Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

iilTjj& Mli:lK©iiifs3Matli 2if^3E3L3Llti®it©^RlK I.—-- t Liberty is eternal vigilance. t 1 Federal Union. I r ,., r( >ii> —in the Georgia Journal B^th/instant, 1 have read an.acldrcss l hc ; -itjzcns of the United States, sign- K\v II Crawford.’’ i which the autlior ■ '"hnv name in rather an unfriendly I 1L5 ;.,, r ,;. 0 us manner more so, I presume, have done at a calm and lucid fej’thispublication limited in its circula- W , the people of Georgia, where Mr. iibrdandmvselfare both fully known 1 nki not deem it necessary to pay the slight attention to his denunciations. But the ,„ r Mr Crawford once had in the United £S; iV mislead some portion of the read- Kc' whole of his disparaging charges, I f , the most unqualified denial. lle knows * 11 be false. He knows that I have been uJ, waling Republican, throughout my , . j- e> He knows that lam no ‘Vttftt ! ” He knows my firmness and indepen * (rm mortified experience. He knows , a ’/d,oii"fi in mV youth I supported him various minor offices, I abandoned him a- L (in y OW n popular interest, and contrary E wishes of many of my personal friends— Bn I believed that the interest of my coun- Bicu'iired me to do so. He knows that Intimate knowledge of his political course Leed me, tiiat lie was utterly unworthy the public confidence to which he as- Mi. b cause in my youth I had supported Mr. vvford for a seat in the Legislature, and o .offices, and when he aspired to the Pres liCV of the Unit* and States, I preferred An l j a ckson, Mr. Crawford accuses me of [,it of Republicanism' —of) olitical aposta of making a somerset, <S:c. —Time has Lin Georgia, when Mr. Crawford had the :ied means and art to make the majority (e people believe, that Republicanism Lted in supporting him in all bis ambi [schemcs of self aggrandizement, but he but-lived his arts—his political juggling mi end -1.,: peopb’ of Georgia are no longer under fetation of Mr. Crawford. Tiie passport | peer and distinction, are real*, or supposed It ,intrinsic worth of character. The peo-! bf Georgia do not at present, believe me j Lvo been a Federalist, because 1 support- j iiidnn Jackson for the Presidency in ronco to \Vrn. H. Crawford, fir copy of Crawford’s letter to Mr. Raich, lh passed through my hands, was tmexpec r received !*y me, witliout any previous Wedge of its existence- l transmitted it Hr. Calhoun, with the feelings and cpin- II thru entertained, and if 1 labored under ■ misapprehension in regard totheopin l :)f others. 1 was not singular in that ros ■—nor do 1 feel that 1 have any cause of Hie, for my feelings then expressed; they 1 ■ continue to be creditable to me in the ! ■nation of every honorable man—although j H were written without the slightest expec- { Hnuf being laid before the public. Hr. Crawford is entirely mistaken in rc- Btoray humble pretensions. 1 made no 1 Heisions to the spirit of prophecy or Hi.mtDix.VßV sagacity.’ 1 stand amongst ■number, wliom Mr. Crawford reproaches ■ the epithet of ibnorancr, for having Hpnvd and supported General John Clark : Hnst the oppressions and persecutions of ■ Crawford and liis co-workers. I have j Hr submitted to the humiliation, of setting Hl* political creed of any man—as the un- 1 Hy standard eforthordoxy- I have a much j H>r standard, ’l’m: Constitttion or my I Bmey, in arriving at a true interpretation | ava| l myself of the lights of those B : nul statesmen, who have sealed their ■'v to their country, hv the tenor of their Hbhv's. H supported Mr Crawford for the Buhncv, | nave no doubt he would have H |,|(r| id me a pure Republican—But as l H'iime doubts upon the subject of his uni- B Krpuhlieantsm, I will, in conclusion, B n "il.itew interrogatories to Mr. Craw- B, tow it; B l : Bid you, or did yon not. draft and Uithe Augusta Address in the, year 175*8 ■ unitinih it confidence in the firmness, and wivloM" of the administration of John H,I’’ 1 ’’ lSc: 'd It yea, what was year uge at that B'-J. \\ as it not one of vour first acts in Btuateyf the United States'in the year 1807, ■ i.i? auisl Binbartro, recommended by t 0 save pur immense mercantile HL A ll,l j f desolating sweep of the French H 1 ’ a ' l ' kriii.-li orders in < lotmeil ? And was Bril I'r ‘ su . re u ‘ n considered the. touch stone ■ I 11 ) lcanisin 1 And was not your vote then, B,'n' r corded, with the Federal minority B^ ,n 1 nnrithy Pickering? 1> • iL Mhen Mr. Jefferson and the Re-! B- 'butv determined to abandon the Kni ■ > nut prepare tor more decisive measures, I B, '" Jt tl !°" °Pl>osed to its repeal ? And do ■ ' think, that the embargo was oxpeili ■ ''*■ i:t stage, when you voted against Bi • ll “ 1 jse in its continuance, when you Biw in J WJ-M- Bid yap, or did you not, about BC-y- 'J' O wild affections upon the 8.i.;! 1,1 * * w ' r ' ai *d commence your political di llie Federalists ? Bid you not treat Mr, Madison’s Bf ’C'pusing preparatory measures fori Be' "and adiqonish tlje .Senate a- Bth. ,’,r’ ! p !> l ,r '“P‘ lra tory to war ? contending Hi", hmuaraj ought, to have been ailher- H ~kd you not afterwards, when tie. Bullies" 1 ,Il . evital,lp i pronounce it worse than B j' 1 ddnk of supporting our Commerce Bp ,p ( . ’ lll j M lien the question of the late war B ot "Ji , ',rti.' |,Jre ( ’ o,, sresn, (though you fiual- B kb. 110 n ( l ? a . 51,r,; 0 was not your support, Bon'-, 1 ! I ‘‘‘Clicieut, and equivocal; during 81,B 1, !*!,,, 110113 Slr| igglc in the Stmau- of the Bririit" s ' you once raise your Bji. I ll p i ' l,orl! Bd'ii'l;!, o’. ! )ill y°’- not soon after the war Bp r ‘ . r< -'* ,l feT , ‘ from responsibility and r i ' Bourt, and there remain in H a "ar, danger, and responsibility bad Bi’-'b'm' , Allho Sh yw shrunk from tlie're- H: so'.r,-f, SUsta,n, ng the War, were you not B i* l .. In o' ;rt 10 ret,ir " of peace, ambitiously B' "liwe'wi •’ ? XUHi cei s "ra.bl means, to Unit ■'a i*. J"’ . 1 n - Te 'tfnl' people h 4 jjlmost B'• I !' ! ’* ! ' r l |, ' J 'vd ih live reward of the long Bit ||, l “ 1Sot Mr. Monroe? B' , 'ri !,■ l” ,rJi "inst this subject further, and I ' 'ks iVicmh, wli.it benefits* j has Georgia ever derived from the services of Mr. Crawford ? What justice is there, in denouncing every man, who has too much independence to yield obedience to the dictatorial mandates of an aristocratic few ? WILSON LUMPKIN. Monroe, 29th August, 1831. MACON. v- ' vv'i'A'A' Vn\ \\' i t•/>//,//,/>•:v/y “Our Book relates to all the acts and employ* rnents of man.”—Juvenai. Tuesday, Sept, 1881. OCP The Advkhtiser will - hereafterbe issued on Wednesday iaoruings and Friday evenings, New ( niton. A parcel of new cotton of this year’s crop, the first which has reached our market, was received at Messrs. Blanton and Smith s Ware House on Saturday last. It was raised on the plantation of Mr. John Jones of Houston County, and sold for 9 cents. It is estimated by intelligent planters, that in consequence of the increased ravages of the wet Ho!, the present crops of cotton will fall short, considerably. In our next, we will present the disastrous accounts which wc havqtoeceived from various parts of this and the neighboring states. Accounts from Mississippi, Alabama, and South Carolina, represent their cotton as very much affected by’, that destructive disease. In deed from the general prevalence of the late storm, we are apprehensivo that all the cotton growing States are lahoring’under a similar aflke tiofi. of the &si (Prior four!. On Saturday last, an election was held at the Court-House in this place, for a Justice of the In ferior Court, to till the vacancy produced by the resignation ol Luke Boss, Esq. which resulted in the election ot Senaca Bennett, Esq. The votes we re, For Senaca Bennett, 177 Nathan C. Muuroe, 133 On the same day, Timothy Matthews, Esq. resigned his seat as one of the Justices of the In ferior Court for this county. iTlucon. Out literary "character has been very much mis represented abroad. A late Alexandria, [II. C.] paper stated, that “in Macon, a town containing ; a population of 2GOO persons, there is nut a single Teacher .” This statement, as might reasonably i he expected, attracted the attention of every Knight of the Ferular and Horn Book, who had no “little school-boys Jackies” to whip, as well as the notice of tiiuse, desirous to improve their situation by the presupposed attraction held out :to them. In consequence, our worthy Post Mas ter and his Post Office, have been inundated with letters from Pedagogues of all descriptions from North, South, East, and West, lamenting in pa thetic terms, our illiterate condition, and patriot ically offering their services to come among us, and teach our Tyro’s “how to shoot”—not mar- A/es—but “young ideas.” Now, “Be it known to ali Men” and Women, “to whom those pre sents shall come,” That the Alexandria Paper has most shameful ly traduced our goodly Town of Macon—and that tor the better edification of those abroad, we rive the following facts, viz.: That, four years are yet to elapse, before we, the aforesaid Town of Macon, reach our tents, and yet wo have a population verging upon 3000 souls, which is annually increasing. That we are too, as plentifully supplied, within our corpo rate limits, with Doctors, Lawyers, and Teach ers, both ecclesiastical and literary, as we arc with eithpr blackberries, musquetoes, or cat-fish. That we have five schools in town, three of which are Classical, beside a female academy in our vi cinity—all of which are respectably conducted. And that, for our County, the traveller cannot speed through it quick enough to save the tym panum oi his cars from the cracking reports of B-A-K-K-B, (Baker,) and CON-with a coil, an 1 STAN with a stap, and TI with a ti, and NO with am, and PLE pell, with a Constantinople , unless, perchance, he most religiously invokes the genius of Dilworth and Webster to protect him from these thundering and appalling detona tions, which like the percussive ery of a popular assembly in Rome, killed as our veritable histo rians say, 200 black Crows, more or less, that ' were flying over the Campus Martius at the time when the cry was uttered. This statement of ours may ho considered whimsical —but it is no less true as regards the main facts. We make it to prevent future mis representations abroad. W e would, however, seriously observe in conclusion, that although we are in a thriving way, yet our increasing resour ces are amply sufficient to support and encourage as many enlightened, industrious, and enterpris ing men as may choose to come among us, —and that wo are as ready to give them as hearty a shake of the hand, and as hospitable a reception as they will meet with any where. ]?lr. TBt Sdoiiaid. In reporting the opposition which was made to Mr. Lamar's Free Trade Resolutions, we were actuated by the most liberal feelings towards the antagonists of that measure. We. well knew, that the people of Georgia, almost to a man, viewed the present Tariff, as an act of injustice and oppression—and knowing this, we were surprsied that thore could he iouud in this commu nity an individual, aspiring to their confidence, ! who was so lost to their interests, as to endeuv ! or to circumvent the patriotic and constitutional j attempts which they have been so long making to olefin redress n* the hands ol tip; Genera 1 Gov ernment. It is true, that we might liave conten ted ourself with merely saying, that Mr. McDon ald was opposed to the Resolutions, without no ticing his Interrogator;/ ; as such a course would have superceded the necessity of his ingenious de fence, and placed him, without the necessity of further comment, where he has always been, in the ranks of dist{ffccted the opposed to the best in terests of Georgia. We could have done this— but, as we felt a disposition to give him all the benefit which he could derive from especial plea ding oi political quibblings, in explaining away his heresies, it would he only fair and honorable to bring him before the public in such a tout/ that neither his words nor arguments could possibly he misconceived. We have effected our object and shall now proceed to prove, from the gen t.eman s own letter, which will he found in an other part of our paper, that we liave represented him correctly. Before doing this, however, we must observe, that Mr. McDonald’s intimation that we got the statement of the proceedings on the Free I rade Reso! Nations, trom a malicious , am bitious, and interested informant, is altogether gratuitous—the assertion is a mere coinage of his own disturbed imagination* The facts of the meeting, as we furnished them, were received from authentic and respectable sources, the cred ibility of which could not have been affected ni ter by ourpresence or absence. But now to the letter: Mr. McDonald confounds inexpediency with in justice and oppression , and therefore concludes that a law of Congress may be constitutional, and at the same time unjust and oppressive . If a Ju rist, or Statesman, supposed to be acquainted with the laws or economy of our government j were to hazard, as Mr. McDonald has done, such 1 a monstrous absurdity as this, he would not only j forfeit all pretensions to the confidence of the ! people, but afford the most convincing proof of i his incapacity to serve them, either in a political or judicial capacity. What! is it come to this, that in a free country, boasting of the purity of its institutions, weean find a man so ignorant or depraved as to assert, that her constitutional dis pensations are unjust and oppressive?—and then paradoxically conclude, that such dispensations, because he deems them constitutional ought not to he resisted by every peaceable and energetic means in our power? Unfortunately, we have such a man among us, and he is to be found in the person of Charles J. McDonald, Esq- for merly Judge of the Flint Circuit, and now a can didate for the same office at the ensuing election. By Ills own declarations, he has convinced the people, that lie does not understand the difference between inexpediency, and injustice and oppression —and that he is utterly ignorant that the former, implies mere!}- inconvenience and unfitness, and that the latter involve in their definitions wrong, cruelty, iniquity and crime*. By this admission, lie directly tells the people, that it is their duty to yield a passive submission to wrong,cruelty, and crime: and that to oppose such tyranny, even by by a resort to first principles, is not a right to which they are entitled, it is in vain for the gentleman to get over the dilemma in which he has placed himself, by his garbled and unhallow ed appeals to the sacred, venerated, and patriotic opinions of Washington, Jefferson, and Jackson. The attempt to enlist them in the support of sue}, anti-republican doctrines, by irrelevant quota tions, is at once a slander upon their irropr.acha-, tile characters, and an insult to the good sense of the American people. During the period of President Washington's Administration, the Tariff of duties upon imports was barely sufficient to answer the disbursements of the government; the resources of which was then so limited, and its exigencies so great, that a resort to extraordinary means, was inadequate to a rigorous support of its operations. But even under the heavy pressure of fiscal affairs, result ing fro'm the exhausted resources of our country, and the impoverished condition of the three mill ions of her inhabitants, Washington refrained from recommending to Congress any measure which aimed at the PROTECTION of one branch of industry to the detriment of another. It is true, that when turning hfs patriotic attention to the welfare of the States, he advised us as a people, without reference to particular “benefactions'’ or sectional monopolies to Improve and promote, equally and alike, our Commerce, our agricul ture, and our Manufactures. Never, however, did it enter into his equitable and enlightened policy that one portion of the people of these free and independent Stales should be taxed for the benefit of the other. And if irt a crisis of the ut* most exigency,he should refrain from the advo cacy of such a partial and unjust ordinance, how abhorrent to him would be its recommendation | now, when the National Debt is almost extin- J guished, when the whole resources of the coun try are in full play, and when we are “almost lit- ) erally floating upon the high tide of successful ex* 1 periment.” Such a recommendation, in his esti mation, wou;d at this time he treason to the Coun-' try, particularly when it is recollected that the PROTECTORS now call for an imposition of duties at hundred per rent, greater thali what was considered necessary for the purposes of revennue, at a period when the Treasury of the U. States could not show one dollar in the thou sand as much as it now can. The financial situation of the government, du ring the administration ot Thomas Jefferson la bored under similar embarrassments, but the pro tecting largesses which are now bestowed Upon the manufacturers were never asked for, nor advo* cated by him. But, as it will occupy too much of our time at present to expose the fallacy of Mr. McDonald, in appropriating to himself the opin ions of that illustrious statesman, as well as those of the present distinguished Chief Magistrate of the U. States, we are compelled to reserve the continuation of our strictures for the next runnier. Afrer which, wc will endeavor to prove, that it is the insidious, or unintelligent movements of such men as the Hon. Ex-Judge that are lighting up the torch of civil discord and blazoning to the world the odious features of Nullification. 'Pis they who raised the storm which is beating upon our heads; and alarnfed at its fury, they arc now seeking shelter from the violence of the elements they first niit in motion. JBr. Bounpkiu's Letter. This gentleman writhes under the exposition of Ids political mmndarings, as exhibited by the Hon. V. m. 11. Crawford, in his Address to the People ot the United States. The bitterness of teeling, and the mortification of spirit which Mr. L. evinces in his Letter to the Editors of the Fed eral l nion, seals the truth of Mr. C’s statement. • s 'ucli an angry ebullition, made up of inuendoes and abuse, could never come from an honest po litician who was desirous of justifying his con duct lx-fore a reflecting and patriotic people. Mr. L. need not think to divert public attention from his tergiversations, by putting interrogato ries to Mr. Crawford. It is an old and shallow trick, which has been resorted to unsuccessfully, by as great delinquents as Mr. L., and by wiser heads than the one which he carries upon his shoulders* All that he lias got to do, is, to dis- 1 prove the charges which have been fixed upon him. Let him convince the People, in the very teeth of his RECORDED VOTES, that he was not THE GREATEST MONOPOLIZING RESF.RVER OF PUBLIC LANDS, that ever figured in our Legislature,—and that he did not propose an OPPRESSIVE SYSTEM OF TAX ATION, which, had it been adopted, WOULD. HAVE RUINED ALL THE POOR PLANT EILS IN THE STATE. Let Mr. Lumpkin do this, if he can —and it will then be time enough for him to file his speculating Interrogatories a gaiiist Mr. Crawford. -■ .. ■" 'x'jj- m i out in Mii imt ions. For tin- Jlacvn Advertiser. Mr. Slade, Your remarks on the subject of Mr. Lamar’s resolutions, in your paper of the sth inst, met my eye for the first time, last evening. Not having observed you at that meeting. I was not a littlp surprised to disco ver that you had given a partial history of its proceedings, in such manner as to leave the impression upon the public mind that you were both a spectator and a heater. Before you professed to report truly the speeches and opinions of gentlemen whom you did not hoar, it appears to me, that it would have been de cent in you to have inquired of them, if they had been correctly represented to you, and not to have confided in any statement which the inalifec or ambition of an interested informant might have imposed on you. lam not oppos ed to placing the public in possession of my opinions. 1 declared on a former and public occasion, that I believed the law constitution al, but inexpedient. Now, sir, it seems that concentrating all the faeultiesof youf nrindon the subject, you cannot conceive how an op pressive or unjust law can be constitutional; but perhaps hv the exercise of your ordinary powers Of discrimination you may he enabled to distinguish between the expediency and constitutionality of a public measure. I pro pose to show you that 1 am not singular in my opinion of the constitutional power of Con gress to pass such an act—but before 1 pro ceed to this it may be proper to correct the er ror which you have Committed in giving my interrogatory to tile public. You say that. 1 wished to be informed “if the Free Trade convention at Philadelphia, can act constitu tionally ?” Now, Sir, 1 asked no such ques tion. I asked in what manner the Convention at Philadelphia could effect a repeal of the Tariff! Or, in what manner they could con stitutionally act upon a law of Congress to ef fect its repeal ? 1 reiterate the questions to you. It will be fully for you to say, as you intimate in your remarks, that the object is to exercise the constitutional right, of the peo ple, “peaceably to assemble and petition the government for a redress of grievances.” it is intended for no such purpose. The people can petition at home, and I can assure you, sir, that the complaints of the people, spon taneously expressed, will always he more effi cacious in accomplishing their wishes, than when assembled by the call of ambitious and designing demagogues, and urged to expres sions of discontent. The Convention at Phi ladelphia Can only pass resolutions to produce IVesh and more violent excitement amongst the people, who have been already Ibngenough distracted by party and political dissentions. IFsuch a Convention could succeed in bring ingabout a reduction of the duties on imposts, it would he more desirable, but inasmuch as tiie decisions and resolutions of the delegates can have no binding influence on Congress, their proceedings can he expected to have no other effect than the excitation of the afigry passions of the community—-such an effect every patriot must depfecate. But this, I suppose, is a measure preparato ry to a forcible resistance Of a law of Con gress. Mr. Crawford in the brightest days of his intellect and of his fame, declared that he knew of hut two modes of resisting the autho rity or execution of a law dfCongress, the one was by an ekercise of the elective franchise, and the other by an appeal to the sword, that the former mode is constitutional, that the latter is unknown to the constitution* Now sir, the avowed object of the Convention at Philadelphia is to act upon a law of Congress. What constitutional action can by that body Ik: brought to bear upon the law? Will you repudiate the sound doctrines of your leader, and adopt new principles as political emer gencies may require ? If so, you should aban don a calling whose only object should be to direct the people in the ways of prosperity and happiness. You ought to reflect, that the first sfcp of disorganization, is a direct attack upon the li berty of the country; and that all history shews to us that the march from anarchy to despotism is but short. But sir, I proposed to shew to you that I am not singular in the opinion that Congress has the constitutional power to,pass the law under consideration. Men whose capacity to form such an opinion cannot be questioned by you, find w/lio tho roughly understood all the powers of Con gress under the Constitution, maintained the same doctrines. Gen. Washington, in his message to Congress in 1790, in speaking of tire interesting objects which should engage their attention, remarks, that “ their” (a free 1 people’s) “ safety and interest require that I they should promote such manufactories as ! tend to render them independent on others, ' for essential, particularly, for military sup- I plies.” Now you perceive that that great and (good man believed that Congress had the [tower to promote manufactories, or why pre sent the expediency of the matter for their consideration. Mr. Jefl'erson, in one of his communications to Congress, remarks—that “ Agriculture, manufactures, commerce, and navigation, the four pillars of our prosperity, are then most thriving when left most free to individual enterprise. Protection front casual embarrassments, however, may sometimes be seasonably interposed. If in the course of your observations or enquiries, they should appear to need any aid , within the limits of our constitutional powers, your sense of their importance is a sufficient assurance they will occupy your attention.” Here isunequivocal evidence of the opinion of President Jefl'erson, that Congress possesses the power under the Constitution, even to aid or protect, manufac tures. He presents the subject for the consi deration of Congress, leaving the means by which it might be accomplished to their dis cretion. Li another place, Mr. Jefl’erson re marks to Congress—that “ Tocujtivate peace and maintain commerce and navigation in all their lawful enterprises ; to foster our fishe ries as nurseries of navigation, and for the I nurture ol man, and protect the manufactures , 1 adapted to our circumstances,-&c. Ac. are the landmarks by which vve are to guide ourselves in all our proceedings.” 11 more unequivocal testimony were requir ed to prove the opinions of Mr. Jefl’erson, it may be found in a subsequent communication to Congress, when asurplusof revenue wasa bout to be accumulated in the Treasury—lie | says, “the question therefore now comes for- ! ward, to what other objects shall these sur pluses be appropriated, and the vviioty- surplus ol import, after the entire discharge of tile public debt, and during those intervals when the purposes of war shall not call for them? Shall )vc suppress the impost, and give that advantage to foreign over domestic nutnufac tor es? On a few articles of more general and necessary use, the supjwession in due season, I will doubtless he right, but the groat mass of j the articles ou which impost is paid, are I foreign luxuries purchased by those only who j are rich enough to afford themselves the use of them. Their patriotism would certainly pre fur its continuance and application to the great purposes of the public education, roads, ri vers, canals, and such other objects of public im provement as it may he thought proper to add to the constitutional enumeration of federal powers,” Here is a recommendation of Mr. Jefl’erson, not only to continue the duties, but to continue them when it was not necessary to do so for purposes of revenue, for the encou ragement of domestic manufactures, and sug gests the propriety of adding to the enumera tion ot federal powers, to enable Congress to dispose of, for the public good, the funds which would necessarily arise from its conti- j nuance. Will you declare that Gen. Wash ington and Mr. Jefl’erson were not republi- J cans! Apply your new test of Republican | orthodoxy to them and what w ill you make of them! Will you venture to assort that they were federalists, or that they were unfriend ly to the country ? Docs not General Jack son maintain that the Tariff is constitu- j tional, and do you intend ou that account to oppose his re-election (o the Presidency ? j It is known that you support a candidate l for the state legislature who believes that the Tariff is Constitutional; and I say not ' this sir, to disparage the pretensions of any j candidate for popular favor, but to shew the elasticity of the principles of a man who can support one person with such principles, while he would make it the ground of objection to another. You would he insulted if l were to call yon a rtullilier, but if yttu Contend that the ) law of Congress commonly known as the Ta- j ritj’act, is unconstitutional, you cannot be tin- j aware, that the Nullification party of South-j Carolina originated this opinion, and that j they make it the ground-work of their Untir ing hostility to the general government. They endeavor first to impress the public with a be lief of the unconstitutionality of the law, and knowing the just at tachment of the people to the Constitution, they then ekeite them against! Congress and the government for refusing the ) repeal of the unconstitutional act. This is ] the course of the Nullified, and in this man- • ncr Nullification is to he insidiously intro-1 duced into Georgia* Your malevolent chari- i ty impelled you to select a motive to apply to ! me for Opposing the resolutions; and in the j exuberance of your kindly feelings you have ! imputed to ine An uncompromising attach- ! incut to the Tariff’and a settled opposition to i the expressed will of the people bf Georgia. ! Now, as you have professed to he ignorant of the difference between an unjust and oppres sive law and an unconstitutional one, it w ould he useless to argUe with you upon this point. Feigned or w ilful ignorance is always hard to combat; arid 1 win content myself bv saying it is improper and impolitic in my opinion, to impose duties to an amount more than suffi cient to meet all the exigencies of the gov ernment, and that in a national view, the pro- j tcctive system should not he extended be- ! yond what is necessary for supplies, which j are essential in time of war. If Sir, you are desirous of knowing iny motive in opposing j the resolutions ; it is an uncompromising at- • tacinnent to the union of the states, and an j unalterable and steady hostility to every measure which tilav, in my Opinion, tend even remotely, to theif dismemberment: The un ion is the ark of our political safety : The j people of these states united from Maine to j Iyouisiana, in the bonds of fraternal Nr patriot ic feeling, can preserve for themselves, for over the .tossings of liberty and free govern ment! but it torn by violent dissensions, they may look for nothing but perpetual discord : among themselves, and may expect to fall an easy pfey to an invading enemy. The peo ple of these United States more than all oth ers have occasion to be grateful to a kind Providence, who seemed to be for us in the storms of our revolution, a pillar of fire by night, and a pillar of cloud by day, to lead us to independence and deliver us from bond age, As remarked by General Washing ton —“every step by which (We) have advan ced to the character of an independent na tion} seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency.” Nei ther the bickerings of jealousy, nor the strifes of ambition, should lead us to forget arid abuse the great blessing which wO enjoy—ln governments of the republican form the will of dfe majority must necessarily govern, hut I this will shouln not he ex ./ms* ; to the op pression of the minority, for this would even tually lead to evil consequences—when gov ernment ceases to be for the benefit ot the governed and incases of intolerable oppres sion there is a right paramount to the consti tution, possessed, from nature, the right of re volution, to which resort may be made. But distant, far distant, he the day, when a citizen of one member of this great confederacy may be inet by that offanother, when they may not greet each other as brethren. ciiarles j. McDonald. FROM THE CEORGIAN. “ The follow ing is an extract of a letter from a correspondent at Milledgeville, to the Editors.— The Troup party will most assuredly, (if the intelligence which I have received from all the counties of the state is to be relied on, and 1 think it may) have a majority in the Senate from six to ten; in the 11. of R. about 20 to 25.—-Changes in our favor may be look ed for with confidence in the senatorial branch, in the counties of Baldwin, Jones, Jasper, Bibb, Monroe. Newton, Marion, Crawford, Carrol, Thomas, Early, Baker, Lowndes, Co lumbia, Richmond, and I learn by a letter from Camden, that Mangiun will succeed over Stewart in Glynn. I know-of but three coun ties where there is even the prospect of a loss. Some apprehension is felt by those who are over tiinnl, in regard to the Governor’s elec tion. The large vote Mr. Lumpkin received for Congress, is the “raw head and bloody hones” which alarms them. It is illusive; it has deluded the Clark people*—and they will find it so to their cost. Mr. L. cannot receive such a vote again, for any station, as wiley and hypocritical us he is, he cannot deceive the people now r . In those large north-western counties where it was said Governor Gilmer had lost ground in corisequcgCcof Iris Indian measures of last winter, I am asssured by an intelligent -gentleman who has just returned from a visit to that section of the State that the loss is trivial—-and that he will receive very nearly the unanimous support of the Troup party. From the Washington City Globe. MIL BRANCH. To the Editor of the Globe : Washington, 31st August, 1831. Sir-—Mr. Branch, in a letter dated 22d inst. to the Editor of the “Roanoke Advo cate,” written for publication, says, he told Maj. Eaton, that if he “would obtain the con “sent of Iris brother-in-law, Maj. Lewis, to “read a confidential correspondence which “passed between Maj. L. and myself, in the “winter, of 1827-28, on this disturbing sub “jeCt, he would then be convinced of the dis interestedness and correctness of my “course, Ac.” “I might have gone further, and said that. “Maj. Lewis, in 1827-’2B, when there could “be no unworthy motive to mislead either of “us considered Mrs* Eaton an unsafe associ ate for his daughter, although he v.as now “endeavoring to induce Gin. Jackson to ■ “drive me out ot the Cabinet, because 1 wool 1 I “not compel my daughters to associate with | “her.” I will not stop to enquire by what right a gentleman arid a man of honor presumes to speak of a correspondence, considered by both partieg to be confidential, without ask ingor obtaining permission. Upon that point I leave him to his own reflections. As to the circumstances alluded to in that corrcs pondcnce, I have to sav, that the gossip tales hf this City, had reached mein Nashville; and not. having the means to ascertain their truth or falsehood, residing, as I did, 809 miles from Washington, it wrs natural for me to desire information from some friend on the subject, before I permitted my daughter trt reside in the family. Maj. Eaton under whose protection I placed her while going to school in the City, at that time boarded with Major O’Neal, the father of Mrs. Eaton. When I came here in 1829,1 found Mrs. Tiinberlake, Hit wife of Maj. Eaton, whom I believe to be one of the purest men living.— That he had joined himself forlife to that lu* dy, was, to me, the strongest evidence of her purity ; and having here an opportunity to enquire into the reports I had heard, 1 satisfi ed myself that they were totally without foundation. Had Mr. Branch been disposed to tell the whole truth, he would have said, that I had become so completely satisfied, with regard to the subject 6f rny enquiry, that when l brought the same daughter to this city again, one of my first acts was to take her to insist Air. atid Mrs* Eaton, at whose house we spent much of our time. The honor of attempting to degrade and drive from society the wife of a confiding and deserving friend upon reports, which, to use his own language “he did not pretend to inti ntatc that there was the least truth inf I wil lingly leave to Mr. Branch. Ido not envy the rutin, u ho, under such circumstances:, would not only sacrifice the wife of a friend, hut flic mother of the two 6r(*han daughters, whose reputations would be destroyed with hers. 1 have only to add, that the charge of my “endeavoring to drive him. (Mr. Branch) out of the Cabinet, because he would not compel his daughters to associate w itli Mrs. Eaton,” is wholly unfounded; and it Str. Branch did not know it to be so, he might have known it, • if he had made the proper enquiry. f atn, with much respect, ! Your obedient servant: W. B. LEWIS. * Liverpool, July 23,183 L The sales efCotton this ivek amount to bales of all descriptions. The market has been (lull and depressed throughout the week, and ia many cases low prices liave been accepted for the lower qualities of American, while good and fine Coirtmand the full previous currency, and aro Comparatively scarce; 1000 bales American were taken on speculation, principally Up lands at 5 per pound. The import of the i week is 17,800 hales, and since the Ist January jit reaches 5*20, 800, against 510,900 to this period ‘hist year; there ki decrease in the supply from * | the United States 0f45,000 bales. %%/ r ILL be sold on the first Tuesday in Dec* m- V V her next at Forsyth, one Lot of Land NY 11*2 in the seventh district of Monroe County sold as tile property of Catharine Danser, late of Jefferson county- deceased, Sold for the benefit ! of the heirs and creditors of said deceased. GEORGE WY COLLINS, Adm’r. j Sept. 5,133 L 41—OOds