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„ _ A poet’s hand and prophet's fire, Struck the wild waddings ot’ his lyre.” TO ANNA MARIA. Smooth be your path of life and strewn with flowers, Her fortune’s sunshine—there retiring bowers; No rougher storms, than mild refreshing showers, And those fall gently • Ne’er may the withering blast of grief destroy, Or envy’s baleful canker-worm annoy, Those sweet unclosing buds of infant joy,— That bloom around thee! May the fair myrtle with the olive join, And all life’s gayest flowers their sweets com bine — To form a wreath for that pure brow of thine, • My lovely Anna. *To bless thy steps may these bright emblems grow, And grace th se walks where s reams of wis dom flow, Deriving loveliness from the mild glow, Of truth and virtue ! May watchful angels keep thee as ,hou art, And guard from every snare tliy youthful heart.; And mayest thou never from the path depart, That leads to heaven ! c. a. w. TO HELEN. Helen—farewell! tfiy spell is o’er, The charm which bound, now binds no more My heart, thy chilling scorn hath riven, And from thy shrine it3 votary driven. Lady adieu! ’tis winter now— Cold as the gloom that shades thy brov’, The hollow blasts that round me sigh, Remind mo ofleves broken ties. Helen—to thy bright smile, farewell 1 Never shall babbling-echo tell That I have loved—and thou hast scorned-- That thou hast triumphed—l have mourned. Lady—my friendship still is thine- All other claims I now resign, I still can wish thee joy and peace, Although with me these blessings cease. M j^ 00000 Free Trade t onvenl ion. From the Philadelphia Gazette. Wednesday, October 5. At 12 o’clock, the meeting was called to tjrdcr. The Minutes of the last meeting were read by the Secretary. The following Letter from James Ronald son, Esq. of Philadelphia, was received, and read to the Convention. 'J’o the President and Free Trade Convention at Philadelphia. Cedar Street, Sept. 11, 18:31. Gentlemen: The character? of the members j ot' this Assembly, have led us to conclude, j Xhat they have met, not to distract tlar public j mind, by theorizing abstract arid doubtlul, principles of civil right; but to develope use-' till forts —the know ledge of which, may ad-; vancc the general prosperity of the United j States, and the comfort and respectability oi j our fellow-citizens. j The World has seen the greatest Divines, and most learned men, meet in Council, to! determine the abstract rights and obligations ! of religion, and has seen them part without having acquired credit for themselves, or lmncfitting socie:y. The results might have | Been far happier, had the same Assembly confuted its attention to those practical sub jects of moral duty, in which every individu al has to play his part. Now fact*, iu the deliberations of com merce, and political economy, are useful as simple good morals arc, in religion. These prefatory remarks are intended to introduce to your notice one of these—an occurrence of common nature —but to explain the cause of which, may have a bearing on the object for which your Honorable Body lias assembled. Four years since, being engaged with an 'undertaking of some magnitude, (the con struction of a cemetry, on anew plan,) and js its success was very doubtful, economy cf expenditure was an important object. A large quantity of Iron was required, for Tailing, Arc. Accordingly, I personally wait ed on the principal Iron Founder's, inquiring on what terms it might be furnished. The lowest price was sixty-tire de'hirs per ton; six tons being wanted. Thi was in the wear 181*6. This present year (1831) having occasion, 4o enlarge the cc.nctry, there is needed about -the same quantity of iron—and of the same description. OriAvriung to the Iron Masters, 1 find that -they are ready to furnish the same quantity of iron, ntfffty-fvc dollars per ton. This is a strikingly obvious fall of price; and the •fact must be interesting to your Honorable Body. I trust tiie communication w ill be assigned to its proper motive, viz. that you may, by facts, and not theory, understand what the policy of our government is producing, in the' affairs of our country. And I would respectfully recommend, that this Convention would upjKiint aVommittee to inquire into tlu- causes which have reduced the price of Iron in four yearS, $lO per ton, or 15 7 per cent, on the highest price. And 1 would further respectfully suggest, that the Committee be further instructed to report an Opinion on the following Query : “Y\hat would be the effect, on the price of Iron, of perfect confidence, on tne part ot Public a .and iron Manufacturers —that the present system 1S n .,t uncertain and vasciilating, but a permanent ouui" A similar reduction hts taken place in the crticlu of Sugar, which equally deserves your .special attention. There arc other commodities, the produce qf your country, ar.d of the labour of your fed hi^-citizen*, which arc regularly coining into ■la.kct, of improved quality, and reduced price—these will, iiogjkwbt, 1,1 A )e course of your investigations, Be difly considered. Ail which L submitted, in the sincere hope that your Honorable Conven tion may prove a benefit to your country, and be produc lire of no evil. JAMES RONALDSON. Mr. Mitchell said that he had a (imposition to submit to the Convention, which he thought of great importance. He knew that ha was not a practical man, and therefore felt great timidity in submitting any thing which was peculiarly of a practical nature. Of one ! thing he was certain: If hisroposi{joa was weak or ill-advised, it woullfye rejected by the good sense of the Convention; and if he should stumble on a good sugL r <J®ui, he would have the happiness to reflect that his labours had not been in vain* Mr M. said, that one of the most unjust and oppressive featured of the tariff was the mode in which duties were assessed. According to his un derstanding of the Ae,t, there were three sets of duties—specific minimum and ad valorem duties. The two first, were fraught with in justice, and violated every principle of com mon sense. In both of them, the rate of duty was low where the article was high and of superior quality. It was specifically a tax on j the poor, laid on articles of food and clothing.; As in the instance of Coffee, the offal of the j West-India market selling at 9 cents a pound, j paid the same duty with the delicious coffee j from Arabia, which cost 25 or 30 cents -the ! pound. Here the poor man paid the duty of; 33 1-3 per cent, on the cost of what he drank,I while the rich man paid only a duty of 10 per J cent. This was contrary to every principle j of common sense. So it was with the duty on Woollens. The coarse woollens worn by ' the poor man paid 75 or 100 per cent, duty on the cost, \vliile the fine woollens of the rich man paid no more than 45 per cent. Mr. M. said this was intolerable injustice. Mr. M. was for abolishing those duties, and substitu ting an ad valoromduty on all imports. This was the fair duty. The hurt lien or tax was proportioned to the pockets of the consumer, j lie begged leave to submit the following lie- j solution: Resolved, That the General Committe do inquire into the expediency of recommending to Congress the abolition of specific and minimum duties, and the substitution (if an ad valorem duty on all im ports. He moved that it should be referred to the General Committee.” Adopted. On motion of Mr. Jones, of Georgia, it was Resolved, That the Coorcntidn accepted, with grateful acknowledgments, the copies of the Re port of the Committee on Commerce, presented to them through the medium of Mr. Mumford, of Netv-York. . The Secretary informed the President,that Letters of Invitation to visit the exhibition of the Franklin Institute, were deposited on his table. There was a Letter of Invitation to each member of the Convention. The President repeated the notice from the Chaii. On motion of Col. Preston, of South-Caro- j lina, it was Resolved, That a Committee be appointed toia- ! quire where the General Committee would be ! prepared to report. Col. Preston and Mr. Roane, of Virginia, ! who were appointed on this committee, re-1 turned with information, that the General j Committee would make a Report, either in ; full, or in part, in a few minutes. Col. Basset, of Virginia, offered a resolu tion that a committee be appointed to raise funds to defray the expenses incident to the meeting of the Convention. Mr. Richard Price, of Philadelphia, said he hoped the resolution would not be adopt ed. The Pennsylvania Delegation had made arrangements for defraying the expenses of the meeting. I)f. Tidy man, of South-Carolina, said the Convention was indebted to the politeness of the Philadelphia Delegation for the arrange ments made for the accommodation of the meetiug: but there would be expenses for printing, which he hoped the members of the Convention, generally, would be suffered to defray. Mr. Price said that the expenses of print ing had entered into the calculation of the Piiiladelphia Committee. Many gentlemen said they could not con sent that the Philadelphia Delegation and the citizens of Philhdelpbia, should bear all the ' expenses of the Convention, and it was Resolved, That a committee be appointed to confer with the Philadelphia Delegation on the subject - About 1 o’clock, the General Committee entered the room. Mr. Gallatin, the Chairman, said they aiust request further time for consideration. One of the papers, the Committee had been directed to have prepared, had been submit ted to them that morning. It was a long and elaborate document. They had not yet had time to go through it, in the manner they de sired. If further time was granted to the Committee, it would probably prove a saving of time to the Convention. He was instruct ed to say, that the Committee would be pre pared to report at 4 o’clock. Col. Swctt, of Massachusetts, said it was important to economise time; and the Con vention might profitably employ its time in ; transacting other business, while the Com | rnittee was engaged in its deliberations. Ma ny oftho members would soon be anxious to go borne, as they had other business to attend to. He would therefore move that the com mittee have leave to sit, during the sessions of the Convention. Mr. Berrien, of Georgia, said he should regret the adoption of this course. The con tinuance of the Convention in session, while the Committee was necessarily absent, would subject those members who were on the com mittee was necessarily absent, would subject those members who were on the committee, to an inconvenience to which they ought not to be subjected. Col. Strctt withdrew his motion; and it was resolved that there should he a recess till 4 o’clock. AFTERNOON SESSION. The Convention met at ■! o’clock- On motion of Mr. Barclry, of Philadel phia, it was Resolved, That Judge Baldwin he invited to take a seat within the. Bar. Mr. Barclay in answer to an inquiry made by some members, said he had seen Judge Baldwin amongst the auditors of the day. Mr. Ilerrien said the General Committee was prepared to report, and that, by their di rection, he would rend an Address to the People of the United States, which they had ordered to be submitted to the Convention for con3idtration- The Address, which will be prononneed by all an able and eloquent document, would fijl five or six newspaper columns. It was read by Mr. BERItIEN in a distinct, emphat ic manner, so that it be heard in the mo3t re mote part of the hall. It begins with espressions of the most de voted nationality,—then speaks of the evils the American System occasions, of the dis content it produces, and the painful solicitude it. excites—asserts that these are not tran sient feelings, and adverts to their probable ulterior effects, if not soon removed. When ever a feeling of inequality is produced, it ar rays against the government a force, of simil iar cnaructer to to that which supports the government* As evidence that this “Ameri can System”produces this feeling of inequal ity the people are called to look to the char acter of this assembly—an assembly unpara leffed in the annals of our country—consist ing of citizens and representatives of citizens, assembled from various quarters of the Union, complaining of injuries sustained, and of rights violated. Many of the the citizens (the address states, not only assert the inexpediency of the system, but doubt the power of the Govern ment to establish it. An act may he literal- I ly an execution of a granted power, and yet in its spirit iu direct contravention of the con stitution. An act might, for example, be passed for the professed purpose of raising a revenue by a duty on imports, and the duties might be so high as to put an end to impor ,a tion altogether. The address then adverts to the difficulty of submitting to judicial investi gation acts bearing the title of acts to raise a revenue, which is a granted power, but in re ality acts for the special encouragement of maufacturcs, which is not a granted power. If a fair appeal to the judicary is denied to those who suffer, it becomes a case in which the charter between the people and their rulers must be considerud as violated. The people are then called on to examine the subject in connexion with tlie principles of an enlightened political economy. Pro tecting duties, do not create capital. They only transfer it from one branch of business to another. They cannot be said to encour nge American industry, for they take us much industry from some pursuits as they transler to others. The restrictive systems adopted by other nations, injure both themselves and ns; and our retaliating duties increase the evils which both suffer. The reduction of price since 18-1 is de clared to be common to articles protected and not protected by the*Tafiff. It is owing iu part to the diminished amount of circulating medium, and in part to the astonishing im provements made in the modes of production. The fall in the price of cotton goods in other countries has been greater than the fall in the United States, a proof that the reduction of the prices here, should not be attributed to the Tariff. The address then adverts to the distinction between permanent and temporary duties for the encour-agoment of manufactures. Even the latter are tmnecessaiy, for where there is a prospect of permanent gain, individu als are willing to suffer a temporary loss. The mutual dependence of nations in one another, which is created by commerce, is de clared to be beneficial. They from whom we buy, are as dependant on us, as we are on them. As our remoteness from Europe, makes it probable that our wars will be few, and our intervals of peace of the longest duration, the permanent policy of the country should be a dapted to a state of peace. But even for a state of war, the free trade policy is the best. Money is the sinews of war, and its exigen cies are best provided for, by enriching the nation in time of pence. The American system has a demoralizing effect, as it induces smuggling. The system operates very perniciously on agriculture, and commerce, and also on some branches of manufactures. A ship is the proudest specimen of the American arts. It is one of the earliest branches of American mannfactures, ship building, having been carried on extensively since a few years after settlement of the country. We have raised ship building from a mechanical to a fine art. Ibis an art closely connected with our navy and naval glory. This art, so important to the country, is seriously injtjree by the tariff. The duties imposed by the tariff of 1828, on the iron, hemp and cordage, used in a ship ofsoo tons,amounts to 2000 dollars. These duties arc not paid by the consumer of foreign goods. They fall on the ship builder and ship owner. They not raise the rate of freight, for that is determined by the rate of freight in countries where the shipping is not burdened with these duties. if the protecting and prohibitory duties were repealed, (the Address proceeds) such branches of manufactures as are adapted to the state of the country, would continue to flourish. The rate of profits would he less, but the business would be more certain, and intelligent manufacturers say they would pre ter that condition of things. In conclusion, it is stated, that the national debt, which has heretofore annually absorbed from 10 to 12,000,000 of revenue, will soon be paid off. On the Ist of January, 1533, Ihe Government will be in possession of funds sufficient to liquidate all that which will be then due. How propitious then is the moment for the American people to be the first to establish the principles of free trade, as they were the first to establish the principles of free government. [N. B. The Address was read; at the conclu sion of which, loiul applauses were given.] Mr. Jones, of Georgia, then rose, and ex pressed his admiration of the general charac ter of the Address. But ns this was a busi ness of great moment, and nothing should be clone partially, he would, to allow the mem bers time for deliberation, and to afford, them an opportunity of examining the Address, move that it he laid on the table, and that 300 copies be printed for the use of the mem bers. The motion was agiced to. [The proei .-dings of the Convention on Thursday the 6th inst. have not yet reached us.] — Ed. Macon Advertiser. , _ Friday , October i. After the minutes of the last meeting had been read by the Secretary, — Mr. Berrien rose and proposed to discharge the committee of the whole from the fur ther .consideration of the Address to the People. There was, lie said, a perfect accordance of sentiment among members, on one of the two distinct views offered in the Address. On the other there was a diversity of opinion —a diversity having reference to thecoriect ness or incorrectness of the argument, (for the discussion of this had he 'tn waved) but to the expediency of introducing it into the Address as a statement of the feelings of part of the American people. If the Address should he considered in the Committee of the whole, it might lead to un necessary discussion. If brought into the House, any amendment could be moved, the same as in the committee of the whole, a|id gentlemen might by a a record of their na.me.s express their dissent to any part they thought objectionable. Mr. B. spoke in high terms of the concili atory spirit evinced by the venerable gentle men from New York (Mr. Gallatin) and oth ers who differed from the majority on the con stitutional question, or doubted the expedi-! eney of referring to it in the address, lie I had no desire to enter upon a discussion of the point on wfiich they differed. And he would hop-that if the disclaimer were made j of an intention of that gentlemen of the j South to bring on a discussion, it would be met with a correspondent spirit by the gen- j tlcmen from the North. lie would be pleased if the question on the adoption of the Address j could be taken without debate. He hoped, 1 the member would receive his suggestton in \ the amicable spirit with which it was tender ed. If this course was adopted, they could i bring their labors to a close to-morrow, or j perhaps to-day. He presumed all had made up their mind in regard to the Address. If the course he'had proposed for the disposal of should he adopted ; he would offer a reso lution to discharge the General Committee from the duty of preparing a memorial to con gress. This he would follow with a resolu tion to appoint a permanent committee to collect facts, prepare a memorial, and press the subject before Congress. He thought that in the instructions to be given to the per manent committee, on the principles to be maintained in the memorial, all the members would agree, and they wouhl thus by their closing vote show to the world a perfect una nimity in regard to the great object of the Convention. Mr. Chevcs understood the object of the gentleman from Georgia, to be to bring the Address before the House, that those who disproved of a particular part, might express in-regular form their oppositions. Of a vote in committee of the whole, no record would appear on the journajs of the house. As one he heartily concurred in the suggestion, thinking it just, that those who hid any ob jection to the memorial, should be allowed an opportunity of recording their objections. He was much gratified with the spirit of har mony which prevailed in the Convention, and hoped it would continue till the close of its proceedings. The commitree of the whole was dischar ged accordingly and the Address came before the House. Mr. Gallatin then rose and said, that it must he taken for granted, that all those who were in favor of the Tariff believed it to be constitutional; but it did not fallow that all thpsc, who opposed that system of p-.meeting domestic manufactures by prohibitory or high duties, were of opinion that the acts of Con gress imposing such duties were unconstitu tional. A difference of opinion did in fact exist among the members of this Convention ou that point; and he was one of those who believed the power to be expressly granted by the Constitution. The member from J Georgia, who had prepared the intended Ad dress to the people, had been indefatigable in , his efforts to concilate the conflicting opin- j ions on that point,by putting this document i in such a shape as might render it acceptable 1 to all. And he was sensible that a majority of the Convention had made every conces sion which in their opinion, was consistent with their principles and those of their con stituents. He regretted that they had thought it necessary to insert in this paper any of the arguments adduced to prove that tiic .Tariff was unconstitutional. It was a matter of deep regret to him that, notwithstanding the concessions made by the majority and the manner in which the arguments were introdu ced, he could not vote for the Address in its present shape. But this difference of opinion did not at all extend to the ultimate object this Convention had in view, but only to the different reasons on which the opposition to the Tariff was founded. It was a difference on the Construc tion of the Constitution, which all acknowl edged as the supreme law of the land, but which all had the right to construe according to their own conviction. There was nothing but what was natural and of common occur rence in such diversity of opinion, t.hich per petually arose with respect to treaties, to sta tutes, and to every possible instrument of writing, and was due either to the careless ness in the choice of expressions, or to tile imperfection of our faculties and of human language. There was nothing in that diffe rence of opinion which could excite our feel ings, provided we avoided adis, • ssion,which he believed unnecessary and dangerous. Coe,, curring fully in that respect with Mr. lie intended simply to move that *•* mentative part of the Addro-i „„ (h ' o ° s ’ m non of constitutionality shall he struck out. The only object tl,.* c wIIO with nm o.i uu ** -stioti was to have their names recorded aCd the r asons understood wliv they ftould not agree to the Address. But he would abstain fr. in slating not only the reas ons why lie thought the Tariff unconstitutii i al, but even those which prevented him and loose who agreed with him from concurring! in the Address, even in that modified shape* in which, from an earnest wish to conciliate f it was presented to the Convention. They ! were all agreed as to the great object in view. that of obtaining a practical remedy ; and, those who believed the Tariff constitutional were determined to continue united with the majority of the Convention in their efforts, here and elsewhere, to effect a repeal ol that obnoxious and oppressive system. Nothing eould gratify them more than to have an op portunity on this floor to join with the other members of this body iu some measure or ex pression of sentiment, that might show that, if differing on a speculative point, they were unanimous as to the main question. Mr. G. then proceeded to state his princi pal objections to the Tariff. He thought it injudicious as afleeting the country at large, and as calculated to retard and not to accele rate its prosperity. But that view of the sub ject was to him but of secondaiy importance. The energy and intelligence ot this Nation j would surmount any obstacle which errors of i legislation might opposelo its natural and ir resistable progress in manufactures, com merce and every branch of industry, i his was at best but a question of time ; and dis cussions oil abstruse points of polittcaljecono ; my, like those on constitutional questions * would always consist principally ol abstract Ia nil disputable arguments. But on questions oi‘ .fight and wrong, of what was just or unjust there' could he no mistake. It H -is to the effect of the Tariffon different sections Af the country that he principally ob jected. IS if ting every argument aside, taking lor criterio. i M>e prevailing opinion in the northern and 'lie unanimous opinion in the southern porfto.l3of the Union, the land was avowedly a inert). ’re tnut enriched one section at the expense of aether section of the coun try. It offered also such temptations to smug gling, and was so vexa ’pusin the details ne cessary to enforce it, th ' the consequence was almost inevitable. .Vr-*G. kne v, he had hail the best means ofascevt lining the hono rable fidelity of the America t merchants in all their relations with the rev 't u c laws. But he knew also the uniform result • and exaggera ted duties iu every country where Jucy long! prevailed, llis leading reasons h r opposing the Tariff and for most earnestly wishing its repeal were therefore, its unavoida.' 'p U’ o * dencyto demoralize the community and grad ually to alleviate the affections of a. whole sec tion of these United States. On the fatal . v c* suit, in a Government founded solely on th* affections of the people, invested with nooih-y er but a moral force, lie w ould not permit hinr self to expatiate. But he would ask whether ~-*i a presumed expectation that we might some what hasten the establishment of manufac tures which, without any artificial aid, will necessarily grow and flourish with the growtli of a dense population, whether, a somewhat more rapid accumulation of wealth,if this con trary to his own opinion was effected by the Tariff, were objects of sufficient importance to out weigh considerations of such nature as those he had merely suggested. Mr. G. submitted also to the consideration of the Convention, whether independent of the portion of the Address which he wished to lie struck out, there were not some s -n --tences expressed with such warmth of feeling as would render them liable to be misunder stood or misrepresented. He then moved to strike out. all that part of the Address which related to the constitutionality of the Ta riff. Governor MILLER of South Carolina rose to inquire how the gentleman from New York and those who concurred with him in objec ting to the passage in question, would vote on the question of -adopting the Address, if the motion to strike out was negatived. Mr. GALLATIN replied they would then vote against the Address; and wished their vote on the motion to strike out, to be re corded as their reason for not voting for the adoption of the Address. Air. BERRIEN understood the object of the gentlemen to be to record their votes in favor of the motion to strike out, as their rea son for not voting for the Address. He thanked them for their distinguished liberal ity and'magnanimity when iu committee, on a point on which they could not agree. Ilis thanks were specially due to the venerable gentleman from New-York, and he hoped that the vote would be taken as proposed. The last paragrarph to which the gentleman had alluded he could not consent to have struck out. In behalf of the people whom he re presented in part, he must declare tiiat there was not one sentiment in the Address which would admit an interpretation of a desire to sever the union, under any circumstances which the American people would condemn. | There was not an expression in it not in ac- I cordance with a deep and devoted attachment | to the principles of the Union.—The people of the south were devotedly attached to the j Union and the principles of the constitution. | Having maue this declaration, he could not consent to modify the passage which had been submitted to the convention. lie believed it to be in the language in which freemen ought to speak. Mr. GALLATIN still obirctcd to the ex pression as too strong. I Mr.CRUGERof S. C. said, that in rising j at the last moment to submit a few remarks, ! it was by no means his purpose to excite dis j cord, and much lesg animosity. Although diflering from others ns to the expediency of d< hate he would not invite even an amicable j discussion of the matters before the Conven tion least the harmony and utiaD'r.iiiy w'.ich all seemed to regard so important mi.ff’|, v chanc. be bright into jcopat.iv As rcpre sentnig part however inose 'who believed U,c 'lTto!.c unconstitutional, be felt bound i*. justice to his own opinions, and tiro in j strpctioiis of his Constituents, in votingo gflinaf the propositions to strike out, to state that ovetv as it stands there were some parts of the Address to which ho could not yield his assent. While upon all other points the inequality, injustice, oppressiveness, find inexpediency of the Tariff—the Cpnvcn tion express distinctly and positively their je.wn opinions upon the question of its con : stitHtionuiity they hat. lv set forth the opinion I of others, and oven in doing that inul not suf ficiently repudiated the Principle of protce tion whether direct or incidental. Nor had the Doct’ines of Free Trade, am! eqea! Taxa tion been put forth to their just extent. In fact it, had been in his eonternpl.-piori to have moved an amendment to the a<hlr uvjuii Sai.• | j grounds, but lie bad ‘orbore in and. f cr the opinion of his Colleagues j n f Hvnr< !/ c ' ciliation and in accordance with the s >ir if forbearance, and moderation by which if were actuated in common. The addr s r' not contain upon this topic whut tic# woul { have inserted—not the mo t thutstionld W been said, not even a medium, but at the l e a that could have been accorded, ail( | t | lo i ’ that would have been acepted. He had he ever in the spirit of amity,'and compromC determined to suspend his objections vote for it entire; and he called upon v benches from whom the motion to strike <-, had emanated, to meet those half wav fa,'" whom they differed in this sole resoer't I! and to utter the address to the world’wi? the emphasis of unanimity. * Mr. CARPEN lERof Maine, did notn i to go into a debate on the constitutional qu, tion; but as Ins name would be the first calfed' when the ayes and noes should be taken i,! reducsted permission to state his the vote lie was about to give against stnfi," out. He believed the Tariff, lo be con j u ’ tional; but if it is a fact as others belief p to be unconstitutional, why not state it? H * did not think that any member, by volinofe! the Address as it stood would coinpromit i own opinion on the constitutional question-! differed in opinion front thos.a whose view were expressed in the passage, it waspiopo sed to strike out. For his own part, he fo not the smallest doubt of the constitutional, ty of the tariff laws. If he had, he would ii? mediately resign the office he held undergo eminent. If he believed the ta iff nneni sti tutional, and had not the magnanimity ton sign; there stood a man at the head of the Got eminent,who never having yet slirunUfromhi duty, would, he trusted, forthwith pi dCf; a ma] iu Ilia stead, who had no doubts on thesut jeet. But still he was willing to have thei pinions of that portion of the American pa pie who differed in that respect from liim, B forth, that the whole community H iii sec what they had to say on that gji ject. I Mr. G ALL YTIN declared emphatically that he would not be driven from his srotil by any remarks of members—he would J give his reasons in detail for voting a"ahi the Address. Why could not the asstinil vote for the Address, either as it stood, or wil the amendment which lie had proposed,wJ out a prolonged discussion. Tie wished A sec the question taken. He would ohsJ however on the fast sentence to which kfl at.’verted, that what was there stated d:,l nl ap attar to be given as the opinion of til peon ’e of the south, but as that of the. Col vent, out- 1 The aves and noes were tlmn taken, anl it appear vl that there were 35 for sink J put so nu. hof the address as referredtot* Constitute Question, and 151fagain?fs* king out. | fTu he con tio tied. J I axs, At a Superior Cos urt for Tattnall count which sat yesterdi y week, a true Itiluj found by the Grand J against BdGii White, for tbc tnurdck of Sapp. Bell’s sol an interesting boy of tw-ciNe years of Rgc, vtj also included iu the Bill- <md charged is I accessory before the fact. Much exckcml and expectation prevailed an and the peop/< vl generally attended, for the purpose ot /i| ing the Trial, which however, -did not tal place, in consequence of the absence ofstvj al of Pelt's witnesses and of the i'lnesJ White. The most exaggerated and coil dictory reports are in circulation respecii this case; the parties indicted bo.ng ;■ times represented as inhuman butchers, some times, the blame wholly withdrawn !* them, and the deceased dep ictcd n: n v >M ous assassin. Those who give circuiutioaß such rumours are certainly itot aware ot tl injury they inflict upon the public justici l the land. A case in Court is a sacred iind about w hich no man should either tofniipl ions or propagate reports. It should he J cided by unbiassed Judges who ht' ir > !s! l cimislauces for the first time, from tb 1 of unprejudiced witnesses; and not unto® law lias adjudged, should thosecirminifc' 211 * he the subject of out of doors discuss- I '-* We arc aware tint in a country where thep® pie are inquistivc and freedom of opinion I the birth-right of every citizen, it is d* cult to reduce the principle we advocate I practical opinion, but all must admit, tnat tl Judge and the Jury should go to the uive* gatiou of every cause as if they were ut* strangers to its patties and its facts, b the propriety of suppressing as far as p*>il the many coloured and garbled statemel which in most cases of imjiortance cpo‘l to circulation by the ignorant or designing Under such impressions wc forbear toby I fore our readers the different version transaction in which these unfortunate "I have participated, and which, on the 9 hand, hold them up to public indigo ß * as cruel murderers, and on the other, cW for them the general sympathy, as persons 4 ing under an urgent necessity and ai defence.— Avg, Constitutionalist. 3 The inhdbitancc of our city arc sW fC Hi v 'iro that there exists, within one lw |U iiu!<-s of them, a people peculiar > n “ a pursuits ami manners, at;d among "l* 01 " absence 1’ refinement and luxury is cod 1 ! sated by a republican simplicity — liatl ' c our of intellect—and kindness of c3l We allude particularly to the counts Tattnail and Emanuel, where although" l and [>o!ish do not abound —the inhabit are perhaps as happy and comfortable* 3 * who breathe the air of our towns and r,- in more populous and Nourishing ref 01 Trained to labor from their youth- 1 shrink from no toil or hardship"*** l ® 1 tent with little, their ideas do not ft-- yond the farms where grow their corn cotton anil Sugar Cane, and the p nt ' 1 where their dorks feed upon the wild-pats, Ti;e country is wild— s l 11, settled, full of gaum, and if wo except on two highways lending to Savannah, 1 without roads—the paths dignified • ■ name of rords, being almost ewerd 0 - grass, and so dim and blind that th 11 often uncou. cieuslr wanders from ,h