Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

• AiPTaaraKrsaiafr m^wa Htmi m^pyfcijpu not as specifically characteristic of a party; nor can I admit that any expression of it shot!' be taken as alluding to any individu al Neither let it bes.id tii.it 1 have cast o :iy upon Charleston, or disparaged aimth Carolina* Such has not been my in tention, nor have 1 been so guilty. Vet, if 1 and) I think that either the city or the state de served to be held forth as fallen from their proper places, and that my duty required the exhibition; 1 trust that I would fearlessly rtake.it; the ugh with a weeping eye, a down cast head, and an a (flic ted heart. 1 charge nothing upon mv fellow citizens but the common frailties of our common na ture; and from these they neither have re ceived, itor do they plead an exemption.— There is no nation under heaven, tin re is po city on earth, in which the same result would rot flow from the same causes that cxisi •among us. We are pie.diarly circum stanced, and the temptations against which I tffculd caution you arise from that peculiari ty. So far from being disposed to disparage this state, I would be ungrateful if it had not ■my affections, and unjust if it had not mv es teem, and should I cast obloquy on our city it would be not only ungrateful, and unjust to •our fellow citizens, but it would be insulting to you, and injurious as regards inyself. When I have tin refore endeavoured faint ly to describe what are every where the con sequences of party spirit under great excite ment: and asserted the obligation of the pas tors of the church to guard against their re sults; I only desired to justify myself for V’hut might othorwise appear to be an imper tinent intrusion. And if I address myself solely to you, and not to the citizens general ly ; it. is not because 1 look upon you as more liable to yield to their influence, but because I am your pastor , and hold thus towards you, a relation in which I do not stand towards them. Let it not therefore be supposed that beeau?e you are the particular objects of my solicitude, I regard you as less worthy citi zens, or more exposed to be corrupted or mis led. They cannot lie betti rcitizensor mem bers of society than I would desire; but f am bound to use my best efforts to make you better: you have expressed not only your consent but your request to that effect, by adhering to me as vo ir bishop. They disa vow any such relation between us. It would on my part, be an unwarrantable assumption th.'Tujjpro, thus to address them : and were I so arrogant, I must expect their rebuke.— But you are identified with me an and I with you. I advise you then, to guard against the temp tations by which yon are surrounded, not be cause I tliiuk you stand in more need of the admonition, but because my duty demands it and my affection acquiesces in the demand. T!i< re is nothing in the present contest i which directly or imbrcctlv all’ects, either our; faith,.>ur discipline Or our ri iigious freedom: mid therefore nothing winch could warrant me, even by implication, in its present shape, to enlist your religious feelings on either one side ortheother. By vour religious obliga- tion as Christians you are hound to adhere to, and to uphold your regularly constituted gov ernment, whatever might be its form, in the full exercise of all its legitimate powers, and by your resistance to its legitimate exercise of authority, you would in the violation ofthc first principles of society, violate one of the fundamental nnxrn.s of morality, and bv re sisting the ordinance of God, you would as the apostle St. Paul savs, purchase damna tion for yourself. This contest at present wears lire aspect of a discussion to ascertain whetnerour general government has act'd unconstitutionally: and if so, whether either our state government or the state itself b is power to use a certain process to restrain us urpation ; and to this is added another ques tion, in which morality and religion are also deeply concerned, which is, whether suppos ing the usurpation of power by the general governtnent, and the want of such a restrain ing power iri our state or its government, tin 1 period Ins arrived when allegiance is no longer due to the usurping power; and that we are in the sight of heaven and before God, in conscience, fully absolved from the obligarion of that allegiance, which has been imposed upon us by our biitn-or by our adop tion, and sanctioned by our solemn oaths.— Those are serious and important questions, which require solemn deliberation, and whose solution may involve terrific consequences, j I put it to you, my friends and fellow citi- i aens, and beloved children in ChrisC Do i you think you can safely answer to God and ' to your consciences and to your country, to your children, and to future generations, it upon such questions as those you act from a spirit of rash pride or human affection ! These questions perplex the minds of the wisest statesmen, they are to be decided not by the clamour ol" popular assemblies, m*i in the midst of carousals and excitement, not by mere physical force or brute violence. Not —this is not the spirit of civilized nations, of organized societies; above all—surely, we will not admit that.it is the American mode of prtidetifly disposing of the deepest, the most delicate question that can arise regarding the nature of our own institutions. There must be some constitutional mode for their decis ion, or else our system is singula r k’ and fa-; tally dofcctive, and ought to he amended.— These ary not eccles.astical or religious qtu ?- tions; but if the constitutional authority to expound them wa3 clearly ascertained, reli gion would repeat the divine precept, that till should submit to its power, arid uphold its uu tbofrty- i'be individual who a ldr ssi s you lias formed for his own direction, an opinion ■ upon this sul j -c, to which he means to ad here, until he shall s<'e very powerful reason! to J part from it: he cannot he infallibly | •certain (T its correctness; he admits, to eve- j TV one of nis fellow citizens the same right to form an I In not upon his own opinion ; but he would intreat and beseech them and in tin name of God; and by his authority he ad monish; s them, not to dispute acrimoniously with the ir lirethren who form opinions differ ent from theirs, not to attribute to them im proper motives, no* to charge them with cn ■te-ta’tnngdc£'gn3 which they disavow; and above ail, not to use unkind, reproachful or C uitiimeliouß expressions. Iftuey feel thcin # dves excited or if they pt revive their breth r a becoming, warm or irritated, though the cfui'fer at ion had given no sufficient cause ■ f’iv- n their o' inioes let tbm- ••hny~'> t!m topic of discourse or be silent; for even in formution is too dearly purchased at the price of charity. He wi/hlii be therefore un derstood, as above all tilings, as inculcating moderation and charity; and tin y are perfect ly compatible with the most decided and vigorous assertion of public and private righ ts. I* too frequently happens that in the collis ion of parties, the obligation of the citizen is overlooked or forgotten, and the worst pas sion usurps, the place of patriotic zeal. It is therefore well to revert to those obliga tions. I shall not refer specially to the ap proved authors and admitted authorities by whom 1 atn sustained in the condensed view that 1 lay before you. Independently of their authority, the reason ef the positions themselves wdl, I trust, be manifest. In entering into society every man parts ; with a large portion of lii.s natural rights, as | the price lor social happiness and protection; jit would be then equally absurd and unjust J on his part, to build up claims for himself up on what lie has thus given away for an equiv alent. Jn the social state every individual, impliedly, yet unquestionably, lias made two contracts; the first with each of the oilier in dividuals of whom that society is composed, and from which tliejfi arises a reciprocal obli gation upon all the members, to abstain from what would be injurious to do that which would he beneficial : A to reduce this to prac tice that each will in their common concerns be guided by the general will,sacrificing there to their individual opinions. To express this general will,agree upon a form of government, and regulate tlie extent of its powers: this agreement may he considered their constitu tional decree This government must be car ried on by individiiuLacting by the authority and in the name of the whole body, and us ing the powers with which it has been inves ted, for the object rtf its creation, that is, for the good of the body at largo. Each indi vidual then makes anew contract with the power thus created, that lie will sustain in the due exercise of its powers, and submit to I its lawful regulations, even though, as must j frequently happen, his individual and private interests or happiness should be seriously en croached upon, to promote the good of the community. This contract extends even farther, ami will always require that in pub lic concerns the individual shall honestly prefe r the public good to his private emolu ment. ft is upon this ground that he may be required to present himself to almost certain death for the protection of his country. — The icady, cheerful and conscientious dis chargeof his duty in fulfilling this part c r the contract, is called patriotism, and it is a mor al virtue, which society honors, and a reli gious obligation, the fidelity to which, Cod rewards; but the neglect of which must al ways he criminal in the sight of Heaven.— lie who has not patriotism is guilty of a vio lation of his bargain with society; he offends that < hid who is the author of the social com pact, the upholder of order, the remote source of the governmental authority, the witness of the mutual obligations of contracting parties, and the avenger of their violation. Ho who would claim the benefits of the social com pact, but would seek to withdraw himself from its burthens, is guilty of meanness, and injustice. He may amongst some, obtain credit for his adroitness, his talent for intrigue, j his keenness of observation, and the tact hv | which he manages and moulds others to hisj purposes. A man may possess all those and i higher qualities, but if he uses them to at tain for himself or his friends a monopoly, or an undue share of the benefits, or to ex empt himself of them from their proper por tion of the inconveniences of the social or civil compact, he is no more a patriot than is any similar knave ; his appropriate appella tion would be, a political swindler; and soci ety should treat him as such. In nothing is the divine maxim more obligatory than in ob serving the social compact. And when the I Saviour charged us to do to all men, as we would, they should do unto us, clearly he did not exempt from its operation that first and most sacred covenant between the citizens and the government. Patriotism is thus a i duty of Chistian obligation, and its absence | is a crime in the estimation of our church. I acknowledge that the qualify is exceed ingly rare; like all other Christian viitues there are 1 fear, more hypocrites, who cloak j themselves in its semblance, than there are j sincere lovers of their country who feel its! influence. You can test yourselves upon the J subject by calmly examining your conscience i in making the enquiry; whether in the dis charge of your public duties you are led by motives of your own private gain, your own private affection, your own private hatred, your attachment to a party or the love of your country’s welfare, prosperity, and honour.— Relieve me, my dear children in Christ, you will have to account for your conduct upon tliis head; before .the tribunal of God. — Your onn calm deliberate, dispassionate view of what, in tiie presence of heaven, you think best for the public weal, is to be the rule of! your action. You are upon this head, in<!e-| pendent of me, independent of the church ; ] but you are accountable to your country and amenable to your Got!. You arc bound to seek the promotion ofthc interests of the com munity at large to which you belong, accor ding to the principles of that constitution un der which you live. If you do not, you sin: and though you may escape the responsibili ty to a human tribunal, which cannot search! into the recesses of your heart; yet you will not escape the vengeance of the living God,f from whom nothing can he concealed. Do, then beloved, I iutreat, I exhort, I command j vou, by the affection which you bear to Jesus \ Christ, who gave his blood for your redemp- j tion—to lay aside every mean, selfish feeling, | to divest yourselves, of the acrimony of |>urty 1 spirit, to recollect the obligations which you 1 have contracted with' your fellow citizens, and with your country, the, oaths which you haves-,vorn in the face of heaven, the account which voti shall render to your creator; and laying aside all bitterness, envy and strife, calmly and deliberately to seek for the pros perity ar.d permanence of our excellent con stitulions and the general benefit of the whole community not only on the present, but on every other occasion w hich requires your ex ercise of civic rights. 1 *n M-—.(yrnnp (] IP obsrr’n. tion which 1 know might truly be madjp* that you are but a few in the midst of a lurjjp com munity, xmd that if the great body r ently from that mode which l have pointed out, your taking up those principles would he useless to the country and injurious to your selves. V* by should you be called upon to torego the private advantages which some must reap, and which others would attain to your exclusion ? 1 1 uncut that to a certain extent there is much foundation for vvliat has been observed. But, my friends, when I undertook to address you, my object was net to assume the place of the public reformer of the morals of the community, but to discharge the dutv which I owed to iny own flock. Though you should stand alone, and he singular in the strict fulfilment of your duty, that singulari ty wou.d lie honourable, and though you should reap no temporal benefit, you would save your souls. Look to the miserable and transient advantages which are procured on such occasions, even by the most successful of those, who prostitute their principles and traffic, or their'conscieuce3. See by what a precarious tenure they are held—with what envy and hatred they are accompanied— what a spirit of dissipation follows their ac quirement—how they paralyze creditable and industrious habits of exertion. Add lo this, the humiliating feeling of depen dence in the possessor, and the torturing re collection of the mode by which they have been obtained—and perhaps you will not con sider it strange, that to me, who loves your welfare, it has generally been rather a source of consolation than of pain, that you have us ually been overlooked in those distributions, of place: which are at the same time necessa ry to our government but dangerous to its purity. But I cannot consent to the admis sion that the great bulk of our community is corrupt. No, thank God, we have amongst us a large body of pure and honourable patriots, of conscientious and sensible citizens, and men of incorruptible integrity—men who would not be tempted for any consideration, to swerve from the pursuit of the general good, and who are ready to make great sacri fices for its attainment. Take such men for your models ; when you stand upon the same level with them, I am ready to declare that you have done your duty as citizens. By acting upon this principle, men whose’ souls would sicken at the notion of corruption, will he chosen to fill public stations, and the ve nal and the sycophant will find that their de basement and prostitution will only purchase disgrace and disappointment. J am free to acknowledge Chat it gives me deep pain and some fear, that there lias been commenced some years since in your city, a system which l shall not describe: but whose effects, whatever might have been its sources, have indeed been to a certain extent, contaminating and disastrous, and which if persevered in,would destroy every semblance of liberty in a vortex of corruption; but I should hope that they who are suspected as its authors, have the misfortune of innocent ly bearing the imputation of the nefarious and disgraceful conduct of criminals, who sought to cover the practices which would he most destructive to freedom, with the sanction of the names of those who aspire to lead in its utehiev menf. It is one of serious inconveniences lo which prominent public characters are exjxjsed, that as the price of their station th y are too often obliged to submit to public slander, without finding a remedy for the evil. Whilst therefore I deny that there exists a general corruption in cur city, and cherish the hope that the portion, which does exist, has no connexion with our prominent and leading fellow citizens, 1 would inculcate nit on you the obligation of keeping altogether aloof from the intrigues, the cabals, the al lurements, the promises, the expectations,and the other corrupting inducements which uu doubti dly to a limited extent exist at present among us. You cannot be in any way con nected with such sources of evil without be ing criminal. On the part of the government there are special obligations, exceedingly onerous and of the utmost importance, and the violation of which involve the guilty in deep moral re sponsibility. One of the most serious of this description is the "distributive justice, by which places of honour, of trust or of emolu ment are disposed of. This justice regards aswell the public for whose benefit the places are created as the individuals who claim to fill them. It is a grievous mistake to ima gine that they may be disposed of, merely ac cording to the caprice, or. for the emolument of the bestower. The power of making such appointments is one of the highest trusts that can be reposed in an individual or body: the two ends to which public justice demands attention are, first the efficient discharge of the prescribed duty, and secondly, the due regard to the merits and qualifications of the candidates. The abuse of this power would he not only a violation of the contract with the people, that every effort should be made to attain these ends, but moreover, a high of fence of that God by whom society is sanc tioned, and govt rninent upheld: it is farther criminal in the injustice done to the injured individuals, the depravity of the bad exam ple, the discontent which it creates, the con tempt into which it brings the ruling power, and the tendency which it has to destroy so ciety, by driving the peddle to the sad alter native of a submission to tyranny, or having recourse to the evils of revolution, as less than those of a tatne and spiritless acquies cence in the misgoverninent. When in a monarchy places are thus improperly bestow ed, it is called favoritism; when bribes are taken for tlie appointments, it is galled cor ruption; and nothing Can be more odious, more criminal, or more ealculut* and to destroy public and private morality, and to tcurawav the foundations upon .which the social edi fice rests, than such nefarious conduct, i would ask you my friends, whether therrime is diminished, or the danger to.societv is re moved, by the corrupt influence being found in a body instead of an individual. Suppose iin a senate, instead*of a monarch? I would say that the hitter is the more dangerous, for in the first place there is a sole resporisi bility, there is an exposure of singleness, which inakes the individual feel, that in qaie of public excitement, he alone is the marked victim of public indignation, and prudence, or cowardice will icstrain a depraved hut a designated individual; whilst in the body, each particular member becomes lost in the multitude, and calculates upon the impunity of his corruption, in the indistinctness' of his exhibition. The most speculating trafficker in that assembly, might be the loudest in de nouncing corruption, and in declaiming against the gross delinquency of the body whilst he affects to lament the impossibility of detecting the depraved individuals. But if the distribution of offices be, for greater caution, kept for the primary choice of the people—the principle of distributive justice is not altered; and though it is not now iu the power of an individual or of a few, to make the appointment, yet it is made by the concurrence of individuals; and each has re posed in him a trust, similar to that of the monarch; thus, each individual elector is subject to all the obligations which are found to exist in the king,or in the senator and his partial corrypt use of this pow er ; is clearly a crime in morality and in religion, and pro duces, as far as that individual is concerned, all the had consequences which are found in the corruption, the disorganization and the distruction of the state. It is no excuse for one, to know that others are corrupt; he who to secure to himself a share of the booty join ed a gang of highway men, whom he knew he could not prevent from committing mur der and robbery, might with equal propriety allege their previous power and determina tion to excuse his depravity. Of all the spectacles which are humiliating to the just pride of an honest republican, l know of no one so galling, as to behold his fellow-citizens debased by a paltry bribe to procure the ruin of that distributive justice which alone is the great conservative princi ple of our free institutions : 1 know of no be ing so degraded in the vilest slavery, as the miserable wretch, who wearing the semblance of a freeman, sells the invaluable inheritance of the community entrusted to his guardian ship, for such a paltry bribe as forms the wa ges of such prostitution in our city. Let no one speak to me of the existence of one prin ciple of religion in such a traitor! lie lias no love of God. It is an ennobling quality, which decorating the soul, assimilates the in habitants of earth to the bright and ardent seraph that glows in affection before the eter nal throne of the Creator : this love of God is the spirit of religion : it lifts man above the earth, brings him nearer to heaven, and inspires him with the holy ambition of being perfect as his heavenly father is perfect.—No. —Speak not to me of the existence of reli gion in that fallen and pitiable being, who for such a despicable compensation, betrays his conscience, if he have any, to remorse, his country to the ambition of the criminal who purchased him, and his soul to the power of the ministers of divine vengeance. Andean it he possible, that m.cn of high minds, of honorable feelings, of republican principles, of splendid talents, of extensive information, men who would preserve liberty, could stoop to such an abominable traffic as this ? lam reluctant to believe it. It is not only grossly criminal, but it involves, neces sarily involves the rapid destruction of our lib erties. It is not tor me to refer to the dread ful catalogue of calamities which history ex hibits as the inevitable consequences of such ti ' ison. lam told that each party pleads the necessity of doing what it abhors, upon the principle of self-defence. And is it come to this ! Are we now made familiar with the open organization of what every one would consider as the grossest insult to charge him with personally proctuing ? Are our citizens so fallen from their self-respect as to feel no sense of shame in partaking of treats, and of drinks, and of the profits of furnishing them with a most liberal and exorbitant advan tage, not to mention the expectations of offi ces, the prices for proselytes, and the prices for votes, and the seductive and debauching allurements, to which the pnrtizans are said to have recourse ? Cannot men he pointed out in our city weil clad, well mounted, and amply furnished with money, who are known to be. notoriously, men of no personal proper ty, hut are merely the crimps of either one party or the other? And does any person flatter himself that public or private virtue can he preserved under such circumstances as those ? Is not the industrious parent in duced to leave his daily occupations, and to forego the social circle of his little family in the evening, leaving his wife deserted, and his children neglected, and his employers dis appointed : and is he not brought into the society of the dissipated, the dissolute, the brawlers, and the idle and discontented ? l)o we not find our city, hitherto, and as yet, thank God, one of the most peaceable and or derly in the universe, beginning to exhibit symptoms of an opposite character ? Are we not now, sometimes disturbed by the party yell,—and by the exclamation of the excited, returning at a late hour from their places of meeting ? And is all this calculated to up hold the purity of our republican institutions, and the deep and reverential sense of reli gion ? Is this to he the bulwark of our pub lic virtue ? My deal brethren, these symp toms present to me any thing but the evi dence of a love of liberty and an attachment to virtue. And it is therefore, that in my solicitude for your welfare, I have thus thrust myself forward, can less of the conse quences to me personally, to arrest your pro gress, to entreat of you to reflect, to beseech of you to go aside for a little from the crowd, to place yourselves in the presence of your God, and to ask your conscience—Has your conduct been that of good Catholics of good Republicans ? Mv object then is to excite you to patriot ism, to inculcate charity, to caution vou n gainst permitting yourselves to be made the mere passive instruments of any factious or ambitious men, to intriat of you not to be the mere appendages to any party, to induce vou to seek for the information by which vou should he guided in your civic conduct; te j( in cabals, or night meetings, but from ~( )l] r own reading and reflection, and the Advice of sensible, dispassionate and prudent'men,' in whom you tlnrtk you may pi„ee confidence and from whom you may obtain information! Alter having thus sought for light, act upon your own honest convictions. This is the independence wltieji I would recommend Do pot? mistake ill manners obstinacy, turbu lence, threats, violence, party spirit, nor any of them, for this noble quality, which is gen erally accompanied, by courtesy, the love of information, meekness, forbearance, and a pacific disposition. The braggart aiiil the bully is gem rally devoid of moral courage.— God forbid that you should bring disgrace up on yourselves, obloquy u|k;i your church, and pain to your friends by thus exhibiting yourselves. Avoid intemperance ; it. is the banc of every virtue, it is the degradation of the likeness of God below the level of the brute- It not only exposes all your follies, hut it makes yourself the herald to publish all your evil propensities ; it subjects you to tlie mockery of cliildn n and to the scoffs of slaves; it destroys your health, it robs you of your respectability, it loaves you worthless to so ciety ; a burthen to yourself, an atHiction to your friends, qnd makes you an enemy of God and an Outcast from his grace, thus de priving you of heaven. The men who would demoralize you with bribes, wtyild also, de grade you Jay intoxication—and—must i write it ? They, or their minions have recourse to more disgusting profligates, that they may en clave you to your vilest passions, and thus debauch you into their service 1 And shall it be tolerated that these things he done in the name rtf liberty? You see wretched beings, reeking from such preparation as this, brought tip to commit perjury at the polls ; thus, after having cast off the last relic of virtue upon earth, driven to abandon the last expectation of mercy from heaven ! And 1 his is to be the foundation upon which our liberties are to rest!! We thought that even in the midst of such a wreck of morality, we had one pro tection in the legal punishment of the miser aide delinquent; but when an effort was made to sustain ourselves upon it, that also gave way. And whilst the mockery of religion and of public justice inflicted upon the con sciences of those w ho possessed them, the pen alty of a solemrroath, before they would be permitted the use of their undoubted right, at the polls ; they wire compelled to witness the profanation of God's holy book, and the blasphemy of his more name, by the unfortu nate men, who equally bereft of shame and of conscience, and of virtue, and of franchise, violated the rights of the citizens, and the constitut ion of the state, and the law of the eternal God, by the procuration of the min ions of parties. And when the judge decid. ed, that there was no law to punish such fla grant delinquency ; is it presumptuous, is it arrogant in a citizen, to intreat of his renre sentatives to inform their constituents, lor what cause did they permit this shocking source of crime an 1 insecurity to continue ? God forbid that I should insinuate that there existed in any quarter, a disposition to facili tate party support, by permitting such extra ordinary impunity. If lam rightly informed, the remedy is in the hands of our city dele gation ; and no equal number of my individ ual fellow-citizens possess my more sincere respect ; yet they owe us an explanation.— You will ask me, mv beloved fio.ck, whether I implicate you in those charges. I make the charges upon no individuals, —I only put forward what i fear, are facts too notorious to he called in question. And 1 warn you, 1 exhort you, 1 intreat, I command vou in th* name of God, to keep aloof from the contam ination. Be not partakers of these things.— Can you not determine indiviually, without exposing yourselves to such evil coiuinuni ■ cation ? Your self-respect as men, —you patriotism as citizens, —your religion asc’atholics, all— all plead st rongly against such practices.— The end which you propose, you will tell me is good :—you say that you avoid these crimes : yourselves, and that you can not be account- j able for the misconduct of your associates.— Suppose I allow the end to be the! best possible. What are the means?— j Need 1 repeat that which lias been incident- i ed upon your minds from your childhood 1 That virtue consists in seeking to attain aj good end by good means—that it is criminal! to use good means for a bad purpose, to use ! bad means for a good purpose, or to use evil means for an evil end. Have you nor always been informed that the morality which we are taught by our divine Redeemer, goes to the extent of forbidding as criminal, the least i evil, for instance the most trivial lie, even if I it were possible, thereby to attain the great est good, even the releasing from hell of eve ry unfortunate being which it contains : Are you not accountable if those abominations are aided by your subscription, by your agency, by your encouragement of the subscribers or I agents ok by the countenance which your pre-! sence affords ? Extensive and appalling as the evil is, I am convinced that the vast” the overwhelming portion of our constituency, is not only patriotic and pure, hut that it holds these practices in the utmost detestation, and would gladly and zealously exert itself to ex tirpate them. Rut they have been introduc-! ed in an evil day for a party purpose, and they I have insensibly grown upon us; even per haps to the loathing and the cost and the bit tt r mortification of their authors. Shall they he permitted to acquire strength, and perman ency ? God forbid—Do you—not as a body, not ostentatiously, not as more pure or more } perfect than your fellow citizens of other re ligious denominations ; hut each individual ly, conscientiously, but firmly and decidedly,! perform your duty and though not one *a mongst you should prove recreant, I am COII . vinced you will quickly find yoiuvj vr palpable minority in the midst of vn ,!_ a ous fellow citizens. But let r in ' Vlrfu " rich and delicious favour vou ’'‘ <S , most on me, fed the conge’jr,., -an confer up wind, ever side nw- * T" rarP ’ events, no one of .•J;"u 0te ’ 0t '‘ !l corruptly,orv;ill’ *• ku 11 ave a(,, od If I have hh, encouraged conuptiort. if I have j', , 1 |" l " amojl b r *t you, thee .. . “ 1 ,n y energies, such as , : ' ,O rt> pcl your enemies, to pro, your fame to promote your happiness, m .■xtond your opportunities of information] to sustain tour credit on earth, and tourge vou to walk in the way to Heaven ; do no? deny me, one reward, which will-enrich me and til me with consolation, and will clothe your sdv s with honour and fill your consciences With peace Exhibit yourselves worthy of haute of American catholic republican” l'ir\ dignified, patriotic. If you differ • I charity in yon difference* • vote opposed tickets; vet shew ~„ ' to each other; K aving the record fercnces in the ballot box, for them" " ascertaining the public will, but way that harmony of affection, which ?i '"’ mi!' from the love of vour comrnoafu h pr ‘‘ ; ' oiiflive the varieties of time in tin- w ! ,V ' ' of Heaven ! If I lay a few of the i * oi our ecclesiastical law before VO i < model which I would intreat vou to . J' let not our f. tlow citizens imagine tW“,T not believe them capable of attaint 1 k iintion to which I would impel v <\ 1* I desire to urge your obligations notonlu the general topics which apply ,hpm * ml ,o y°"> h,,t alw *y those special* to ourselves. aar? Our church has uniformly held the / of election, where it existed, as imposin'! most serious obligations upon the votr ; considered every elector who preferred f ! private emolument or ailection to the Du tp I good, to be a criminal. Such was the fo I fine that she uniformly inculcated mJT : citizens of those republics which exists .lu r bosom, before the unfortunate rcT,' jdiffi reue.es which separate our brethren ! u -, 1)3(1 oiigin. She considered \\ ! proper use ol’the right of suffrage, a n lbrj™ duty, and th< refore, frequently, si,e ! that it should thako place upon the |„nf ! lla . v ’ al ' tcr tll( j electors had attended at a ot the Holy Ghost, and gone to the holy to, mini ion ; then, on their leaving tho chiucl’ frequently in its very sanctuary,"the y,u 0 -;'. ,ed their suffrages not under the and the influences of unprincipled' cor™' tionisfs, and where some had to force the'i iway through the compact throng 0 opponents : but in a box placed at a distant i foul a crowd, at the foot of the altar, y.hera ;thc electors felt their responsibility\ o God wind their freedom from human interference He who would directly nr indirectly imped, i nn elector or use any undue influence ovc | him was excommunicated bv the church an | punished by the state. Gradually these’ for j malities were neglected or abolished; the j were only outworks it is true, but when the were given up the citadel was more casil i invested, and has long since been destroyed j little St. Marengo under the pupal prr j tcction continued y< t a sacred relic of th I ancient catholic secular damocracics. Th rest have been buried under the ruins wide resulted from party strife overwhelm' and by ;t: force and ambition of despots; or beendb j solved in the rottenness of their j My page is blotted by the tear which the! late produces—O! pray with me—that ou beloved state may profit by the lessen! In our ecclesiastical institutions their spitj was more diffusely spread and belt, r guard ed ! Our fellow-citizens may perhaps,re gard this assertion with an air of incredulity I his is not tho place to disabusi them of lie; mistake. Written constitutions closely con strued.laws restrained within the exact boom! arics of those constitutions, responsibility r officers, checks upon their power, rotations other, and the absence of any privileged! der, from the grand characteristics of all* monastic and religious communities; .i all these, the votes of ihe community fame the bulwark of their freedom, and instate the permanence and tiie vigour of the iasti tute. Our canon-law guarded this tireeu’oi with the most jealous care and by the tbsc; provisions. Beside* the regulations shith enumerated before, generally, in tkschb cases, the following wi re common-law mi inis. Any elector who was c.onvietesf oil?: voted for one whom he did not cossidcf i best qualified, was disfranchised for the sx election, and incurred three years susjjeas# from his ecclesiastical offices, and w mulcted of their entire income. Aav can® j ate who by himself or by another, directly indirectly influenced a voter, was disquali jed for the oiiice. All promises of suppo j given by electors, even if with tho sane® of an oath, were declared null and void,® the promises and oaths were considered itp 1 ly sinful: because there existed'a-poor in a higher pledge which no promise, no t could interfc re with ; the obligation to k community, that the vote should he given i the public good, and not for private atlva Uge ; it was then a sacred trust in respect which no bargain or promise could be hone' ly or validly made. The trustee should n tain his freedom and be able to exercise It judgment, without pledge or bias can 1 the last moment. No voter could then bin himself, for such a bond might desfroj t!i very object for which tho trust was create Any superior who directly or indirectly t fluenced the vote of his subject; any pem who having discovered how another vote and did him any injury because of bis tok any person using threats or violence to pr cure or to prevent or to influence a vote,at any person who by fraud or force kept a v ter from the exercise of his or her right suffrage,, were all excommunicated and su jcci to other sevc re punishments. The nit agers or scrutineers,who examined the lickt were hound to solemn and per>r Void s- cr) respecting the special votes P f individuf should they recognise t 1 e Siting; t!ici; - ets were all burned - „ M) ‘ on as the result" ascertained and . and the uul who vote w * entalonclo the ballot, b l o *- " lp : a n all others but the scrutineers , ‘ O P‘ at a considerable distance, It wW* li arid regulations as the sc tttu> (purity and permanence or these instUktl have bet n secured. Ido not urge the a j tion of these nor of any such provisions!*J j state authorities. But 1 exhort you la 0 ! fufly into their spirit, from the eouviettorf j it is that best calculated to support anl preserve cur republics, j Surely, the persons who countenance^ ! a system as tin,it which has. berg fastening itself upon us, can not have n-ft' ctl, that even though its encouragcm^ 1 * ' not criminal, it must lie destructive 10 li '! ly ; for its necessary consequence i* “ a prepondt rating influence in every i r to wealth and conniption, by placing 11111 j their joint control a '"numerous Land < • 1 principled, organized, nod mercenary u " r ' This evil, becomes more formidable ri " proceed. The sustenance of to-day> j'k cites the cravings of to-uiorrow; the nu rf j of one spreads the contagion to mu fla our. whole atmosphere become* tan?* '• ■ we shall be _ • '