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Prom ‘he N. V. Mirror. THE DEPARTED. Why comes he not! our own bright boy ! The glory of our hearts— Our hope —our sunbeam —anil our joy— Our shield ’mid sorrow’s darts ! V. e pine fur his dear gladdening tone As for some spell divine! As men for founts in deserts lone, So for his glance we pine! Why comes he not ? the pale spring flowers In beauty round vs Wave — The rose its perfumed treasure showers— Where lingers he our brave 1 Hath pleasures, in the stranger's land. His heaTt from home beguib 1 1 Bends he ’mid wealth's forge tfnl hand ? Or hath fame lured our child ? He comes not—heme no charm can boast— Life’s garden seems a wild : A casket with the jewel lost— We mourn to meet our child. Ceflße your vain tears ! ye dream of one Whom earth may claim no more : The dove from you forever flown, The lamp whose ray is o’er. Beyond the stars there shines a world Where storms may never blast, Where mercy’s pinion ne’er is furled— There hath the lost one pass’d ! n ■ ■ I —i in i —ri- ~rn TO MATILDA * * * * * Thou Orb of love supremely ble6t, With charms thatcannot die ; Oh ! who would ever feel dopiest, While gating on thine eye. Thy spirit bouyant as the air, Thy Seraph-features too, And lovely hand that’s snowy fair; Have equals here but few. Thy smiles add lustre to thine eye, And beauty to thy form ; Who could with thee one moment sigh, Or exil’d be forlorn. Could I the wealth of worlds possess. And then those worlds could sway ; From tliee I’d say they’re Tittle less, Than roses at mid-day. For what can wealth or power be, Within this vale of tears, To him who is deprived of thee, Sweet soother of all cares. Beauty like thine shall even shine, Rrsplcmlontly in death. And then, Oh death ! ’twill he divine, And purer than on earth. Forgive tli' encomiums of this verse, For they are what you merit; You” real wortli 1 can’t rehearse, I writwbut from the* spirit. JURISPRUDENCE. ’Twas fashion once for men alone To seek judicial places ; But Ladies now, impatient grown, Are looking into cases. Tho’ some the novel plan deride, Still others disagree; Men arc by women sometimes tried, Without a special pica. Tho’ some would have their better parts Known merely by report Yet we would have, with all our hearts, Ev’en Ladies go— io court. Their eloquence is all divine. We give it our applause ; Their arguments are always fine. And sure to win their cause. In Hymen's Court the Graces long Have o’er on- claims presided : ’Tis there among the sueing throng, We’d have them all decided. There’s no appeal from their decree, Tho’ actions are laid over ; The cure must always final he, .issunpsit or in trover. But we’ll not have our case demurred. If trial it wall bcaT one; — 'We’re sure to have, when we are heard, A liberal and a Fair one. CCELEBS. TUJti *TIISCEI,EZ.VIST. fLowersC The followipgbeautiful passage is from the Jook of the Seasons,” by the poetic Quaker, iiiiam Howitt, ■‘Of all the minor creations of Clod, flowers em to be most completely the cfl’usions of 4 love of beauty, grace and jo}’. Of all the nor objects which surround us they are the st connected with our absolute necessities. Vegetation might proceed, the earth might clothed with a sober green ; all the pro. srs of fructification might be perfected bout being attended by tin: glory with ich the flower is crowned; but beauty and r r ,ce are poured over the earth in blos s of endless varioti* ?, radiant evidences he houndh ss benevolence of the Deitv.— y arc made solely to gladden the Imurt of •, for a light to 1 is eyes, for a living in n*ion of grace to his spirit, for a perpetu- Jrniration. And accordingly tiny s. ize or nffcetions'tne first moment that webe thein. They hound about m flowery j ?nwsiikc y*r:gfawn?—tliey gather all co;ne near—they collect beans—they sit jg tfcem, and sort them, and sing over , and caryss them till they perish in their >. We sec them coming wearily into the sand villages with their pinafores full, vith ; osi'.'s half us large ag themselves, rate h ( ruin shady lanes,iu tlie grass of i '* fi, Ids by the treasures they have gath -1 .ml have l-ft behind, lured on by others rxfliti r. As they grow up to maturity, i ! s.-.un , iti their eyes, new characters j Then they are strewn around | dir po-trv-of *ho earth. * * * fte ucicnt Ureekjt v'hos? souls pr^-eini-J HIE MACON ADVERTISER, AND AGRICULTURAL AND MERCANTILE INTELLIGENCER. nently sympathised by the spirit of grace and beauty in every thing, were enthusiastic in their love, and lavish in then use of (lowers. Thrv scattered them in the porticos of their temples—they were offered on the altars of some of their deities—they were strewed in their conquerors’ path—on all occasions of festivity and rejoicing they were strewn about, or worn in garlands. The guests at banquests were crowned with them—the bowl was wreathed with them—and vvhercev er they wished to throw beauty, and to ex press gladness, like sunshine, they cast flow ers. “Something of the same spirit seems to have prevailed amongst the Hebrews. ‘Let us till ’ourselves,’ says Solomon, ‘with costly wine and ointments, and Ifct no flower of the spring pass by us. Let us crown ourselves with rose buds before they be withered.” But amongst that solemn and poetical people, they were commonly regarded in another and higher sense—they were the favourite symbols of the beauty and fragility of life.— Man is compared to the flower of the field, and it is added,‘that man withereth and the flower fadeth.’ “In our confined notions, we are often led to wonder why beauty, and flowers and fruit, should be scattered so exuberantly where there are none to enjoy them. But the thoughts cf the Almighty are not as our thoughts. * * * —To Omnipotence creation cost not an effort, but to the desolate and the weary, how immense is the happiness thus prepared in the wilderness! Who does not recollect the exultation of Villant over afl w er in the torrid waste of Africa. A magnifi cent lily which, growing on the banks of a riv er filled the air far around with its delicious fragrance, and, as he observes, had been re spected by all the animals of the district, and seemed defended even by its beauty.—The affecting mention of the influence of a flower upon his mind in a time of suffering and des pondency,in the heartjof the same savage con tinent by Mungo Park, is familiar to every one.” From the Lady’s Book. A SK ETCH. Site was all light and loveliness; and her eye, deep and lucid as the sapphires, beamed with animation. The amber curls that wav ed around her head, like streaks of sunshine, shaded a brow fairer than the swan’s white down. She was all smiles and innocence like a bright influence diffusing love and har mony. But now a change came o’er her, and she faded—she the fair, the gay ! The sunny smile had vanished; ami the check’s bright hue had fled. The crystal drops that hung upon her eye’s dark fringe, like dew upon the rose, kissed her fair soft cheek. She was all sad and lovely—like a lone bird whose dul cet notes are hushed. Her young affections had been given to one who asked them not, save in the silent language of the eye; and had left her without one word of sorrow or regret. He 100 loved, but breathed it not, save to his own heart, or in the murmur of a dream; but quickly fled the beauteous vision which had bowed the heart that stern mis fortune could not shake. But years passed on, and lie returned. Once more bis footsten pressed his native shore; and she was there jstill meekly—beautiful even in her despair; and they have met again, and he lias knelt— she wept, then smiled—and her gentle spirit clung to earth again! R. L. I). MARRYING FOR FUN. A marriage which lately took place in Wilsborotigh county, Pa. and which was an nounced a few weeks since, turns out to be a ludicrous affair, and took place under the following circumstances: The parties, togeth er with a number of the young beoplc of both sexes in the neighborhood, had been invited to the wedding of another couple, and had as sembled at the house of tho father of the bride where the nuptials were celebrated. After the ceremony had taken place,a young gentleman, one of the guests, proposed to a’ young Jady present, tube married for fun, and they stood up together upon the floor for ! that purpose.—Tho magistrate, who it seems j was willing to contribute his share of the fun consented to gratify their humor so far as to a gree to marry them a ftp’s worth—a second contract followed to be married to the value of a “/cry,” and in this way the“fun” proceed ed for some time. The magistrate, it appears, at last became rather tired of the sport and in formed the young couple that if they persist ed in their demand to be married for fun, he would marry them in earnest —They dared him to do it after his repeated admonition to them((ho’ they contended, itvvas“all in fun,”) he actually pronounced them “ husband and wife,” and, as it would seem, not until they J had separated and retired each to their own ; home, did they begin to understand it any thing more than being “ married for fun.” Learning now, however, that they were real ly caught in the marriage noose, if become a matter of serious concern to fee the magis trate with a few more ftps and keys to“loosd the tic” which by this time was getting ra ther burdensome, and which was rendered not the less so by the continued rallying of i their comrades. They were soon given to understand, however, the truth of the old i trite saying, that a magistrate can tic a knot j with his tongue tirat lie cannot untie with i is i teeth, and as vve learn, have given up all hopes of a legal separation short of an appli ' cation to the Legislature! The transaction reminds us of another wise saving, which we would urge' to the con sideration of the voting couple, and which is, “he careful how you ntedd'e with edge tools,” a magistrates’ tongue being a danger ous instrument for those to meddle with, who only and, sire to he ‘married in fun.’ The young ladies in Topsham celebrated the late 4th of July bv a procession and pub lie exercise in the Gourt-hous *. An oration was delivered by Elizabeth Walker, and a poi m I>\ C.iroiinoC . Green. (< utlemon were not admitted to hear the performances. 1 \ token ot the independence of th-> ladies, we suppose.] All the young ladies had their heads ornamented with wreaths of roses. We are not strong enough in number to be victorious, but vve are enough to .lie u ith von or in (Mending our country Knskiexcc. MR. CALHOUN'S SENTIMENTS. From tho Pendleton (S. C.) Messenger, Aug. 3. (CONCLUDED.) * I have ncr.v said what I intended in refer ence to the abstract question of the relation ol the States to the General Government, and would here conclude, did 1 not believe that a more general statement on an abstract ques-j tion, without including tint which may have j caused its agitation, would be considered bv many imperfect, and unsatisfactory. Feel ing that such would be -justly the case, I am i compelled, reluctantly, to touch on the Tariff, j so far, at hast as may he necessary to illus- j irate the opinions which 1 have already ad-; vanced. Anxious, however, to intrude as lit tle as possible, on the public attention, 1 will be as brief as possible, and with that view,will as far as may be consistent with my object, avoid all debatable topics. Whatever diversity of opinion may exist, in relation to the principle, or the effect on tlm productive industry of the country, of the present, or any other Tariff of protection, there are certain political consequences flow ing from the present, which none cun doubt, and all must deplore. It would be in vain to attempt to conceal, that it has divided the country into two great geographical divisions, and arrayed them against each other, in opin ion at least, if not interest also, on some of the most vital of political subjects; on its fi nance, its commerce, and its industry; sub jects calculated, above all others in time of peace to produce excitement, and in relation to which, the Tariff’ has placed the sections in question in deep and dangerous conflict. If there be any point on which the (l was going to say Southern section, but to avoid, as far as possible, tho painful feelings such discus sions are calculated to excite, I shall say) weaker of the two sections is unanimous, it is that its prosperity depends, in a great meas ure, on free trade, light taxes, economical, and, as far as possible equal disbursements of the pub 1 .- revenue, and unshackled industry, leaving them to pursue whatever may appear most advantageous to llicir interests. From the Potomac to the Mississippi, there are few indeed, however, divided on other points, who would not, if dependent on their voli tion and if they regarded the interest of their particular section only, remove from com merce and industry ever shackle, reduce \he, revenue to tlie lowest point that the wants of the Government fairly required, and restrict the appropriations to the most moderate scale, consistent with the peace, the security, and the engagements of the public; and who do not believe that the opposite system is calcu late.] to throw ob them an equal 'burthen to repress their prosperity, and to encroach on their enjoyment. On all these deeply important measures, the opposite opinion prevails, if not with equal unanimity, with at least a greatly prepondera ting majority, in the other and stronger sec tion; so much so, that no two distinct na tions ever entertained more opposite views of policy than these two sections do, on all the important points to which I have refuted.*— Nor is.it less certain that this unhappy con flict, flowing directly from the Tariff', has ex tended its It to the halls of legislation, and has converted the deliberations of Congress into an annual struggle between the two sec tions, the stronger to maintain and increase theymporiority it has already acquired, and the other to throw off, or diminish its bur dens ; a struggle in which all the noble and generous feelings of patriotism, are gradually subsiding into sectional and selfish attach ments.* Nor has the effect, of that danger ous conflict ended here. It has not only di vided the two sections on the important point already stated, hut on the deeper and more dangerous questions, the constitutionality of a protective Tariff, and the general princi ples and theory of the Constitution itself; the stronger,in order to maintain their superi ority, giving a construction to the instrument, which the other believes would convert the General Government into a consolidated, ir responsible Go vernnu-:t, with the total de struction of liberty ; and the weaker seeing no hope of relief with such assumption of pow ers, turning its eye to the reserved sovereign ty of the States, as the only refuge from op pression. I shall not extend these remarks, as 1 might, by shewing that while the effect of the system of protection was rapidly aliena ting one section, it was not less rapidly, by its necessary operation, distracting and cor rupting the other; and between the two, sub jecting the administration to violent and sud den changes, totally inconsistent with all sta bility and wisdom in the management of the affairs of the nation, of which we already sec fearful symptoms. Nor do I deem it neces sarv to enquire whether this unhappy conflict grows out of trne, or mistaken views of inter est on either, or both sides. Regarded in either light, it ought to admonish us of the extreme danger to which our system is expos ed, and the great moderation and wisdom ne cessary to preserve it. ]( it come from mis. taken views, if the interest of the two sec tions as affected by the Tariff’, he really the same, and flic system instead of acting une qually, in reality diffuses equal blessings, and imposes equal burdens on every part, it ought to teach us how liable those, who are differently situated, and who view their inter ests under different aspects, are to come to different conclusions; even when their interests are strictly the same; and con sequently, with what extreme caution any system of policy ought to he adopted, and with wliat spirit of moderation pursued, in a country of such great extent and diversify as ours. But if on tho contrary, the conflict springs ro-'ly, from contrariety of interests, if the burden be on one side, and the benefit on the other, then we are taught a lesson not less important, how little regard vve have for the interests of others, while in pursuit of pur own, or at least, how apt vve are to consider our own interest, the interest of all others; •The system if continued, must end, not only in subjecting the industry and property of the weaker section to the control of the stronger, but in proscription and political disfranchise mcnt.~ It must finally control elections and appointments to offices, as well as acts of legislation, to the great increase of the feelings of animosity, and of the fatal tendency to a complete alienation brtvyeen the sections. and of course bow great the danger in a eoun- j try of such acknowledged diversity of inter- csts, of the oppression of the feebler by the j stronger interest, and inconsequence of it, of j the most fatal sectional conflicts. But which- j ever may be the cause, the real, or supposed j diversity of interest, it cannot be doubted, that the political consequences of the prohib itory system, he its effects in other respects, beneficial, or otherwise, are really such, as 1 i have stated; nor can it be doubted, that a conflict between the great sections on a ques tion so vitally important, indicates a condi tion of the country, so distempered and dan go i*- ops, as to demand the most serious and prompt attention. It is only, when we come to con sider of the remedy, that, under the aspect I am viewing the subject, there can be, among the informed and considerate, any diverity of opinion. Those who have not duly reflected on its dangerous and inveterate character, suppose that the disease will cure itself, that events j ought to be left to take .their own course; and that experience, in a short time, will prove, that the interest of the whole, commu nity is the same, in reference to the Tariff’, or at least, whatever diversity there may now be, time will assimilate. Such has now been their language from the beginning, but un fortunately the progress of events lias been the reverse. The country is now more divi ded than in 1824, and then more than in 1816. The majority may have increased, but the opposite sides are beyond dispute more determined and excited, than at an preced ing period. Formerly the system was resis ted mainly as expedient; but now, as uncon stitutional, unequal, unjust, and oppressive. Then relief was sougiit exclusively from the General Government; but now, many driven to despair, are raising their eyes to the re served sovereignty!’the States, as the only refuge. If we turn from the past, and pre sent to the future, vve shallTind nothing to les sen, but much to aggravate the danger. The increasing embarrassment, and distress of the staple states, the growing conviction, from experience, that they are caused by the pro hibitory system principally, and that, under its continued operation, the present pursuits must become profitless, and with a conviction, that their great and peculiar agricultural capi tal, cannot be-diverted from its ancient and hereditary channels, without ruinous losses, all concur to increase, instead of dispelling the gloom, that hangs over the future. In fact, to tirose who will duly reflect on the sub jeet, the hope, that the disease will cure it self, must appear perfectly illusory. The question is in reality one between the export ing A non-exporting interests of the country, i H ere there no experts, there would he no Turijf. It would be perfectly useless. On the contrary, so long its there are states, which raise the gn at agricultural staples, with the view of obtaining their supplies, and -which must depend, on .the general market ol the world, for their sales, the conflict must remain, if the system should continue and the disease become iqpro and more inveterate.— Their interest, and that of those, w ho by high duties would confine the purchase of their supplies to the general market, must from the nature of tilings in reference to the Tariff’, be m conflict. Till, then, we cease to raise the great staples cotpm, rice and tobacco, for the same markets, and till we can find some oth er profitable investment for the immense a mount ol capital and labor now employed in their production, the present unhappy and dangerous conflict cannot terminate unlesss with the prohibitory system itself. In the meantime, while idly waiting for its termination through its own-action, the pro gress ot events, in anothei quarter, is rapidly bringing the contest, to an immediate and decisive issue. We are fast approaching the period, very novel in the history of nations, and bearing directly and powerfully on the point under consideration, the final payment of a Ion" standing funded debt; a period that cannot be sensibly retarded, or the natural consequences of it eluded, without proving disastrous to those, who may attempt either, if not to the country itself. When it arrives, the Government, would find itself in posses sion of a 'surplus revenue of $10,000,000, or 81'-',000,000, if not previously disposed off w hich presents the important question what previous disposition ought to he made; a question which must press urgently for de cision, at the very next session of Congress. It cannot be delayed longer, without the most distracting and dangerous consequences. The honest and obvious course is, to pre vent the accumulation of the surplus in the treasury, by a timely and judicious reduction of the imposts; and thereby to leave the mon ey in the pockets of those who made if, and from whom, it cannot he honestly, nor consti tutionally taken, unless required by the fair and legitimate wants of the Government. If, neglecting a disposition so obvious and just, the Government should attempt to keep up present high duties, when the money was no longer wanted, or to dispose of this immense surplus by enlarging the old, or devising new schemes of appropriations, or, finding that to bo impossible,it should adopt the most dan gerous unconstitutional and absurd, project ever devised by any government, of dividing the surplus among the States; (a project, which, it earned info execution, could not fail to create an antagonist interest between the States and General Government on all questions of appropriations, which would cer tainly end in reducing the latter to a mere office of collection and distribution,) either of J these modes would be considered by the sec tion suffering underlie present high duties as a fixed def< rmination, to perpetuate forev er what itconsiders the present unequal, un constitutional, and oppressive burden; anil from that moment, it would cease to look to ' the General Government for relief. This deeply int< resting period, which must prove so disastrous, should a wrong direction be jriv on, but so fortunate and glorious, should a right one, is just nt hand. The work must commence at the‘nest session, as I have sta ted, or be left undone, or, at leas:, lie badiv done. The succeeding session would be too short and too much ngitated by the Presiden tial contest to afford the requisite leisure and calmness, and the one succeeding would find the country in the midst of the crisis, when and would be too late to prevent an accumula tion of the surplus, which I hazard nothing in saying, judging from the nature of men and government, if once permitted to accu mulate, would create an interest strong e noiigh to perpetuate itself, supported as it would be by others, so numerous and power ful ; and thus would pass away a moment, never to be quietly recalled, so precious if j properly used, to lighten the public burden; j to equalize the action of the Government; to restore harmony arid peace; and to present to the world the illustrious example which could not fail to prove most favorable to the great cause of liberty every where, of a nation the freest, and, at the same time, the best ant! in'st cheaply governed; of the highest eaith !y blessing, at the least possible sacrifice. As the disease will not, then, heal itself, wc are brought to the question, can a remedy he applied, and, if so, what ought it to he ? To answer in the negative, would he to as sert, that our Union has utterly- faded ; and that the opinion, so common before the adop tion of our Constitution, fruit a free Govern ment could not he practically extended over a large country, was correct—and that ours had been destroyed-by giving it limits so great, as to comprehend, not only dissimilar, but irreconcilable interests. I am not pre pared to admit a conclusion, that would cast so deep a shade on the future, and that would falsify all the glorious anticipations of our ancestors while it would so greatly lessen their high reputation for wisdom. Nothing but tile clearest demonstration, founded on actual experience, will ever force me to a con clusion so abhorrent to all of my feelings. As strongly as I am impressed with the great dis similarity, and, f must add, as truth compels tne to do, contrariety of interests in ourcoun trv, resulting from the causes already indica ted, and which are so great, that they cannot cannot be subjected to the unchecked will of a majority of the whole, without defeating the j great end of Government, and without which it is a curse, justice ; vet I see in the Union, as ordained by the Constitution, the means, if wisely used, not only of reconciling all diver sities, but also the means and the only eflec fectual one of securing to ns justice, pi *ce and security, at home and abroad, and with them, that national power and renown, the love of which Providence has implanted for wise purposes so deeply in the human heart ; in all of which great objects every portion of our country, widely extended and diversified is it is has a common and identical interest. If vve have the wisdom to place a proper rela tive estimate on these more elevated, and du rable blessings, the present and every other conflict of like character, may be readily ter minated ; but if, reversing the scale, each section should put a higher estimation on its immediate and peculiar gains ; and acting in that spirit, should push favorite measures of mere policy, without regard to peace, harnio rty or justice; our sectional conflicts would i then indeed, without some constitutional I check, become interminable, except by the I dissolution of the Union itself. That we have, in fact reversed the estimate, is too cer tain to be doubted, and the result is our pres ent distempered and dangerous condition.— Ine cure must commence in the correction of tho error, and not to admit vve had erred, wot; 1.1 he the worst possible symptom. It would prove the disease to he incurable thro’ the regular and ordinary process of legislation: and would compel finally, a resort to extraor dinary, out I still trust, not only constitution al, but safe remedies. No one would more sincerely rejoice than myself, to see the remedy applied from the quarter, where it could be most easily and regularly done. It is the only way by which those who think that it is the only quar ter from which it can constitutionally come, can possibly sustain their opinion. To omit the application by the General Government, would compel even them to admit the truth of the opinion; or force them to abandr n our political system in despair; while on the other hand, all their enlightened and patr.otic opponents would rejoice at such evidtg CG r < m i .. rt .1 .. ! . 1 .1 mode rat io- and wisdom on the port oft l ir General Government, as would supe rsedo a resort to the higher powers of our polit y*-,} system, as indicating a sounder of lie sentiment than has ever herd ofore e Usted in any country, and thus afl’orditig fi rc | • r j K . s , possible assurance of tho perp.-tuatioi J O f ol , r glorious institutions to the latest "or Ft I * , , b Jtldl.tJll. or as a people advance in k nowled Cc j n the same degree they may dispense tuth mere artificial restrictions in governin' ~l t • -, n( f wo may imagine, (hut dare rot exg ec t to see *> a state o; intelligence so move , rsnJ am} h] [ that a.l the guards of I’berty mav ho (Ii sod w, • , except arrodightr red public ooin um acting through tlie rigV £of Rl!lTr , irc . ! bm , it presupposes a stt te vvb ere every class and every section of the co U rc, nuniy are capable of j estimating Jhe effects o', every measure, not! oidy as it may affect Jtsr !f, bnt ewy class and section ; a u l off „„ thp sublime truth, that t Ac highest and wisest pol icy copyists in mr jnt ainii,g justice and L mo an harmony . J ilml pared to thes p s che.nes of mere gain are but rash am! drugs. I fear experience has ah r ° ro i: ’ r *"■ ‘>om . f and t.rat we must consequently' m .d.°o'- nr!<l dums - v ’ b,,t approved mode o.c: .tekingpower in ord- rto prevent, abuses; hut I do trust that though f ‘n U ,m porfi we are at h ast so much so as , V c ff la h!e 9fremedying the present dis<ir (if' P in 4 Ins ~1..... ■ tIJ| m ir 0rd ‘ n , ;, e V " aV ’' a,,d ,hI!S prove 1 , lvll “ ns Ptddie opinion fs so en'ightencd * our . Political machine so perfect, as rarely t'. require for its preservation, the inferven turn of the power that create and it. Ho .; is this to be effected ? The application maybe painful, hut there raedy, I conceive, is certain and simple them is but one effectual cure, an lion, st re duction of the duties to a fair system 0 f reve nue.aJapte! to fbe just and ‘conititutionnl lh ?‘ tllc ° v i ernment. Nothing short of this will restore the country to peace and har mony, and mutual affection. There is alrea dy a deep and growing conviction in a large section ofthe country, that the impost, even WthT’r i:1 cstre,,,cl .v unequal,! am. that it is mainly pair! by those who furnish ' mt ,!ns °* pn.vinpthe foreign exchanges of 1 the country, on which it is laid ; and that the j c-tse is not. varied,taking into the estimate the ei.tjpc action of the system,whether the produ- i err or qppg.imer, pays in the first instar'-e. I Ido not propose to enter discussion of a point so complex and W trd ; but as it has necessarily a stro" COn, ‘® Ucal bearing on the 'subject an.ler corl P , ra< B tion, m all its relations, I cannot pass out af • v general and brief remarks. 1U "B If the producer in reality pays fl doubt, but the burden would Llinly tlie section it is supposed todo. Th, i ''"B tiiat the consumer-pays in the first b, J B renders the proposition more eomolev "‘"‘ B w, l! reipnre, in order to understand-U ’ ' 4 B Irarien in reality fulls, on consider the protective, or as its ff ~-u 1 ?, B the American System, und< r lts tliree-fni i'B peel, o. taxation, of protection, and of XT'I bution ;or as performing at the s srn „ ,-B the several funct.onsofa revenue to thnP I ernment, of affording protection to'corsl branches of domestic industry, and f,, rn ; , ?*■ the means to Congress of distributing"ill sums through its appropriations ; all o 7 u-Sl are so olendm in their effects, that it j s • I possible to understand its true operation ni I out taking the whole into thecsti. at o Admitting, then, as supposed, that lie *4 I consumes the article pays the tax i„ I creased price, and the burden falls wholly the consumers,without affecting the nrodurcr J as a class,) which, by the by, is for from V mg true, except in thesirglo case ifihr J, such a one, where the producers have a poly of an article, so indispensable to life Z the quantify consumed cannot be afffcCu any increase of price,) and that consider the light of a tax,merely the impost dutiefj equally on every section, in pronnrfi ‘ to its population, stiM when combined S its other effects, the burden it imposes , tax may be so transferred from one to the other as to take it from and place J wholly on the other. Let us then apply retnark }lls t to ds operation as a of protection. * ‘ 7’hc tendency of the fax, or duty, on the imported article is, not only to raise its price I but also, in the same proportion, that of th* domestic article of the same kind, for which purpose who" intended for protection, it H , f t ,' aul : and of course, in determinin'- where the system ultimately phes £ burden in reality, this effect also must ke taken into the estimate. W If one of the sections exclusively p rw f! lcPa such domestic articles, and the other p £ scs thetn it, then it c |, ar that „ iht amount of such increased priccsl the tax !, duty, on the consumption of the foreign arti‘ cJes, would he transferred from the sect producing the domestic articles t„ fX that purchased and consumed them , °T* latter in turn, be indemnified by V *- ,OSS ,he Cd price „r,he “S none wwl venture to assert to ' with the great staples of the ionn the basis of our exports ih? > *“ C r winch is regulated bv the fore ’- * / ,ncc , oi domestic market. Tot'.n r 'v n and Hot the the increased price of the tic articles both, i„ or.nsr , T*, ~OT * on the former, is in rea " C ? .° f .| *® d ! Jfy est sense, a tax, wf- i) ( . ; 'f ! creased price of the ' ‘nri l ‘'° lu * the section prodnei ".u 3 ;otjnt -V •>* amount of such i, ’ tb j‘“ h and tk,t a Mho sella to the other l * and P r,ces on what * than the dut l it '°\ IS .- r(iltor or h ' s? - the system w' tj 1 " ‘ ,M,pflrtßd mkk? > tax; if wrer t , „ S * °l >era,casa bounty or ty: if 100... \ j^ lc d tffcrcocc would be a bourn rv othr r reaper 0 * ‘' n ' { r on nia }' lIC e n ,,af in cve system. relM atld b et ‘he pressure of the do re-1 very V Iy ?'! \ ‘ WO sectio,,s ’ he re..- distvilmt’ 41,, 7 0a} bv the appropriations, er. wj- jf -V. 1 raci section receives hack p ore, ,ffid*nfc.tho treasury, the equality if .uush-ex isted will continue; but if one alb- <CS , ‘ f ss > and thf-' other proportion ‘ mon tiian it fiaid, then the difference in i m,on tim sections will be to the former a - ess ami to the Jatfera gain; and the system in thiyisprct would operate tthe amount of the difference, as a contribution firm the one receiving than it paid, to the other that et'es more—Such w ould be incontestiblv - riCr ' i (^ ects, taken in all its different as vi' Cn on die&ry supposed to be most . aiora , e to prove the equal action of the svs , that the consumer pays in the first in i stance the whole amount ofthe tax, ' ° ™ ho "-> on this supposition, the bit' i ~..i|' U - a, .| anta £ e ® of the system woidtF agth • nl '' ri oite themselves between the sec-, tions, would, carry me foo far into details: but tV.n nTr’’ af,er f,;!! -ndcareful examine tun hat thev arc such as to exi;lain, wlmf . nwse would seem inexplicably that one .JT sh ? uM consider its re pea fa calamity ! 1 ,c ° blessing; and'that such oppo ; te views shouh! b e taken Uy them, asm Ihe -ret m i of oonmot, in re lotion to ‘ v at fiscal and commercial interests of , c ° l,f d | • Indeed were there no satisfuc n explanation, the opposite views that pre h ’in dm two sections, as to the effects of the system, ought to satisfy all of its unequal act ion , There can be no safer, or more L tmn rule, than to o ppose each portion of the in rv rqmi lycapablb ofundcrstorulingtheir hot “ "7 ,nf T. SfS ’ nml iMf'cawT is a much n i. i junge of the < lTeets of any system of nuasureson its peolitfar interest,,'than the other can possibly hr. But iv Ik flier the opinion, of its unequal no ion, be correct, or erroneous, nothing ran be more Mii.iin than that the impression is , M .° x,(,nf I ,T 5r itself, that the system, un cler a,fits moihficutions, is essentinllv unequal; and if to that be added, a conviction still dec per,an. more universal; that every duly ini posSd for the purpose, of prefer! ion, iteuot )>• /;/unequal, hut uneonsfititional, it would be a fatal error to suppose, th.it-anv remedy. short. 1 , / . thn . t ' VI "'' 1 have fvtat- and, can heal such pc htieal disorders. 1 ] i, or< i Cr ! oUr,<lcrsfand '> mnrr AiHv, the dif -11 a( J tls *‘Rg this unhappy contest, on any other ground, it may not be improper to \ 11 a view of fhc constitutional objections, that if may he clenrhy seen, bow j ffi’eless it is to expert that it can be yielded • 'J'ose wlm have embraced it. (I ' f Vu the power.**, vr.t'erf bv lie t -orstitution in Congress, are rut. only re t . r | C f ! ( v limitations expressly iropc.sc’*?, 1 sf> .V 'he nature end object ofthe rev f-T ' tiicn,selves. 1 him though the power to impose duties on imports be oranfed in "<”■ ' val f'-jr.r -- •<!■-... • *.. .