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TO THE PUBLIC.
:LLO’ :s the last
jB7" three moat:.;-, inv name has been be
lore the public us tr candidate to represent
this State in Congrt ss. During that time, 1
have not learned that any objections have
been urged against me on the score ot my
political principles. Indeed, I may venture
to say, that my political character lias been
so distinctly marked, and my attachment and
fidelity to the republican party of this Siate,
so wcil known as to defy misrepresentation.
Prom private sources, however, I have as
certained, that bv some individuals it has
been urged against me in a tone of reproach,
that inv name has not been presented to the
people through the medium ofthe late Caucus.
Holding the proceedings of that body to be a
fair subject of examination, I propose to offer
such comments in relation to them, as seem
to me to be found in truth. 1 shall avail my
self of this privilege, however, only so far as
its exercise is rendered necessary to vindicate
myself from unjust censure. With the in
dependent and considerate portion of the pub
lic, 1 have no fears that the want of the qeul
mark and brand of the caucus, will at
all.affect my interest; but as there mav pos
sibly be some, who, mingling in their pub
lics, other considerations than the pnldin
good, would give to the matter a factitious
importance, in order that it may be urged
against me with undue force; J invite my
fellow-citizens to go along with me in a few
observations, by which I hope to expose the
nnpotency ofthe objection, and disabuse such
as may wrongly suppose me capable olfi
standing in the way ofthe host interests of
my country, or of the party to which I am i
attached.
With regard to the policy of holding cau
cuses, the people of this State are divided in
opinion. It is not known that a majority of
the party with whom 1 act would he willing
to adopt the system, even under its least
exceptionable organization. But confident 1
am that the most of those who would be in
favor of a caucus in which the w hole party
would be fairly represented, are not dispos
ed to submit to the decisions of one, Wholly
" self constituted—in which the wishes of a
considerable portion ofthe party can never be
made known —whose proceedings are based
upon no delegated authority—whose own
will is its only law, and which speaks not the
iangihige of the patty, but its own. Such
was the character of the legislative caucus
held last winter at Milledgeville. As it was
- destkule of every attribute upon wliiili a claim
to obedience could l:e founded, it is clear
".that I have violat> ; no duty, ami abandoned
no principle of republican! ui in not bowing
to wluit, in one point of view, rnay be called
its dictation. It cannot be contested that it;
was deficient in two of the essential principles
of freedom and justice—authority from the
party, and equality of representation* I have
not heard that any of its members |fad receiv
cd'instructions from their constituents to hold
such'meeting and even if they had been so
instructed, the insurmountable objection
would still remain, that the representation of
the party was partial and unequal. That por
tion of it only could have a voice who had
been able to send to the legislature, repre
sentatives of their own political faith. All
Others were excluded. Who, for example,
.represented the Troup party of Jones county ?
i\o one. Though numerous and respecta
ble, they had no agency in forming the ticket
now before the public, and of consequence
can be under no obligation to receiv e it a
gainst their will. This is the condition of
every county, situated as Jopcs county was,
in respect toihe party character of its repre
sentation in the legislature. And because the
members of the party residing in such coun
ties, were unable to elect delegates of their
ovv n creed, shall they therefore be disfranchis
ed ? shall they be cut off from ail participa
tion in discussing and deciding the important
question, u-ho shall represent the State, upon
Itefoor of Congress! Justice would an
swer, no. Yet such arc the principles upon
which that caucus was based, whose decrees
are to be obligatory and not to be question
ed or reversed by the high tribunal of the
people!
lint there is another feature of that caucus
worthy of special notice. Not content with
enjoying its high privileges during its own
existence, it must b, queath its powers.—
Having settled down upon their ticket, the
thought struck them, that vacancies might
possibly occur ; ami that it was aLo probable
f-ie State would become entitled to audition*
ul members by an act of the present Con
gress. Ia either event how shall the
lions lie made ? By a majority of the party ?
No. A special committee must he appoint,
dto suit the case. Accordingly seven gen
tlemen of their own body were singled out,
jujl invested with full authority to make all
The necessary appointments. To their labors
the public are indebted for a portion ofthe
ticket now before them, and 1 presume they
still liold themselves in readiness to make
further selections in the event of the death or
withdrawal of any of the present candidates.
Believing in the doctrine that the people are
ompeten*. to think and act for themselves, 1
•*.ui perceive no necessity for the appontment
fJ f such a committee. If however, it really
were iiniispensible that such a step should be
aken, in order that the people might be re
laved in every contingency from the burthen
• a choosing their own servants, lean see no
absolute necessity that such committee
should have been selected exclusively from
he caucus itself. Was it impossible to find,
ojf of the limits of their own body, any!
qualified for the inujortant trust ? And if
.not, upon what principle was the exclusion
,laced ? This circumstance may probably
xeitu surprise in the minds of some, but can
not in those who have reflected upon the
tendency of "a i 1 power, whether legal or
isurped, to prolong its duration and enlarge
Us bounds. The apology for the whole pro
ceeding is the concentration of party force; 1
hut if it is admissible to accomplish this end
without regard to principle, it can be effected
nore promptly and efficiently by making the
voice of one man supreme instead of srrrn. —
Wlty then not have ji single dictatorship?—j
ImsiM* f-~ <V fjr~nd cf the
I liability ot small bodies, to the influences of 1
flattery, partiality, corruption and ambition,
I lor this consideration naturally suggests itself I
to ewy mind, ludeen, the doctrine that the
members of the Legislature may first assum*
to themselves and afterwards transfer to a
few imiividualsof their own selection, tiie ex
clusive control in our Congressional elec
tions, is tooabsurd and heretical, too much;
at war with the nature of our Government
and destructive of those sacred principles cf
freedom which we all hold to be* true, and
by which vve arc willing to lie governed, to
require any refutation ny argument or ex- j
posure by ridicule. It is radically and self j
evidently wrong; and the people cannot fail;
to see and feel :t to be so. Who that have j
the least spark of independence or love of!
liberty, are prepared to surrender the right I
of self government to seven men, (nay to four, ]
for a majority of the committee must rule,)
and those men not chosen by the public voice, j
And vet are not the people invited to make
this surrender, when they are advised to vote J
against their own wishes and convictions, to j
suit the views of the Committee of seven '!— 1
And how much more insulting would such ;
advice become if it should have tiie gentle j
accompaniment of denunciation against thc(
re fractory who may not accept the council! —
The intelligence of the people is certainly
much underrated by the advocates of this
principle. The plainest minds in the com
munity cannot fail to perceive very clearly,
that it 1 am to be rejected in the coining elec
tion merely because these seven gentlemen
have not recommended me, it will be their j
voice alone that will control the election.— I
And suppose that the people prefer me to j
some on the present ticket, but for fear of
the displeasure of the committee or denuncia
tion ot the caucus, I should decline being
a candidate—would it not be manifest to all,
that it would he the •terror of their assumed I
(tower, instead of the voice of the people
that would prevail? I design no persona!
disrespect to the gentlemen of the committee
in questioning their authority to govern. I
know them to be men of intelligence and
probity ; but considerations of private esteem
can never reconcile me to a dangerous pre
cedent. To no seven individuals, however;
gifted in mmu and devoted to the country.)
would I be willing to yield the exclusive]
direction of our congressional election.—!
Those who claim this high privilege tor the j
present committee may wear, unenvied by !
me, all the honors which may bo reaped
from it in the ensuing contest. If my politi-,
cal bark cannot sail upon the sea of correct
principles, let it founder—it shall never float
upon the waves of triumphant error.
I have appjied the term dictation to the
proceedings of the caucus. Ido not intend
thereby to impugn the motives of the indi
viduals ot whom it was coinposrd. 1 frankly
admit that they were a patriotic body of men
who were aiming to advance the interests of
their party ahd country. But if it was intend
ed by them that their proceedings should
have such force and obligation as to make it
censurabit for any one, not included in their
ticket, to present himself to bis independent
fellow citizens, for their free and unbiassed
suffrages, then the term dictation, however
unpalatable it may be, is of all others the
most characteristic of the movement. It is
dictation, because the persons vv ho constituted
the caucus were never clothed with any au
thority, either expressed or implied, from
the great body*of the Troup party (of which
they were but a small fraction) to form a
congressional ticket at all, much less to form
one that, should be endued with such destruc
tive energy, as to bringdown withering de-
nunciations ijjhhi the head, and a cureless
blight upon the fame of any one who should
have the amazing temerity to seek favor of
his fellow-citizens in despite ofthe promul
gated fat. But it may be said thut the
nomination was intended to be only an un
authoritativc “ recommendation. ” in favor of
the selected individuals. If this be true,
then the right of every man in the community
to be governed by it or not, according to
his own volition, remains wholly unrestrict
ed ; and not the slightest reproach can attach
either to the voter who may bestow his suf
l'rage, or to the candidate who may seek it
in disregard of the recommendation. The
true character ofthe measure, however, will
he fully developed by the course its authors
and friends may pursue tow ard me. If they
shall oppose my election from an honest be
lief that 1 am not morally or intellectually
qualified to fill the station for which I am a
candidate, or that my qualifications are in-j
ferior to those of each of the Caucus nomi- 1
trees, I will have no right to complain of the |
preference given to the latter, however.much i
1 might regret the existence of opinions un
favorable to mo, But if they assail me upon .
the ground, that I have disobeyed the declar
ed will of the caucus, then it will be manifest,
that the mild appellative, “ recommendation ,”
was adoped only to conciliate public favor,
when the act, to which it is nppliod, was in
fact designed to have the force and effect of
a Papal bull, and for disobedience to which,
political excommunication should be the pen
alty. But among the enlightened citizens of
Georgia, the thunders of a self-constituted
caucus, will be as little heeded as the thun
ders of the Pope.
W but degree of respect is due to such a
tribunal, and how far the people arc bound
by its mandate, are enquiries which natural
ly present themselves. To me, it appears
that inasmuch as the power under which the
members of that body acted, was an assumed
ohc entirely, they cannot claim for their pro
ceedings, tiie binding efficacy of a statuary
enactment. They are fairly entitled to that
regard only, which arises out oftheir separate
and individual characters. Being all intelli
gent and patriotic, their opinions must ne
cessarily have much weight; but the people
can be under no obligation to receive these
opinions as law, and conform thereto, in op
position to their judgment, and conviction of
what is the better policy of the country.—
hot the acts ol such a body h* recognized as
obligatory, and the people are at once effec
tually disfranchised. Instead of choosing
| their own members to Congress, the choice
1 yvill 1)9 made hy ■ysQfi persons, as may ba^c
aft&e®sr.
[ the boldness to arret at.; tf;e power to them
selves. I know very well, that anv individu
i ais have a right to organize themselves into
j a club, and dubbing or dignifying it with
whatever name tin v please, may present cau
-1 uniates to die consideration ot the public, and
throw the full w eight of their separate and
associated character into the scale of their se
lected favorites; but when they attempt to
give; to their proceedings the stamp ofautiiori
ty, arid to threaten punishment to those who
may not think, and act'as they direct, t‘;en
do they assume the insulting attitude of dic
tators, and justly forfeit, by such effort at
usurpation, all the respect to which they
might otherwise be entitled. And 1 would
ask, what greater right to dictate can one
unauthorized body have, than another? If
one set of men, acting without authority,
claim the privilege of putting up and pulling
down whomsoever they please, may not an
other as rightfully do the same ? Why should
the decree of the late Caucus be mere obli
gatory than the decree of any other caucus of
equal respectability ? The Commencement
at Athens is nigh at band, where will be as
sembled, from various sections of the State,
men ofthe first order of talents and integrity;
and suppose they were to erect themselves
into a nominating tribunal, and present a
Congressional ticket, different from the one
before the public,' which ofthe two caucuses
shall be obeyed, the one at Milledgeville, or
the one at Attic ns ? 1 would answer, neither.
Doubtless one would have quite as good a
claim upon the absolute obedience of their
party as tiie other; but the claim itself would
be an outrage upon the understanding of the
people, an insult to their independence, and
an unwarrantable invasion of the elective
privilege. The proceedings of each would
be entitled fairly to that respectful considera
tion which is due to recommendations eman
ating from gentlemen of unblemished charac
ters and undoubted patriotism; but all be
yond this would be arrogance and presump
tion and the most lnsuflerabl dictation. Ariv
attempt to rule without authority, and by the
terror of usurped power, to exjort homage and
enforce unwilling obedience, would be a
violation ofthe spirit of our government —an
encroachment upon the principles of onr free
institutions, which ought to be met by the
people with prompt and indignant repul
sion.
It, falls not within the scope of a short ad
dress like this, to discuss the policy of the
Caucus system. Much might be said both
for and against it. When based upon proper
principles, it is favorable to party organiza
tion and discipline, but not unmixed . with
the evil of occasionally placing too much pow
er in the hands of a few. Ev ry institution
is defective and dangerous, in proportion ns
it diminishes the direct and immediate influ
ence of the people upon the political con
cerns and movements of the country. A cau
cus will bp more or less objectionable, as it j
partakes of this tendency. Acting independ- j
ently of the people, it will prove a banc to!
liberty ; but against one which speaks only
the language of the people, 1 have no argu
ment to urge. They have a right to make
known their wishes through whatever me
dium they may prefer: and to their will,
distinctly communicated, either by Caucus!
or otherwise, itisthedut of every patriot !
to conform ; and none, lain sure will ever!
render more cheerful and willing obedience!
than myself. But because gentlemen fancy |
that they perceive great advantage in caucus
ing, they will not be* justified inadoptingthe |
system against the will of tiie people, and j
still less excusable in any endeavors to tie 1
them down to a ticket that may not be accep-;
table to them. I apprehend that when the j
people become satisfied of the propriety or ’
policy of this system, they will , dopt it of!
their own accor i, without the necessity of )
being kicked into it by the gentle violence of |
friendship. And whenever they shall think
proper to go into it, 1 would advise it to be
on a plan different from that recommended
by the example of the late caucus. I would
say that it ought to be so arranged, that the
whole party might be fairly represented, their
opinions consulted and their wishes obeyed.
If, for example, the Troup party should he
desirous, by means of a caucus, to bring in
to public service, their ablest men, and to
settle rival claims to favor, prior to going in
to election, let the members of the party in
each county appoint d-legates to convene at'
any designated place, and form a ticket in
accordance with the known wishes of those
they represent. If uninstructed in the matter
by their constituents, they would of course
be guided by their own judgment in making
the selections. The trust would probably
not often be abused, for aware of immediate
accountability for their acts, they Ivould be
cautious in introducing on a ticket, names
unacceptable to the party or odious to the
public. They could have no strong tempta
tion to do this, but every inducement to se
cure the approbation of tiieir people by bring
ing forward the most worthy, to the exclusion
ofthe selfish and designing. If, however, j
i the latter description of men, by any corrupt
machinations, should | revail with the Cau
cus to place them in nomination, to the mani
fest dissatisfaction and disgust of the party —
the party would be under no obligation to
submit to such treachery and infidelity to
their interests, but should proceed to place
before the public, candidates worthy of con
fidence. This seems to me to be the most
democratic, and of consequence the least
objectionable oiganization of a caucus. And
j if either or both of the great political parties
lof this State shall find it necessary to adopt
the system, they will have to do it upon some
such republican plan ; otherwise the people,
deprived of the freedom of choosing their, own
servants, will find themselves in a short time,
ruled by clubs and plotting cabals, in which
ambition, cupidity and revenge will be the
governing principles.
I Now, I wish my fellow-citizens to bear in
| mind, that the Caucus in Milledgeville was
j not such an one as above described. Nor was
it one of their ordering. The gentlemen
composing the body were never deputed to
the task of forming a ticket. I doubt whether
there was a voter in the State who believed
' Uiat when he bestowed his suffrage for mem.
a
hers to the Legislature, he was clothing tin m
with (tower, not only of making laws, hut al
!so*to determine who should and should unt
represent the State of Georgia in Congress.
And if such power w'ns never designed to be
conferred, let it not be usurped—let no one
claim it, but leave the people free to choose
for themselves. They are fully competent
to make wise and judicious s. Sections—at
least it is their privilege to please themselves
and who would ri strict them in the exercise
of a rightlul prerogative ? If the liberty of
choosing their own representatives cannot be
safely confided to their hands, let p liticians
entertaining this opinion, take the power
from them and transfer it to the Legislature;
but so long as it remains a constitutional
riijlit, how presumptuous in any one to at
tempt to steal it from them, or bully them
out of it! That which no one dare attempt
by open legislation, should not be accom
plished by a different kind of process. Let
no one therefore sav. “true it is, that the
people have the right of selecting their own
members to Congress, but all those who vQte
at variance with the will of the Caucus shall
be insulted and reproached ; and the indivi
dual receiving their suffrages, shall bo rc
membcied only to be condemned.” To a
denunciation so absurd and preposterous, 1
connot suppose that the gentlemen who com
pos and the. Caucus ore willing to give utter
ance. It would place them in the unpleasant
dilemma of proving themselves to be more
zealous tliar. wise, or more despotic than
just. Whoever may adopt such a highhand
ed course of conduct, w ith an expectation of
thereby advancing the principles of freedom
and the interests of the country, will b. trav
minds too contracted and uninform'd for
statesmen; and if any shall pursue it from
jealousy, revenge, or selfish ambition, their
readiness to sacrifice justice and the public
weal to an ignoble passion, will effectually
exclude them from the rank of patriots. From
whatever spirit it may proceed, such denun
ciation cannot fail to have the good effect of
awakening the people to the necessity of a
closer and more tenacious adherence to tin
particular privilege endangered. Every ef
fort of the kind to restrain their free
dom in the coming election will serve
only to make them go into it with high
er feelings of iudepenence; and I have
no doubt that those who would control
them by an arbitrary policy, will be taught
in the end, that though the people may some
times be undermined in tiieir rights bv cun
ning, they can never be terrified out of them
by threats. As for myself, I can only inform
those (if any there be) who may indulge in
such anti-republican menaces, that the sound
of proscription falls very lightly on the car of
him whose happiness is not centered in pro
motion, but whoso highest ambition is to
serve the cause of truth and justice. This i
can do wht tber doomed to public or to private
life. I have not hetrtofor' been luri dby in
terest nor driven by fear from the'post <<f du
ty, and I hope 1 never may. As no promises
ol future-ffavor shall seduce me into the sup
port of a false principle, so shall no denunci
ation deter me from the defence cf a sound
one. If it be a fault to refuse homage to ar
rogated power—if it be a fault to insist upon
the unfettered exercise by the people of a
legitimate right—if it be a fault to sav that
the decrees of a few individuals ought not to
be held paramount to the Constitution, and
tbat.it would be wrong in them to proscribe
all such ascannot acknowledge their right to
rule exclusively in our Congressional elec
tions ; then have I most grit viousiy offended
in offering my services to my fellow-citizens!
without having first obtained permission to
do so from the late caucus. The fault is one
however for which I have no apology to
offer an<l cannot promise future amend-,
merit. To revolt at usurpation ami resist eve-,
ry encroachment upon constitutional liberty,
is among the strongest feelings of my nature,
and was the earliest lesson in mv political
education. 1 cannot depart from it now. i
detest the exercise of undelegated power—l
disclaim all allegiance to it —I Low to no
dictation. Such were the feelings of him
from whom I received my first instruction ;
and the humble pupil, who, catching the 1
spirit of his master’s principles, it animated
by it in all his political conduct, may be justly
held a truer disciple than him, who from a
selfish or a slavish principle would silently
witness a body of men, whether legal or self
constituted, march lawlessly over any of the
acknowledged rights of his fellow citizens.
Very little reflection will serve to
a mind conversant with the instability of lib- j
erty, how very dangerous it is to suffer auy j
infringement upon the freedom of elections.!
The evil is apparent. The great oonserva- j
tive principle of our government, is the de- j
pendcnce of public men upon jiopular favor, i
This is the strong hold upon their fidelity, *
and the only cure for misrule and oppression.
Every measure, therefore, should be viewed
with distrust and jealousy, which tends to
lessen thisdepender.ee. Diminish it; and the
security 6f rights is weakened ; destroy it, and
the country is enslaved. There is no truth
plainer or more indisputable, than that public
men are emphatically, the “ servants ” of those
by whom they arc elevated—if bv the piople
they will serve the people—if by a caucusj
they will serve that caucus. Let it be under
stood that the road to promotion lies through
the smiles of a few dictatorial men, and not
through the approbation of the people, and to
whom is it likely that the aspirants for office
will pay their devotions and take the-oath of
allegiance? Not to the people surely. And
when placed in power and anxious to retain it
who will probably receive their loyalty
whose interests will they consider, and whose
commands obey ? Certainly not the people's-
Feeling no obligation or responsibility to
them, their frowns and smiles will be alike
unheeded and contemned! Hutto the influ.
entiai body of gentlemen, whose word is law
and whose displeasure is political death, these
seekers of emoluments and honors would be
all humility and obedience—ready to sing
hosannahs to their praise—to walk in the
path of their bidding and to deal defamation
and ruin to all those who will not sink to the
like debasement. Under such a dynasty,
would be the bulwark of liberty -
• 4
what security lor rights—what r- Ir. ss of
wrongs'! !k. re would be none. From the
dignity of freemen, the pedple would eink in
to ignominious servitude—“cea. ing to i,c re
ii rs, they would become slaves.” The truth
is, their o’dy safety is in the freedom oi c lec
tions. Take this from them and they are des
poiled of every protect ion* except lire uv r
tain and sanguinary one of the swore. He
who stabs the vitals of liberty, let him strike
at the elective franchise. To enslave this
country, the surest and readiest w; y is to es
tablish the practice on a permanent footing,
either bv.law or by precedent,'of having pub
lic servants chosen /’or the people instead of by
the people. It matte's not by what process t
may be brought about, whether by legislation
or by the potency of caucus denunciation, tin
efiect will be the same. 'The work is accom
plished so soon as the - principle is settled,
that a self-constituted tribunal mav issue its
orders and punish disobedience by political
proscription Now to my mind,it is obvious as
the noon-day sun, that those individuals, who
under a misguided zeal, shall claim for tin
late Caucus at Milh-dgeville. the high and
imperial prerogative of electing otir next de
legation to Congress, and branding with od
ium , those whose may express dissatisfaction
at the measure, are making a dangerous in
cursion upon the freedom of elections, and are
laying the foundation of an arbitrary system,
which if not arrested by the people w ill lead
to their disfranchisement and to the final sub
version of the democratic character of our
institutions. I know that consequences are
not present to their mhsds. With an eyt fix
ed upon the great advantages of partv con
centration, they do not perceive that they are
marching to the object with a rcckloss tread
over invaluable rights. This is a natural ault
with ardent minds in the pursuit of
real or imaginary good, when unrestrained by
reflection and experience, but it should he
remembered, that it is possible that greater
evils may flow from a high-handed accom
plishment of a good purpose than the very
evils which were intended to be remedied.—
The first acts of arbitrary power are seldom
alarming. The ruinous cor s quences which
may spring from them are often unforseen,
alike bv those who make the infraction as by
those whose rights are infringed. It is not
until they swell into a magnitude which threa
tens the loss of life, liberty or property, that j
they become obvious to all, and then perhaps ;
they are cureless and irremediable. A small j
disease, despised at first, may terminate in j
death; and so may a small infraction of the
people’s privileges, prove a political can
cer—i little unheeded speck—but still
“A young disease that must subdue at length.”
The fact will not escape my fellow-citizens,
that my name was announced to the public, j
whilst there was yet a vacancy in the Tjoup
Ticket. I did not come out subsequently to
its completion, but prior to it. The State
had become entitled to nine representatives
in Congress-— eight candidates had been se
lected by the Caucus, and the appearance of
my name made the ninth. I do'not sa v that tl|£
matter ought to have rested here ; but most
certainly if there had been no further nomina
tion, there would have been no supernume
rary candidate nn the Troup side of theques-!
tion. But the Committee of seven, appoint
ed by the Caucus, to manage all these mat-!
ters to their own liking, was not satisfied with j
my contii g forward, and accordingly brought j
into the field a candidate of their own. This I
was the reason of there being at this time ten '
Troup men before the public. 1 make the 1
statement, because an impression has gone j
-abroad, that it was /, who had come out afti r!
tli re was a fuii Troup ticket. I did no such j
thing. But I cast nocensure upon tho com- |
mit tee for preferring any oilier person to mv- j
self, or for placing anv one in nomination at I
I the time they did,for this they had as perfect!
right to do, as any other seven gentlemen ; !
, but if there he any blame for having a super- !
| numerary candidate, I can only say, that I \
| had noagenc) in bringing him out. 1 brought;
| forward no one but mvself. & that at a time '
when the ticket of mv party was not yet fill- 1
! ed. Believing that I might not he unaceep-'
table to the party, whose interests I had so
| long and steadily consulted, (consulted too
! from no motives of interest, for I hav neith-
I or sought nor received favor from their hands)
t my services were tendered to their accept
ance,as well as to the public at large. Some
time had elapsed, and I saw no evidence of
disapprobation on the part of die peple, but
on the contrary, had strong reasons to believe
1 that there was a willingness not only with mv
own party, but also with a number of my po
litical opponents, to sec me as their repre
sentative on the floor of Congress. I saw no
reason to withdraw before the committee.had
acted, and can see none now. If the people
prefer each and all the Caucus nominees to
me, it is their right to choose, and net mine
to complain. At the time thatiny name was
announced, I was not aware that I was trespas
sing upon the rights of others, or was assu
ming any that were not fairly my own. It
was my impression, that any individual, who
might choose to exercise it, had the privilege
of tendering himself to the public, and that it
was with the people to accept or reject the
proffered services. I see nothing in this,incon
sistent with the republican doctrine : and I
have yet to learn, that it is not in accordance
with the spirit of this people. But it appears 1
now, that in presenting myself to the pub''ic
I have sinned beyond redemption the
d.gmty of the lute Caucus, and the adopted
her of its power. It. 18 said, if not by them
selves, at least by Vue advocates of their an
hority, that tho'jgh. the privilege was mine,
ought not exc/eise it without permission to
on so from the Caucus or Committee of seven.
Ihavt. had compliments paid to my fidelity
<x patriotism; but what are these, without the
smiles of the Caucus or Committee of seven
~' V 1,0 slla 'l aspire without the consent of
the Caucus or Committee of seven! Have I
not forfeited all character for not worshipping
J flic Caucus and Committee of seven! R!y
friends rnust“ keep dark," for what will he
roine of them if they vote against the Caucus
or Committee of seven I The aspirants for
other, let them damn the truths in this ad
dress and court favor from the Caucus and
Committee of seven—and probably what ]
loose by independence, they mav
viliTv, from some future Caucus' „ r ■
u oi seven. And thus my fellow.
In.* Caucus and Committee oi StVf ,
only roan at present, tint If us ton J. '
nail of Congress. The oh) poblic kc"
through the people’s approbation an / h *
isfen ftd out ami abandoned,and,fa
cal traveller, must now pay his J 1,01
n<w invented turnpike. Ipo ter o
the oid route if possible, or m pi ain “\ tll:
i prefer going to Congress with tin f '*
unbiassed consent or my fcilow-cit,?,.^ 5
to be sent there against their tt j|(’'p I*' 1 *'
.Steam mg no of a Caucus, or the ■ y 1
•power e-f a committc c. Now the L'fJ
Mrtd danger of all efforts at withdraw,!
jer from the people, and concentrating l,o
j t!le hands of a few individuals, it pJ , 11
my object .ii the foregoing observation,
I expose, not for the mere sorry gratifies'
‘disturbing the Committee in The tej
i of their prerogative, nor with a vim oiv
png from any individual, those honor"!;
( ought vegetate for him in tht 80l p. 1
!h ,r ,itvor J for the solitary rair!!!'
fjustilymg myself against all censure ai l
P r <>aeh for not acting with others, in t |, s ’
‘•on and support of a dynasty, founded on ,
principles. If six individuals and J
making seven, were to set up a coverts
for the republican party of (his State n
not what argument we should resort to fa
fimee of o ir pretensions, except the old
common to all such cases, that tfa fxi
of the times required it. After seatii"*
solves n, power, howevefr*; there would
uiilicuity of punishing With evervappears
of justice, the rebellious, who t perceiri
this exigency, might be disposed to threw
• lie government—government, it is fa o ,
necessarily implies the right of pu'niii),,,,.
But, instead of playing a part in a .S'epfem
rate of this kind, I find myself, in comm
with the whole of the republican party, (1
subjects of one; and how this, my fa id’,. ,
fort at emancipation will be|received,wheth
as the zeal of a patriot, or the folly of a (fa
otte, will depend upon the temper oftl
people, as it inclines either to freedom or
submission.
In a review of the ground 1 have thus tn
died over, i can see no departure fromt
path which I first prescribed to myself. J
only purpose in addressing the public, w
the vindication of myself from all censure I
not “bowing U, what, in one point of lie
may be called the dictation of the late Ca
cus. ’ Fo do this, I have b< en compelled
. exhibit the unsound principles upon wh:
it was based, and the extr.ivngant absurd
of claiming for such a tribunal, the right
absolute rule. I do not know that Iha
introduced matter that is riot closely allied
the subject, although if I had been captio
orili-natured, I might have said much mo
and much to the purpose. Cherishing i
unpleasant sentiment to any, and askin<r
others nothing hut a fair chance and eve
handed justice, I consider the present ccnh
as an honorable competition for public !r
in which principles arc involved and no' p
sonal feeling. In exposing those doettit
which duty has lead me to condemn, 111
| avoided all indivi dual allusion, and have
[ rected my arguments and occasional ridic
! against the doctrines themselves sad ne
i against the advocates. That 1 may not ben
' understood, and that 1 may be saved tlietn
bh oi correcting any misrepresentationorj|
version of ivy meaning, I will here distw
j state, that 1 feci r:o disposition In delrs
| from the merits ot’ any of the candidate} pi
I sented by the Caucus cr Committee; tint I
not impugn the motives of either of the
ter, or deny to them the lig t of doia; w
j thi y done—it is their privilege, as it istha
any gentlemen to place in nomination trl
ever tliey may prefer as candidates; bu
i they deny this right to any body else,aid
I tempt to give to their proceedings any ot
| force, than that of a recommendation, by c
jsuring those who may not think it propel
obey them—then do they act dictatorial!}’
instead of being ihe servants of the pea
they become their rulers. All this may
done, either by themselves or their fril
from the most patriotic motive, vet it wit
be the less dangerous to the freedom off!
tions, or less insulting to the independent*
the people. 1 insist that the people are
countable to themselves only for their <
duet, ami not seven rnce^ 1
hundred. It belongs ro themselves to chi
their own representatives, and they should
he insulted fordoing it with the spirit off l
men. 1 ask not the suffrages of iny frft
citizens against their will. I wish none
my friends to attempt to drive them into i
support. If I were forced into Congress
such means, I should be a very unsml*
representative, for I should oppose there 1
very principles upon which l was elected
The people of the State of Georgia know l
political principles & character, anti as
are approved or condemned, I know t sl
shall be accepted or rejected. This istU*'t
I ask. Let ine stand upon my t)vn> meri ;
fail U[H)i my demerit. Who is net faiin,
do the same? If my political t . oursc |,b
equivocal or trcacli- rous, waim , vheu hoi
were t* be district- j ou ' t e-00l .tLot best
cd upon m e -. lf ] havo pj[her in |)U bl.c
1 tife uecn more t tinning that cat*
1 ..iorc selfish than serviceable, ormore®
:a! tlian just—if ! have made patriotism*
(ordinate to a love of promotion;
j ing much, hut performing 1 ittle; fid*®
upon offices, yet with a cormorant app e
still asking for more, and threatening <■[
turn it more is not given—in a word, ifl' l
been one of those? hollow-hearted kind °ff
tieians, who hold with tho hared: run with
hound ; who follow error when she is pop
and defend truth only when she require
defence—whose fidelity is secured byrc r
nnd w ho whilst th°y affert to worship iD
temple of liberty, still offer up their idol 3 * 1
prayes to the “ legion fiend of glory 3,11
gold’—it any of these traits stand like b
spots upon my political character, then are
people bound in duty to themse Ives and t
country, by every consideration ofi.qu 7)
patriotism, and by (lie high obligf tie7 l
tinguish between virtue and Ufa
tno frn?j their cr'nfide r ~ r , iT'l l>i *■ l