically, as becomes her who holds in fee the roarings of the Atlantic. See the Ship of the State on a Ice-shore close in among the breakers. She must go to sticks now, ‘like ocean weeds heaped on the surf beaten shore.’ No, she must not; for who ever saw her, even when taken aback in the trough of the sea, miss stays? Her jib fills— and now her foresail— there she has it —and away she moves on another taek, along with the seamen, as far dr as fiairless, while the very air is black as the sea, and the sea, but for catheads, as black as Erebus. Sec the Ship oi the State with all her masts gene by the board! Now she must settle down iu death. No.—-She is brought np by hor sheet anchor, and shall ride out the storm all night, while stretch and spring her cable—till Neptune lays his Lead in a lull on Thetis’ bosom, and at morning the bay shall be bright with boats —many ot th in bum ones—gliding all around her steadt'asts hadoiv. Or see her, since the worst will come to the worst, driven ashore! The crews ofthe whole licet have got her off again ! —she floats ! —she floats!—for what signifies the bruise in her bottom, and a few hundred tons <if "bilge-water! Taken into dock, and laid down for repairs, like a hill, side in the sun, seen shall her forefoot again be iu the foa,-n ‘Her march, upon the mountain wave— Her home,'upon the deep.’ Having thus quoted Campbell, let ns con clude with Wordsworth, and finish the poet-, ical or picturesque pait of this our poetical article, by bidding, for a while, farewell to the Ship ofiStute in these beautiful liacs:— ‘Like a ship on some calm day, In sunshine sailing fur away— Some beauteous ship, that hath dm plain Of ocean for her whole domain.’ Or let us conclude in the words ot a poet whom we frequently rcniemembor, thougluhe world has forgotten him;— ‘No fears hath she; her giant-form O’er wrathful surge through blackening storm, Maj estical Iy•ca 1 m will go, ,P>lid the deep darkness, white as snow.’ ! AN ARMY ON THE EYE OF BATTLE, j As the morning was fine, the scene looked highly -pteteresque, and, though painful in many respects, it possessed an uncommon de gree oi interest. I need hardly mention, that there was none of the show and flourish of a | review to be seen here; for the soldiers lay J scattered about wearied and dispirited, rag- I ” e< * ’(heir dress, and many of thorn sickly, ■ or rather broken down in appearance, by the ! fatigues of this celebrated retreat. Most of | their chins hud been untouched by a razor for ! some days, perhaps weeks, while their hands | an<J fi aces being rather less familiar with soap | and water than with the smoke of their mus kets, and the charcoal of their cooking fires, ; gave evidence enough of the want of comforts to wnich the army hud boon so long exposed, i The muskets of the troops were piled in pyr- j | amida along the ridge, amongst the men who ; were stretched on the ground fast asleep | l n<n * n any very precise order, but still within j a few yards on either side of the summit of the ridge. I observed many of these hardv I follows lying on their backs, with their hands j under their heads, and laces half covered by ; what remained of a hat, becoming still more deeply tanned in the sun. Many, however, were sitting on the grass, or oil the loose i > 0 , , which covered the ground, l ana ‘ oo king in silence with very wistful eyes towards the ships. Along the whole line of I however, I observed only ono or two. -of the olheers asleep. Generally speaking they were collected into little kAots, bokin” about them, but seldom speaking, e, ? one of the things which struck tw , .V* 01 ’ the profound, almost melanch^ which prevailed amongst so r , of men. We be-r, n ” ' thousands nearly at the wCofZ * eXCUraJon /. , . 11 01 tot nritish position in Hope’s division ; and wav amon m, 0 n&,lt I,and ’ threaded our IZ TnT 1,0 S,c^ ,n £ soU '™> piled mus lne. !] t! C i Un, u f alo "S ‘he whole me, till the ridge unon which the enemy was m posi.ton, lost itself in the valley, just erne Mtc to the high rocky knoll, fornfing Vhc ex r me left of the ground occupied by the French. The 05th, the well known rille corps, were stationed hereabouts; and I was ’ Se ,y ?,5 nd T (,h ‘ frirrid ahve and merry ‘ ?~ st *^ e odlcrrß ef this regiment. These gentlemen were m greater spirits than most oltho others whom we had conversed with.- \ c were surprised indeed, to find them latmh tng heartily, and upon askmg the cause,,f .1 it mirth, were slipup a pig. ,j, ( ! regimental cooks were - uttim, upT7*aT j 1)cr > wliicli the) said would he r . ,; a ! minutes. It seems this unt'orm,, a ; c | had been disturbed by the Fren-'. r mmr ti village of Elvina, just in uoef ,‘w.f spot wuerc tue SSth were stationed. jj e , made good Ins rt treat, as be thought, i right upon our friends the sharp J|j 00 . '* who m a tree charge and and despatch, (t V’.' 1 with their swords and bayonets. ’] p, ry soldiers, delighted with their goo V p!’.' 7 ' j pressed us much to stay and partake oft' - ; windfall; but we wished to retrace our .si' along a part of the line, so as (o „ ai " ';p road to Corunna, and rctnr.i on board f , sunset, as we had been ordered. () tl ! them what chance there was cf our battle, the officers shrugged their shoebu * and said they had already bad quite c , of that work. There was no earthly S? tage to be gained, they said, even by vi, •, while a reverse would now be a very S{ r ° ! '’ perhaps desperate affair; and, therefore tV had but one wish, which was, to at J, on board the ships, and La off’ f ro ; n S ?‘,'V R! -' rascally country, and such a dastardly n/ crastiuating set of use.!, allies ns fh c ’w‘ lards. “Nevertheless,” we would, no doubt, would make a gooff ,' r still it you were put to it.” ‘ff 3 that, ’ one of them said; “look at the nr' they are all worn out and disheartened-if they are not sleeping, or eating whatever the can get hold of, they arc looking at the v J sels, and thinking only of home. Like V" indeed, they are wishing for any thinw but™ attack from those confounded fellows over t£ way. I pan this we parted—they to their welcome home while we retraced our s t >n amongst the weary soldiers, who certainly del i lo . ok m /; ich a miserable plight, that it seen ;cd its if the enemy would have little more to I do than to gallop across the valley and cafe", : f he,nall naj.pingr. Colonel Napier, remark*' however, cleverly enough, in his account this campaign, that, “although a British army may be gleaned in a retreat, it cannot & reaped, and of this wc had abundant n-oo<". wit.iin a few minutes after the wretched am pc a ranee of the troops had drawn from in such disparaging reflections. 1 had just ask. ed the commanding officer of one of the r - gmicnts, 1 forget which, near the top of* tin position, whether lie thought any thing could possibly rouse the men up. I„ reply, he sain witn a very expressive smile, and a slight nod oi his head, implying that even then he sus pected what was about to take place, “You’ll see by and by, sir, if the French there choosn to come over.” These words were hardly uttered when a movement along the enemy’s line became apparent even to our inexperier.. ced eyes. Captain Basil Hall's Fragment $ — From the Journal of Health. THE BEAUTIES OF MUSIC. “Music exaHs each joy, allays each grief hxpels disease, softens every pain, ° ’ Subdues the rage of poison, and of plague.” They undoubtedly entertain a very mean and degrading opinion ofthe polite arts who consider them merely as subservient to amuse ment, or, at most, to that cultivation of mind which emollil mores, ncc sinii esse feros. Tiie history of the world evinces tiiat they have all a much higher and more beneficial : influence upon thu disposition and happiness ■ of man. Though wc can no longer indulge except tor its poetry, in the ancient superstition which gave personation to the arts, and then held them up as divinities; yet we cannot de ny t nut they are important auxiliaries to the worship oi the Deity, and that they assume the most attractive form when enlisted in the serv ice of the altar. Of music, in particular, we have always been inclined to think, that not only its best, but most sublime employ ments are in tins way—and that it is never so well applied as when soothing the disor dered passions into peace, or elevating the devotional feelings of the human heart.” Wc are not prepared to credit all that some of the ancients have affirmed respecting the moral influence of music; nor that, —“Things inanimate have moved, Ann, as with living souls, have been informed By magic numbers and persuasive sounds.'* We do not expect it to quiet a mob, any more than to unite a brokon bone. We aro even willing to admit, that under any state of society which we have witnessed, or of which v.e can conceive, the refinement of the Lace* donians, in making it penal to add anew string to the lyre, as a species of luxury, or an engine of corruption, is as absurd as it w ould lie to deny to music any power ore* the feelings and passions of man. Ganus, a musician at Rhodes, when Apol lonius inquired what he could effect by the moans of music, replied, that he could make a melancholy man merry, a merry man mad, a lover more enamored, and a ,;<? man That it w soothe^S,^ M° ‘^t^ perionced ! it ? v C ’ mt £X ‘ i ‘ at “ cuffvens what was gap tota t:. .. I* 1 l at listened to it admit the fes " L 1 ~r! , ,£ a pantomine, will venture to f * ° lts martial effects the annals St vai u .j testify, and few arc found so low in T nt as not to have felt a kind of inspiration ha courage from the sound of a march or the notes of a patriotic air. The powerful influ. once of national or domestic music, over the mind is strikingly evinced in the instance of the Scottish Highlanders and the native of Switzerland; certain tunes associated with their homes and country, being playeil in their hearing, causes so violent a desire to revisit them as to induce the deepest melancholy—* eten terminating in death when circumstan ces prevent their desire, from being accom plished 11 facts of this kind are too notori ous to hear an exemplification, which would lead at once to the most trite- topics, what a. >eope must there be w ithin the power of inu mc, for effects the most salutary to the human mind from the exhilaration of the mere live ly tun?, to the sublimity of the anthem— from the insinuation of tender passion, to the excitement of martial ardor. It is not surprising, therefore, that physi cians and philosophers should esteem music as mg the least powerlul of the means calcu lated to'tiil.iluato-apon-owtul heart, te > lighten if p. * * rn? >—. *