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AayooitsiaraMia* MMihimiSt* _ W pool's hand and prophet’s fire, Struck i!ie wild warblings of his lyre.” Line-* by a very interesting Young Man. O 1 did love her dearly, And give lier toys'aad rings. Ar.J I thought she meant sincerely When she took my pretty things. But her heart has grown as icy • Asa fountain in the fall, And her love that was so q icy It dtd not last at all. I save her once a locket, <9 It was filled with my own hair And she put it in her pocket With very special care, But a jeweller has got it, He offered it to me, Aitd another that is not it, Around her neck I sett. Ik* my cooiiigs and my billings 1 do not now complain, But ray dollars and my shillings Will never-come again. They were earned with toil and sorrow But i never told her that, And now I have to borrow, And I want another hat. Think, think thou cruel Emma, When thou filialt hear my woe. And know my sad dilemma, That thou hast made itx-o. £co, 8 e my beaver rusty, Look, look upon this hole, This coat is dim and dusty, Olt .It rend thy soul 1 •Before the gates of fashion 1 daily bent my knee. But I sought tlio shrine of passion And found my idol— thee. Though never love intenser . Had bowed.a soul before it, Thine eye was on the censor And net the hand that bore it. Political. ~t*w Tiii; vxvmT STATES. A portion of your fellow citizens, resident' tliffereiit states ol the Union, who arc nu merous, respectable or.<i intelligent, who like youtbi lvas, are attached to the principles of free government, and ardently devoted to the •great Cii.-jii‘utroiol charter, wliitrh consc crates and uphol Is thepi—who ask o:ii, an! otjuttl participation in the benefit a, and arc*! ready to bear,an equal share of the burthens <*j the government—-who .arc willing ciorc-. •over, to concede to oth-rs <a perfect right to the full enjoyment of whatever they ask for thorns- lia s; such n portion c-f your follow ci tizens, whose condit in, character, motives and views arc thus faithfully delineated,r.ave ■deputed 3 to represent them on an occasion deeply interesting to their feelings'a* men. and vitally important to their -Miterests as ci tizens of this great confederated Republic. They have called upon us to unite our couo-1 sels for the redress of the grievances under' which they labour ; and have enjoined it up-j wa us, ss a duty, to omit no means for the ac- j uomplishmruit of tins object, which may coa-i with our Obligations as citizens, and with t their own faithful and ardent devotion to the j bond of our common union. In the perform-1 cnee of a duty like this \rf. • innot bo i.ison-: ■ ible to the projiriety of a frank and respect-j dal communication with our fellow citizens! ,it large. V"e arc members of the same great j ;so!fical family. Our i:itcrests...re common, i and so also are our duties; and itbcaimot be• hat any portion of our brethren can dersirr ! ■!■) vvitiihold from tic ctir just share of tho ben - utils, or to subject us to an undue proportion -of tho burthens, which flow from the govern-’ ‘men! under which wo live. We have equal I otifiuciice in their justice and iclelligeuc ,;: un i assure ourselves that it is only mcessuiy ; to bring home to their understandings tin \ •conviction of the evils under which we suffer! -to secure their cordial co-opcrt.tion in prompt .-ind't fh-ctual measure*for their removal- Wt* would commune with you, then, in the-spirit -of these fiv’iugs. We mus speak with frank ness- It may be that our language will bor row strength -from the conviction of our wrongs, bet we-wi!l forget the just respect vbich is due to those who diner from us in opinion, and cannot bo unmindful 01-tlio all*. < poii which, wo bear,,and which-wo earnestly to cherish towards oar brethren throughout the Union. of portions of our f- !• bvw citizen-, belonging to fifteen diiferent states of this confederacy, liave at-ombled in *!v ci ! y oi Philadelphia to considcritie griev ances which they suffer under the existing ta- 1 riff ef duties, and to devise, it' happily they 1 .•.nay do m t gome constitution* - .] and peaceful i -.node of redress. Speaking generally, they 1 have come together to each other, with all the variety of opinion* o'n most subjects, which springs from different habits and pursuits, and ris pc- Imps inevitably iocnb-nt to the imner lection of vur common nature. On <,.ie en question, that which constitutes the jtibji'CV of this auluress, looking' as well toils Vriueiptas as its dot ads, they found a concirr fi’enee of opinion, which, as they believe, C!1 . "ith s them to ask for that ojnrriun, and for the reasons on which it is founded, the attentive dispassionate consideration of the .liner-, ican people. Among the evils which Row from the tariff 1 system, as at present < tsbliahod bylaw, the ■ cutlfnt arc! dcttnii' ed opposition to that svs- 1 •*em, wltich exists in various parts'cf the U- 1 rnfti ; —the deep and settled discontent which! U felt, and has been manifested by a munc-l *rous, pitnotiC and inti Hi,gent portion of our! fellow citizens—cannot fail to awaken the ! liveliest-solicitude uf every lover of liiscouu- Let it be remembered that this is no' Transient fooling —the olthpring of momenta ry ejwituhent—one which may be expected 'a pass awav under the influence of a more . aim and dirp*. sionnfe reflection. No—the 'in of which we comply i is i.otof recent rtg:o< and the feeling of discontent, which I,- cAc iwl iv,* r iU tiqic pud i*j* perience have only served to strengthen and increase. Let those who sincerely desire to perpetuate Inc jioliUcul blessings which we enjoy, look to this consideration which it de mands. Tins is emphatically a government of opinion. The vigour of the laws is a moral force. Tlie bond which unites us is the sense ot our common interest—the conviction of our equal rights—the assurance of onr capa city to assert, and the feeling that wc actually enjoy them. Take from any considerable portion of the American people the conscious ness that they are in the full possession of their rights as frcemcn;substitutc for it the spi rit of discontont springs from the con viction of wrongs inflicted, not inadvertently, but with deliberation, which are not tempo rary but enduring; and you m iy against the govormneut a force which is of like charac ter with that which sustains it—von awaken a feeling of resentment which is goad ml into activity liy a sense of oppression, and embit tered by the recolh-ctLon that it is tire hand o a brother which irdlictsat. .Such is the feel-j ing which pervades a numerous and respccta-j bje portion ef the American people, it can not he defied, and may not be disregarded, without putting to hazard the safety of the confederacy. Do you doubt its existence, its nature or degree. Look to the character of this assem bly—to the circumstances under which it is convened. Give your attention to the hiato ry of the past, and be admonished of the novel and extraordinary spectacle which is presen ted to your view. Do not dose your eyes to the fact, that this assembly is altogether without parallel since the Foundation of the govern ment—that we are freemen and the represen tatives of freemen, who streak to you ofour violated rights—-that wc have come from dif ferent and distant parts of the union to join in demanding their restoration—that a consci ousness ol strength is the oh spring-of united .counsels' —and that our purpose is not less (ii io. because it is announced to you peaceful ly ua.i in the spirit of conciliation. A numerous and respectable portion of the American people do not merely complain that this system is unjust, but they question th* rigid to establish it. They do not doubt —they utterly deny—the constitutional pow er of Congress to enact :f. In justice to that j body, we iPßvttc your candid attention to a rief consideration of their views on the sub ject. 7ho constitutional validity of an act of Congress docs not necessarily depend upon the question whether the .judicial department ot the government would affirm the one or the other of thr.se propositions. It may be that.an act will in its operation and effect lie subversive of the principles of the constitu tion, and yet on its face be superior to all just exception on that ground. Literally and in terms it may be i: execution of an expressly granted power—in w.-, operation and effect it may not only transcend ?Lot power; but may directly contravene it. Under the pi - tenee of supplying a revenue, Congress may raise money beyfind the purpt-es to which it ■ can be legitimately applied,-or may increase ] the . iti s to an amount which will be prohib itory of importation, arid consequently des- j tiuctive ofall the revenue to lie derived from (h it sbur<;e. Still such an act would purport to be in 'the execution of the power to lay and j collect taxes, and courts of justice judging of ; it by its termyuend by what is apparent on its j face, would" not affirm its invalidity. But the j constitution is equally obligatory on every de-! parlrncntof the governroct—on the legislator j who enacts, as weil as on the judge who inter*-j pruts a law. If the former shall so veil his un* | lawful purpose as to defend it from the scru- 1 tiny of the latter, it is less a violation of his constitutional obligation ! if it be such a vi olation, can it be constitutional/ vplid ! If instead of the absence of any express grant of power to protect manufactures, the constitution had contained an "express clause ■ of inhibition, an act of Congress, imposing dutifis-beypnd the purposes of revenue, and therein? operating as a bounty to the manu facturer, would, they insist, be admitted to be in violation of the constitution, and yet the ropugntuico would not ho manifest bpon its face, and would therefore elude the judicial power. A numerous and intelligent portion of the American people believe that this view is ap plicable to the tariff of 182$. They -admit the , iuyu,/n 1V l,O. IUI Ul i . • -1 Ml. V * tit 111 I V I 111 power of Congress to lay and collect such du ties as they may deem necessary for the pur pC3C sof revenue, and within theso lirni a so to arrange those duties as incidental, and to that extent, to give protection to tiic ntaun facttirer. They deny the right to convert what they denominate the incidental into the principal power, and transcending the limits of revenue to impesean additional duty ; ab stantivedy and exeSus • ly for the [impose of affording that protection. They admit that Congress may countervail life regulations of a foreign power-which may be hostile toimpor : tntion for the purpose of securing the home j market exclusively to the domestic .manuVnc- Hirer —thereby destroying the commerce they were entrusted to regulate, and fostering an interest with which they have no constitution al power to interfere. That portion of our fcllbiv citizens of whom we speak, do not therefore hesitate to affirm, that if the right to enact the tarifflaw of 1828 be referred to the authority to lay and collect duties, Ac.; rt isa palpable abuse of the taxing power, j which was conferred for the purpose of reve nue; —if to tli - authority to regulate com-j mcrce, it is ns obv.ious a perversion ef that! i power, since it may be extended to an utter! j annihilation of the objects which it was in-' ♦ended to protect. Waving however 'this dis cuseiorr, we concur in the Opinion, that ff the i aggrieved party is deprived of the protection ' ! which the judicial department might other wise afford, it would strengthen his appeal to •*'. American people to unite with him in correcting the evil by peaceable and consti stutional means. But there is a view of this subject which may claim flic concurrence of all those who j arc prepared to say that the tariff is unequal in ' its operation, oppr.rive end unjust.*The con ! stitution of tne United States had its origin in a spirit of compromise. Its object, is the cur tv of tlio rights which arc comniitt"d 1 to its protection—its principle that of an equal | participation in the benefits and in the bnr tiien.s of the government. A system of taxa j tion which is unequal in its operation, which i oppresses the many for tiio benefit of the few', j is therefore unjust, not merely with reference Ito the great immutable principles of right I which arc applicable to human conduct, but is moreover in direct colision with thatconsti tutional equality of right, which this instru ment was thus confessedly intended to secure. A distinguished jurist of Massachusetts, who [ is advantageously known as such to the peo i pie of the t riion,has said of the system ofwhich 1 we complain, that it is calculated “ to destroy many of the great objects Tor which the con stitution of the United States was originally framed A adopted.” Who will.say that such a system can consu l with the spirit of the con stitution ? Its enactments maybe so veiled as to elude the judicial power, and may there fore be obligatory upon the other departments of the government—hut as between constitu ent and agent, between the people and their rulers, thoehartcr will in such case have been violated, and it will belong to them tocorrect the evil. Why should we fear to enunciate this principle? Is it because of the danger of those Interests which.have grown Up under the system ? A just consideration of the subject will lead to a direct opposite result. If it be ccuceded that (he system is oppressive, une qual and unjust,*can those who profit by it deceive themselves with the expectation of its permanency 1 Is it prudefit to close their eyes to the conscqi&nccs, to which sooner or later this conviction intfsi inevitably lead ? Distinguished as this system is by every cha raett ristkj which -may tic-hue a tyranny t most odious,,>yby should wc, who ore its Vic tims, notstand neon our chartered rights? As men and brethren we appeal to you then 'to unite your efforts with-oun in the correc tion i Uiis abuse. A system which is une qual in its operation, and therefore unjust,— , which is oppressive, because it burthens many , tor the benefit ot the few, grossly, fatally, un : wise & impolitic,si nee it is subversive of the harmony of the Union—which is in violation ;of the principles of free government, and ut : tcrly at. variance with the spirit of justice and .mutualconcession in which the Constitution i was conceived and adopted; such a system, if persevered in, must alienate onr affections lrotn each other, engender discontents and j animosities,'and lead inevitably, and with a i lorce which no human power can resist, to flic most awful of all calamities. We entreat 1 those who differ from us, seriously to ponder this view ol the subject. We entreat them not to misunderstand t>.. We cannot be de i (erred from the discharge of out duties to ourselves and our common country by the menace of consequences, and we are incapa ble of using its language to others. It as as men and brotheis—in the spirit of an affec tion which is still warm and niulimiiiishod, i ?hat wo would call their attention to those in evitable results, which neither they nor we wrili have the-power to avert. Examine t >o subject: for a moment in its connexion with the principle* of an enlighten ed political economy, and see if the comsde- which are urged to suotain this osys tet.i arc not ialumious anti delusive. 7'lie view must - be necessarily brief—-ccnsistin-r oflAats and suggestions rather than of an ex ten rich apgurni. iff, or of minute details; hut our ob ject will be attained if those may serve tut awa ken a spirit ofdispassionute inquiry. We arc the advocates of free frude. The argument w hioli sustains it rests pon% -prop osition which, may. not bo denied. It i, the unquestionable right of every individual t<> apply bis labor mid capita! in the mode which lie may conceive best calculated to promote bis own interest. It is the interest of the public that he should so apply it. die under stands better than it can be understood by the govermnen*, what wd! will conduce to his own benefit; —and since-the majority of individuals will, if properly protected, lie dis posed to follow their inter; sts,smih aii apoli eation of their industry anu capital,-must: pro duce in the result the greatest amount of pub lic good. Let it bo remembered that the' question relates exclusively totlu: applied lion of capital. It cannot be giyara'letl by an act of legislation. The power of the govern ment is limited to its transfer -from une em ployincut to another. It takes from some less | favoured interest, what it bestows on the one which it professes to protect. It is equally untrue that such a system gives greater em ployment to labor. It.- operation is confined |to the simple change of its application. Laws which I'rotect by bounty any peculiar species ot labour, oanwot be said to encourage A , mcrlean industry—that is, directed to various ; oejects, i'iicse laws favor only a single ! class; and since the bounty is not supplied l bv the government, but taken from thepoftk- Ict of the individual, the proteotiou which is given to one species o labor, is so given at the expense of every-other. That course of legislation, which leaves American capital and labor to tho unfettered discretion-of those who possess the one and apply the other, can atone be denominated the “American System.” 1 he* interference of government, with the right ot 'lie individual to apply his labor and capital is such mode as lie may think most conducive to his own interest, thus necessa rily operates to diminish the aggregate n mount of production. In other words, the a inount of the necessaries and convenicncKS ot life which are enjoyed bv the community is necessarily diminished. If all nations then were willing to adopt the system of free trade for which we contend, which is accordant to the spirit of Christianity and calculated tou nite nations in harmony and peace, it cannot be doubted that the interest of each would be promoted. The only question which can be raised on this part oi’the subject is, whether the adoption oi a restrictive policv by one or more u nions makes it the interest of others to reciprocate those, restrictions. The an swer seems to be sufficiently obvious and sat isfactory. Iho proposition which asserts the | superior advantages of a tree trade among all , nations, rests upon tne following principle. The universal freedom of action which it al j lows, tends most thoroughly to develope the j inoral and physical energies of each nafion, ! and to apply them to those objects to w hich they are best adapted. The proportion m ist hi equally true in relation to each nation, ■ whatever may be the policy adopted bv others. The nation which resorts to a restrictive poli !*’ishtcs toiler own disadvantage by in- terfenng with the natural and most profitable employment of capital. To the extent which she thus excludes another nation from an ac customed or from a desirable market, she oc casions, it is true, in -that nation also a dis placement of capital fn-m its natural chan nels. But can the remedy consist in a retali atory system of legislation? in a system of flirt her restrictions imposed by the latter na tion? Jt it be true that a restrictive system is injurious to the nation imposing it, does it cease to be so in regard to tc latter nation, because of the wrong doac by the former, and because it is also injurious to such nation? When'we apply these views to the Corn Laws of Great Britain, considered with refer ence to their effect ujwm us, is it not then ob vious that a system of pretended retaliation, which enfeters the productive energies of our own people, whatever may be its effect upon that nation, must necessarily increase the the evils we ourselves are destined to sus tain? it is strongly urged as a motive to the con tinuance of the existing tariff, that its opera-j tion has been to effect a reduction of prices, j These have in fact fallen sinee lPlfi, and our; opponents contend that this has been the re sult of domestic competition. A moment will demonstrate the fallacy of this assertion. We present a single fact iii thp outset. The diminution of price has been general—--as well in relation to articles which are not protect ed by the existing tariff of duties, as to .hose which are. It cannot therefore have arisen from this cause. Let us remember now, j that this diminution of price has occurred ev ery where—abroad as well as at home—and not only in an equal, but, as a necessary con-: sequence of the tariff, inn greater degrcee there than here. Among Vo causes which j have produced this result, two prominent ones j are presented to your consideration—the di minished amount ot the circulating medium of the world, and the astonishing improve ments which have been introduced in the modes of production. The cost of produc tion is less; —tho comparative value of money has become greater. Can we wonder at the rasult? Take the-case of cotton goods—these I have fallen in price here since the enactment jot the tariff. But.the same thing is true not | only in an equal, but in a greater degree a i broad—and the reason, is obvious. The cau jses which have produced this result—those 1 winch have been before stated—have else where been left to exert their full influence in effecting the reduction of price. Here their operation has been restrained by the conflicting influence of the tariff Tlie re duction therefore with us lias necessarily , stopped at a point, which is ascertained bv adding the amount of duty to the price of the imported article. Titus' the diminution of price here has not been produced by the ta riff, but in despite of it—and has been retar ded by it. But for this law the imported, which would take tlie place of the domestic article in the consumption of the country, would be obtained at a price g.ieatly below that which we actually pay, and the difference, amounting yearly to many million of dollars, would be saved to the comsmmitv. It cannot be doubted that the prices of art commodities, the donatio production of which is forced in; the imposition of a duty c.t a foreign article of similiar description, are raised by the amount of duty nocssary to efleet the exclusion of the foreign article, or that this increase ef price is paid by tiie consumer, and that the loss to the nation which is occasioned hv this system of' protection is nearly equal to such olfibreuce of price. The sucres which has attended the .manu facture of cottons, is used to illustrate and enforce smother suggestion in favor efthe tar ill. if issai-i that by means of the protec tion afforded by government, manufacturers are enabled to overcome the difficulties inci dent to new enterprises, and that this protec tion is ultimately repaid to the community in the reduced price which the article is furnish ed. We have already shown that this reduc tion in price in the case referred to, has not resulted from the protective system. Let us look however at this suggestion apart from that consideration. If it he conceded for the purpose of the argument, and only for that purpose, that a manufacture might be estab lished bv a temporary encouragement from gov ernment, which would not otherwise, at least at that time, come into successful operation, and that the community might ultimately be repaid in the manner which is suppose! !> the following considerations seem decisively to repel the force of. that suggestion. That which is proposed, is temporary merely, and the question whether it is to be ultimately repaid to the community, is of of course made to depend on the successful operation of the protected establishment. It is Congress who are to determine in advance, upon the pro priety of putting at hazard the interests of the community, by the forced establishment of the proposed manufacture. The question to ho determined depends iq>oii the calculation of probabilities, to the correct estimate of which much practical information is obviously indispensable. Constituted as that body is, it is difficult to conceive of one Less titled for such reference. ():i the oilier hand, there is always enough of individual enterprise, intel ligence, and capital, to test any experiment which gives a fair promise of ultimate remune ration, notwithstanding it may bo subject to temporary loss. Led*, j individual enterptise, the question v ould be decided by those who have every motive and every means to conic to a just conclusion-—while the proposed sug gestion would throw upon Congress those vis ionary projectors who, having failed to obtain the support of discreet and intelligent capi talists, would play tin sure game of securing profit, if by the rarest accident profit should arise, and of throwing the loss upon the com munity, if loss should ensue. Jt is said that a dependence upon qihi r na tions, for those manufactures which are es sential to our wants, is ineonsistc*-1 with character as a nation , and iu *’o3 \ /v. the tariff is cast ntial to national L,dependence' i o us flic U-nu Seems to 00 nfrangely misup- I ’ 1 1 ' ** a ,j : 'ecu that a system of free trade 1 tiiotig an the o.ntipfls of tho world, by scctir | application oi tho liigliest energies of I c j* !c ‘b *° those objects which it was best quali - tied to produce, would enlarge the amount .ot production, and inerotirf tho sum of hu ■ man comfort, Ifot such a state of things would, according to the argument v.bich is urged, be a state of universal dependence, and precisely tlie same consequence would follow in relation to the commercial inter course of any given nation with tlie other nations of the world, to the extent of that intercourse, whether a system of free trade or of partial restrictions should prevail.— That intercourse consists in the mutual inter change of commodities, and it is impossible to conceive the idea of a dependence on tlie one side, without recognising the fact of a corresponding dependence on the oilier.— But such a state of mutual dependence is a source of gratul.ition rattier thin of regret, since it gives tc - ach nation an increased fa cility for the development of its highest en ergies, enlarges the sum of its enjoyments, and affords the surest guarautee for the peace and harmony of the world. . If the suggestion bo urged in its apolica-! lion to the necessities of the country during! a state of war, an equally satisfactory answer may be given. It is unquestionably tlie du jty of every government to be prepared tor ; those conflicts with other nations, which it is I not always possible to avoid ; but this is most effectually done by the unrestricted exertion of its peaceful energies. In a government constituted as ours is, and separated as it is by the Atlantic from the nations of the old world, it is reasonobte to presume that such conflicts will be rare. The intervals of peace will probably be ol much the longest dura j tion, and our system cf permanent policy j should therefore be regulated chiefly with a j view to this state of our national existence. ! But the decisive answer to this suggestion is, t that money constitutes tlie sinews of war, I and that its exigencies are best provided for j by enriching the nation in time of peace.— j A system of free trade will mainly conduce il° this object. The resources which it w ill furnish will second the services of the neu tral trader, and these with our own internal manftfacturqs which are already independent of Legislative protection, will amply supply our wants in such ail emergency. It is.one and not the least of the evils of the system which we deprecate, that it has a t* ndeney to demoralize our citizens, to habit uate them to evasions of the law, and to en courage the odious and detestable practice of smuggling. It is the effect of the protecting duty to raise flic price cf commodities consid erably above that, at which they could be im ported at a moderate revenue duty. Unless this is so, it fails to accomplish its destined object, and is entirely useless. The inevita ble consequence is, the temptation to clan destine importation, and the facilities which are afforded by our widely extended inland and ocean frontier, give impunity to tlie j smuggler. On the several interests of agriculture, nav igation, commerce, the mechanic arts, and even on manufactures themselves, tliij sys tem operates with an injurious influence.— Speaking with rel’crrenee to that portion of agriculture, Which is employed in the pro duction of articles which must be exported to a foreign market, it is obvious that any considerable diminution of commercial capi tal, by its transfer to other employments, must have a tendency to diminish their [‘rice. It is in the southern portion of the union that this will be most extensively felt. The domestic market will consume a portion of its ; reat staple, which is, comparatively, small, and the immense residue will seek in vain for a foreign market, if the manufactures of other nations are in effect, and permanently excluded from our ports. This state of things may not at once occur. The necessity of having a supply of the raw material for the employments of her manufactories, may in duce our great customer to submit, for a time, to a system of purchase instead of exchange; but she will be urged by the strongest con siderations to sock that supply from those who will receive her manufactures in return. If this system be rendered permanent, and pushed to the prohibitory extent, to which it seems inevitably to tend, the fo.‘o of the cot ton planter is therefore irrevocably sealed.— ■Nor is he alone affected by this system of protection. The farmer of the middle states will feel its influence in the increase of the price of labour, as well as of every article which he buys ; and if these in the manu facturing districts should find an improved market for the produce of their farms, the considerations just stated, will operate to di minish their profits—and the benefits which they enjoy from the increased investment of capital in their vicinity, will be purchased at the expense of those interests from which that capital lias been transferred. When wo direct our attention to the influ ence of the protecting system on the naviga tion of the country, we might give to the sub ject a peculiar interest, by dwelling on the tact, tnat a ship is the proudest and most! successful of our manufactures. From an early period of our history, down to the pre- j sent hour, we have been conspicuous for our skill in ship building. Adverting to it, as an art, we have by the elegance of our mo dels, and the minuteness of our finish, rais- ed it from a mechanical, to one of the fine arts. Wc have applied the principles of a correct tasto to naval architecture, and have therefore produced tlie same masterly result in this, as the application of the same princi ples had produced in the otlitr arts. We might then with perfect fairness and proprie ty, press the inconsistency of that’ policy, \ iieh seeks the prosperity of manufactures 1 by loading vvilh burthens that branch of 1 which has flourished with but little a* ’ necessarily subject to fe'xclusic, j taleusy of foreign naticj-.. y> c nect this topic with <* ;r na , , . , ‘ , i„..„ 1,! , .* na 'y, and our naval i’•“ ,8t ,T 1 0,,r bcha,f ,!lc * cn " *' 1 P ati -.otism. But wc waive tliese V otageand without entering into de- I tilll fo content ourselves witli adverting to the ■positive discouragements to ship building occasioned by tho tariff of 1888. By that tanll, iron, hemp, duck and cordage, are subjected 10 duties which would bo in effect prohibitory, if those articles were not of the first necessity, and their importation indis pensable. The quantity of those articles which enter into the construction of a ship, with the labour bestowed on them, constitute one half of its value, and the duties upon then! impose upon a next ship of nre .hundred I tons a dry direct tar: little short cf two thott- aw 20NSSMMI 3 sane collars, which is paid in advance \v say a dry, direct tax, for it is not. e of consumable articles, repaid bv the eor-, or. Neither is it repaid by the the rate of freignt depends on for,;?„ r . ' r petition, and tlie foreign ship, c he-n l unburthened, settles the price. P ’ eCUUse The effects of tlie protective syßtem commerce in general, can only be rily illustrated by details; ltj Han task, and will be faithfully performed bnlin to whom it is confided. The diminution f imports a total or partial scarcity of sail articles-—an increase of price to the conZ* er, a depression ol the mercantile spirit whi i under different circumstances, v.Auld be 8 ; mated to new enterprises, and the con-" quent check to our attainment of that of prosperity, to which the freedom of onr i stitutions guides us, these arc results whi* cannot be denied. That actraj ' not lelt in a young and free country, almost every citizen is, or easily can be - is not an argument to defer V* Irom ihe removal of those obstructions mat assured and unexampled case and con tort ol condition, to which the American ct"’ zen aspires and is entitled. If to flic cjJ acquisition of good cheap land, he can fib wise add, not only the necessaries, but a'C tlie blameless luxuries of life, why should J be churlishly prevented by a sordid and nvl iwpolising system, which finds enjoymej in restriction, and profusion in prohibition Every class of manufactures which is w >| the object of the bounty of this system 5 J well as the mechanic arts generally, toe’ pj juriously affected by its operation—Navtvcil those manufacturers, who experience tin] protection are themselves interested *n ti l removal of these restrictions— The enormitl of the profits, in many instances, combine! with the uncertainty of the continuance oft'! system, give to this employment the charm ter of a gambling speculation, rather tin, that of a regular pursuit of industry. T high rate ot profits would occasion a jml of capital from other pursuits- and compcti tion would.speedily reduce tlicm to tht gemr al level, if the precarious tenure bv v,bid they are held did not. restrain the lnovrmd —Such of them as arc adapted to the and cumstances of the coimtrv, and conduct J with the requisite skill and industry v.pJ continue to flourish, although legislative J tection were withdrawn. They would Vi give a fair return or the capital and la!| which they employ. The rate of profits i. ol indeed be less, but they would bj certain ! liable only to those changes which or c,J mon to tlie whole productive industry cf.tl j country. It is with this view of the sulijil •that, the best informed end most intelligej I among the man uf icturcrs tbemsdves, caivl resist the conviction that the abandonm ot the protecting system, and Myettin) moderate duties, would he best cateukiedj promote the steady growth, aui the safe in permanent establishment of "American arm fact tires. There is a remaining suggestion which j desire to present to your -consideration-/!' national debt, which.-Has annually atari* Irom ten to twelve millions of reran .I rapidly diminishing, and will speedily be n tinguishwi. On the first day of January, fill the available funds of.the government villi adequate to its discharge. The exisfinfial of duties will produce hereafter an imin-l annual revenue, beyond the ordinary v. 1 of the government, and f lie task of providl a system of measures which shall be ada\ J to this new and interesting condition ofß fiscal concerns of the nation, will then den upon the next Congress. llow propiticel moment for the establishment of the pnfl pies of free trade ! An enterprising mi I telligent people, possessing in abtmdaneH sources of national wealth, arid perfectly® encumbered by debt, may add to their cl® upon the gratitude of the world, far k® successfully asserted the principles oil government, by being the first also to pm ® tiic principles of a free and unrestrietd ® merer —that genuine “American fy--® which will remove from cur I ■ rJcra efl vestige of discontent, will give more v® to the freedom, which was wrested lrui® grasp of oppression by the valour of or® cestors, and perpetuate those inriif-M which are destined, by the blessings effl to seeiire the happiness of rrdiotn milbi!® TiIS'lT)iH( Al^'iwtj' JiliS I Mr. Adams, in his Eulogy #ll Monroe, relates, that Napoleon into (o send a military colony of twenty t! sand veterans to Louisiana, anti that were already asset allied rt Hchioft-i to embark when the rupture of the |< of Amiens gave them another (lcstit.fi lie adds this anecdote : ‘•it happened that a member of'he ate of the United States, was at Orleans, w hen the commissioner oi poleon, authorised to receive posse of the province, arrived there, ami fore the cession to the United'Stat This commissioner, in conversation the American senator, told him [\a military colony from iTa*’.cc ,algM be expected. ’Tb?J; tliere was pc some, difference 0 f opinion betwee rmicli am* ’i goAeruninitj the boi>*,n. n .y j. u t that wlu’nticc arr ],; s orders were quietly t< I'brtscssson to the Perdido, and lea diversities of opinion, ta be after discussed in the cabinet. Th* V; 111 was related on the floor of the Sri ; the United States by the member I body, who had been a party to tit | versation.” dV ‘aliomtl Jticbt, —The Secretary iivastiry has given public no tied the first of January iwxt, nr;’ l ' millions oftiie tmblic debt v,ill best ! more capital released, ant! we “ its being set afloat will have the el' | further to advance the price nfstoi -00V#- 3x 'ports. —ln the last RC ynr p have hci'ii exported from the | States to foreign countries, <!5 u rime hundred and foi-ty-liv 1 ■ tin I I hundred and cighty-otw ,|i)l