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€'o n fires sio uafr J ■ .* h S fSFEEI H on the TARIFF. We have heard much, in tiie course of this <l. hale, of the violation of public faith, and the pledge of protection which, it is alleged, this Government has given to the manufactu rers. If this matter had not {teen so gravely insisted on, it would be enough, perhaps, fo say, that there can he no vc-t'ed interest in a public injury* Bat let us look iido it a little. 1 am not going hack, with tin gentleman from Massachusetts (.Mr. Davis) to 1789,wh0 chose ( how happily it* becomes mo not to say) the first Tariff to exemplify protection, by duties often percent, as lie had chosen tiie previous j er.ud of exhaustion, discord, and conflicting > regulations, >i3 a fair example <jf the ef fects of free trad :-. The restrictive system is more plainly to be trace i to the embargo, r.un-intorcouse, non-importation, war anti double dirtier*.— “ hen peace came, these duties were about te expire. Anew system of revenue was to ho devised, and the manufacturers,threatened, as they believed, with ruin, earnestly and humbly entreated that the amount required ns revenue should be so imposed as to enable them to stand the shock* It was under such circumstances that the fourteenth Congr ss assembled. At that time I had the honor to be a member of tiiis House. It was an honor then. What it is now, 1 shall not sav. It is what the twenty-second Con gress have been pleased to make, i have neither time, nor strength, nor ability, to speak of the legislators of that day, as they deserve; nor fs this the tit occasion. Vet theeoldest or most careless nature cannot re cur to such associates, without some touch of generous feeling, which in qnickei spirits, would" kindle into high and almost holy en thusiasm. Pre-eminent—yqt not more proudly than humbly pre-eminent—among them, was a gentlemen from .South Carolina, now no mor- 1 ; Ihe purest, the calmest, the most philosophi cal of our country's mod' rn statesmen. One no less remarkable for gentleness of manners and kindness of heart, than for that passion less, unclouded intellect, which rendered liim deserving of the praise—if ever man deserv ed it —of merely standing by a ltd letting rea son argue for him. The true patriot, incap •- b!e of ali selrish ambition, who shunned of fice and distinction, yet served his country faithfully, because beloved her. He, 1 mean, who consecrated, by his example, the noble precept, so entirely bis own, that the first station in the republic was neither to be sought aft' r nor and ‘dined—a sentiment -so just and so liappuy expressed, that it contin ues to be repeated, Ik cause it cannot be im proved. Tfifere was, also, a gentleman from Mary land, whose ashes now slumber in your ceme tery. It is not long since 1 stood by his tomb And recalled him, as he was then, in all tiie pride and pow. rof his. genius. Among the ■ first of hia countrymen and cotemporaries, as a jurist and statesman, first as an orator, he 'vas, if no? truly eloquent, the prince of rhe toricians. Nor did the soundness of his logic j sillier any thing, by a comparison with the richness and classical purity of the language I in which ho copiously poured forth those fig-j mative illustrations of his argument, which ! enforced while they adorned it. But let oth- j cm pronounce his eulogy. 1 must not. I fee! i Cs if Ins mighty spirit still haunted the scene of his triumphs, and when I dared to wrong them, indignantly rebuked me. These names have become historical.— There were others, of whom i is more dilli cult to speak, because yet within the reach of praise or envy. For one who was, or aspired > to be, a politician, it would be prudent, per-1 haps wise, to avoid all mention of these men. < "j neiracts, their words, their thoughts, their' very looks, have become subjects of party controversy. But ho whose ambition is of a higher or a low order, has r.o nets] of such rc eei ve. Talent is of no party exclusively; nor i ■? justice. Among them, but not of there, in tlic fear- j fa! and solitary sublimity of genius-, stood a gentleman from Virginia—whom it were su perfluous to designate. Whose speeches were universally read ? Whose satire was univer sally feared ! Upon whose accents did this habitually listless and unlistening House hang, so frequently, with wyapt attention 7 YV hose fame was identified with that body for so long a period ? Who was a more dexterous debater? a riper scholar? better versed in the politico of our own country 1 or deeper read in rite history of others? Above all, who ' ho was more thoroughly imbued with the idiom of the English language—more cflfti plctoly master of its strength, and beauty,and delicacy?' or more capable of breathing thoughts of flame in words of magic, and tones of silver? There was, a!<o, a son of South Carolina, st'd-1 in the service of rite republic, then, un doubtedly, the most influential member of this House. *With a genius eminently met aphysical, he applied to politics his habits of analysis, abstraction, and condeftsalion, and thus gave to the problems of Government sc:neti.*.g of that grandeur which the higher mathematics have borrowed from astronomy 'Eli? wings of his mind were rapid, but capri cious, and there \vcre times when the light which flashed from them as they passed, glan ced like a mirror in the sun, only to dazzle the beholder. Embossed with his subject— earctajs ef hi? words—his loftiest flights of e loquence w; re sometimes followed by collo quial or provincial barbarisms. lint, though often incorrect, he was always fascinating.— Language, with him, was merely the scaffold- 1 If.? of thought—employed to raise a dome, which, like Angelo's, iie suspended in the L •.•livens. It is equally imnossifde to forgot, or to mmt, a gentleman from Kentucky, whom par ice made'the fruitful tdjjic of un measured panegyric and detraction. Of san guine temp rauienf, and impetuous ehatac t‘.r, iiis declamation was impassion* and, his re mits acrimonious. Deficient in refinement rather than in strength, his style was loss ele gant and correct than animated and impress- j ro. L-ut it swept away your feelings with it, like a mountain torrent, and tnc tore oi m, stream I it yo.i litti leisure to remark u, on its clearness. ILs ostiiii.t,: ot human nalur was, probably, not very high, li may be teat bis past associations hau not tended to exalt it. Unhappily, it is, perhaps, more likely to have been lowered than raised by bis subse quent experience, l'ct then,and even since, except when that imprudence, so natu.ai to genius, prevailed over his better judgement, he had, generally, the goo 1 sense,-or good taste, to adopt a iofty'tone of sentiment,'wheth er he spoke ol measures, or of men, of friend or adversary. On many occasions lie was no ble and captivating. One, I can never forget. It was the fine burst of indignant eloquence with which he replied to the taunting ques tion, “what have we gained by the war >” Nor may I pass over in silence a" represen tative from New Hampshire, who has almost oiditcral and all memory of that distinction, by the superior fame he ids attained as a .Sena tor from Massachusetts. Though then but in the bud of Ins political life, und hardly conscious, perhaps, of his own extraordinary powers, lie gave pionfise of the greatness he lias Since achieved. The same vigor of thought; the same force of expression; the short sentences; the calm, cold, collected manner ; the air of solemn dignity ; the deep sepulchral unimpassioned voice; all have been developed only not changed, even" to the in tense bitterness of his fiigid irony. The piercing coldness of his sarcasms was indeed peculiar to him ; they seemed to ho emana tions from of the icy ocean. No thing could be at once so novel and so power* erful—it wns frozen mercury becoming as caustic as red hot iron. 1 might enumerate among the ornaments of that body a venerable patriot from Massachu setts, honored with the friendship of Wash ington ; conspicuous gentlemen from Penn sylvania, ( Messrs. Sergeant and Hopkmson ;) two eminent \ lrgmians, (Messrs. Barbour and Shcffey,) a highly gif: and sou of North Caro lina (Mr. Gaston;) and a gently nun from Lou isiana, strongly marked in his character ami in his phraseology, as his speeches and his litters from Paris will bear witness, (Mr. Robertson.) 1 might, perhaps I ought to add a distinguished fellow-citizen, townsman, and personal friend of my own, to whom nature 1 has been prodigal ofi*!l her bounties, and who for grace of manner, felicity ofstv.ie, sweet ness and flexibility of voice, well chosen ar guments, and courteous yet scornful re-fort, has left behind him no s perior and few equals. Tilts much of him must save been said by any hut a false chronicler. More J might have added with perfect trdili. But 1 will not be suspected of partiality; besides, there would be arrogaqce in supposing there is any one in this country to whom he is not already advantageously known, save those who have never heard, and will never hear of me. Bucn were (lie men to whom this question | ' vas submitted, and from whom the celebra ! ted pledge of protection is attempted tone I derived, \ihat was that pledge? How far i did it extent. ? This will be best seen by an i examination of the public documents and 1 speeches of that day. The then Secretary of (.Mr. Dallas) whose zeal tor the protection of manufactures was as well known as Ins abil ities and urbanity, presented a report, in which he divided the American manufac tures into three principal classes. First class or almost woolly, supplied the demand for do mestic use and consumption. Second cl Ass, Manufactures which, having been recently or partially established, did not, at that tjme, supply’the demand for domestic use and con sumption, -but which, with proper cultivation wore capable of being matured to the whole extent of the demand. Third class. Manu factures which were so slightly-cultivated, as to leave the demand o'* iecountry wholly,or almost wholly, dependent upon foreign sour ces for a supply. In Ihofrst class the Secretary placed cabi net wares, and all manufactures of wood ; carriages, cables and cordage, hats of all kinds,xind straw bonnets, iron castings, fire and side arms, cannon, musk< ts, and pistols, window glass, leather and manufactures of leather, paper of every description, blank books and printing types. In the second class he included only cotton goods of the coarser kinds, woollen goods of the coarser kinds generally, and soma of the finer kinds, metal buttons, plated ware, iron manufactures of the larger kinds, shovels, spades’axes, hoes, scvtlies, and nails, large and small, pewter, Lin, copper and brass man ufactures, alum, copperas, spirits, beer, ale, and porter. In the third class wire embraced cotton manufactures ot the finer kin<i£, muslins,nan keens, chintzes, stained and printed cottons of all descriptions, linen cambrics, lawns; hrinpencloths, sail cloth, Russian and Ger man linens; silk goods of all sorts, woollen goods of many descriptions worsted goods of all kinds, stuffs, camlets, blankets, carpets and carpeting, hosiery of all descriptions, gloves, hardware, and iron mongery, except ing the larger articles, cutlery, pins, readies, china ware, earthen .ware, porcelain, glass of all kinds, except w indow glass and vials. With respect to the first class they u’ere coiisiderco so firmly established that duties might lie freely imposed upon the importation ot similar articles, amounting, or nearly a mounting to a prohibition, w ithout endange ringa scarcity fn tiie supply ; w hile the com petition among the domestic manufacturers alone, would sufficiently protect the consu mer from exorbitant prices; giaduating the rates ofthc market generally, bv the standard ol a fair profit upon the capital and labor em ployed. The prohibitory duty recommended on tiiis class was 31 per I'cnt. 'Flic second class was admitted by the Sec retary to present some embarrassment in the ’formation of a taritl'; but he thought it to In in Lie power of tiie Legislature, by a well timed and w ell directed patronage, to place them, within a very limited period, upon the looting en which the manufactures in cluded in the first class hud been so happily placed, Iry tlio lapse of a few years, and the perseverance of a comparatively few individ uals. He expreised an opinion that en couragement ty domestic maimivioturcs should be afforded rather uy protecting duii s tiian •y bounties : and maintained tiiat, aitnou n some indulgence 51i0..!.. always be requited, ior any attempt so to realize the national independence, in tlu department 6f manu factures, the sacrifice couid not I e eiiiier great or lasting. Tae lueo iveniences of tiie day would be amply compensated by future advantages. The dutii s lie recommended for protection were from 28 to 33-J p< r cent. In regard to the third class in- admitted that they did not require any further alien fiori than to adjust the rate of dirty to the u ino.unt of revenue required. They had not yet been the objects of American capital, in dustry and enterprise, to any important de gree ; and the policy of Government was then directed to the protection and not the creation of inunufacturcs- Now it will bercmaiked, in relation to the principal items in controversy, t.mt protection was claimed aiui pledged only lot cot on goods of the courser kinds ; woollen gooa.s of the coarser kinds generally, and some of the finer kinds; iron manufactures of the larger kinds, such as shovels, axes, spades, scythes, &c.— That protection was proposed to be afforded by duties ranging from twenly-i ight to thirty three [ier cent., and by a minimum on cotton goods ; the sole and avowed effect of which was, to prohibit the introduction of East In dia cottons. In the bill as ultimately pass ed, a small reduction in the rates oi wooilens and cottons was made. Iron was proposed to he admitted at fifteen dollars a ton. .Sheet, rod, hoop, and rolled iron, in bars or bolts and anchors, at thirty dollars a ton. Cotton bag ging at twenty percent, sail cloth at the same; which in the act was reduced to fifteen per emit. On brow n sugar two and a half cents P' r pound, which, during tiie passage of tiie bill, was increased to three. This, construe it as you w ill, is the full ex tent of the celebrated pledge of protection said to hate been given. This is the tariff, for voting in favor of w hich, some of the’Sou thern gentlemen, and, indeed, the whole Sou thern States, have been praised for their mag nanimity, or taunted for their inconsistency, just as it suited the temper or the interests of tiicir opponents. On this point, lam a dis interested witness. I have no part eitlu rin tin -blame or commendation. .My colleague (Mr, Forsyth) ami mysojf vainly endeavored to reduce the duty on cotton and uoojieti ma nufactures to twenty per cent. Upon oer motions for that purpose, Mr. Lowndes, who is now claimed as a patron of protection, vo ted withus; and when we failed, my col league anti myself voted against the passage of the bill. Now, sir, I totally deny that any one can acquire a permanent rightrto the continuance ot taxes on his fellow-citizens unless he is a public reditor. If the high duties are inju rious,unjust,or unnecessary,no ou<s can claim their continuance as a matter of right. But waiving that point, I say if there was any any pledge given by our legislation fi. 1816, that pledge has been amply redeemed* if faith lias been broken, it has been broken not, by us, but by the manufacturers. It the com promise of interests then made has been violated, vve did not violate it, but they themselves. Sir, I, for one Southern man, am willing tp go back to the tariff of 1816, Will the representatives of tiie manufacturing States go with me ? You know they will not! Sir, I repeat it, the compromise has been de parted from by our adversaries. Now for the proof. Under the influence of their repeated claunors and solicitations, the duty on cot tons has been increased, and the duty on woollens and iron more (ban doubled. I might say, indeed, the duties have been ad vanced upon every thing winch any manufac turer in this country made, or said ho could make, if he had adequate protection ; that is if you loaded the foreign article with a prohi bitory t x. Now, sir, let me particularize.— The pledge was in favor iff cours cottons. — Have they not excluded tiie East India fab rics ? Have they not entire possession of the home market? Is it not ostentatiously repea ted iisipte ad nauseam, that tncy need no pro tect on, even by those who insist on its con tinuance ? Very well, sir : Wnat is now ask ed? May, we .must protect fine cottons, chintzes, calico s, and punted goods. Sir, i can find : o.pledge for tiiat. 1 turn to Mr. Dal las’s report, and I find tuese enumerat and, a moitg the third class ; cotton manufacture sof the finer kinds ; muslins, nu keens, chintzes, stained and printed cottons of all descriptions; cud he tells us that these are subjects for rev enuomerely ; that they are not tiie objects of American capital, industry and enL rprise, and that the pole y of the Government is to protect and not to create manufactures. Now sir, in 1524, at the instance of tae manufac turers,-the duty on cottons was raised, so as to enable them to make finer goods. In 1828 they wanted further protection on finer goous and on calicoes, <kc. and the duty necessary toafibid them protection upon printed fabrics was stated, by on of their number, before the Committee, on oath,.at seventy per cent! In 1832, we are to give whatevi r is requisite upon tiiis pledge of 1816 !! This one exam ple may serve tor all. Sir, the obvious truth is, that us soon as the profits of the manufac turers were reduced in the class of articles which were ftilU - protected, such as coarse cottons, to a fair average with other profits, they began'to devise the means of escaping, from the effects of domestic competition, by manufacturing a finer article, which Congress in \\crc iU Ijur.d, almost required to pro tect, in the sacred name of public faith, <kiip o'i the stale pretence of the pledge of 1816. i might enumerate several articles that,in 1816, wire subjected to a revenue duty, because they did not enter into competition with our manufactures; which in 1824 and 1828 claim ed and obtained protective or prohibitory du ties, now proposed to be continued or increa sed. Among them, besides cotton and wool len goods, arc rnanufactur s of hemp, china ware, and glass, hardware and ironmongery. ,1 will not .trouble the committee by naming the articles. They embrace almost every thing to which protection was not pledged in 1816, and include all that the citizens of the .South feel particularly oppressive—the iron and manufactures of iron, which they use on their faints or plantations,, their cotton Lag- ami the ciothilig tor tin ms ives an | in. ir slaves. 1 may not, However, omit to i,o tico another curious dt nurture from the com promise ot 1816, on the part of the r.ianufac iur>rs. Thu pledge of protection then,if any. Was to the coarser woollen fabrics, and a few of the tin-T kinds, li has since been found, tuut, in the coarser fabrics,our manufacturers cannot compete with the cheaper wool and cheaper labor of foreign countries: and it is proposed, as a great boon to the South, to give up the duties on pi ibis, cost mg. not more than thirty-five cents a square yard; and on blankets costing not more than seventy-five cents each; that is to sav, upon such clothing as no Southern plant r would give hisflaves, unless ue intended to be indicted for cruelty to them ; and such blankets as are called sad dle blankets, intended for horses, not men ; provided we will Consent, in return, to in crease the duty upon other woollens to eigh ty jh r rent! But what farther were we tol 1 in 1816 ? Sir, we were told and ! refer to'the report ot the gentleman from Virginia who sits near me, ( :r. Newton,*) then Chairman o the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures —(these great interests itad not yet been di vorcod) —to the-members of tiiis House vvi.o Were in Congress then, and to the speeches of the manufacturers’ friends at that time, to prove it. \V were told that, in a few years, rudiiwi icturcs would require no protection ; they would supply the country.and even pay internal taxes if necessary. Accordingly, the duties of 181(t were upon a -rogressivcly di minishing scale. Not one of them, how ever, has been allowed to diminish, w hile those on every important manufacture have been great ly increased. Have l net a right then to say it is not us, hut the manufactun rs, w ho have violated the pledge and compromise oi 1816 ? As to the taunts which are thrown out a gainst Southern gentlemen who voted f r the tariff of 1816,1 might disregard them, as per sonally they concern me not; but so far as they concern the’argum-nt, what are they ? With what are tire Soulln rn men reproached? They voted for a tariff, partly for revenue, partly protective, intended to operate lor a limited term,and progressively diminishing. They have seen it increased, and declared perpetual. They have borne the evil for six ten years; and now, these who have reap. <i tire benefit during the same period, upbraid them with their gem.rosily ! As to the charge of inconsistency, they might well retort it. flow many oi tiie must eloquent and able friends of free trade troiu the East and North, at that day, are now a raor.g the advocates of restrictions and prohib itions ? Sir, it were an unprofitable inquiry, and l will not pursue it. Sir, it has been said again & again,that tt is 1 impossible the inequality of taxation and ex penditure should be so great and shock sas it is represented, or its effects so desolating as they have been described; and rt is urged, that no population would have submitted tinrs long to a system so pernicious. Bir, swell a condition of tilings never would have been endured, for any length of tune, by a peopb among w! oin slavery did not exist. But ; where it does, the pressure ol excessive taxa tion and unwise restrictions are first felt by the imist r, not by tne slave. The latter I must, r: cciye suirsistence in ret tun for his ia ! her, ami can seldom received more. In couii ■ triCs which employ free labor, distress fulls j first and heaviest on wages. But the slave j receives no wages. Where slavery exists, therefore, the first shock is on capital. ' >p ; tiression, therefore, may be endured longer, j because it bears upon a class w ho li ive furl her to fall. But the moment it begins to affect I the slave, the ruin is utter and irremediable. But we are told, and we have heard it more than once, tiiat the South have altogeth er mistaken the cause of their distress ; it ali arises from over -production. The doctors who feel our pulse, shake their heads, and thus | learnedly name our disease, remind one o! ; the political quacks so facetiously -described ! by the witty poet in his Odes on Cash, Corn, and Cathojics. But to be serious; the proposition involves a curious paradox. We hear, arid there is scarcely any one who doubts it, that the su(- •ferings of the old world arise principally from an over-crowded population. Philosophers tell us that there is a tendency in population to increase faster than food, and consequently, in processes tune,it presses against the means !of subsistence. This law, soclcarly and ela borately developed by Mr. Malthus, is now i generally received as a fundamental truth, if | there be any such in political economy. If | there be none, then our adversaries can never jconvinci us that taxation isu blessing. Well, [sir, there are too many people iit Europe. ; Over population is their evil. Ho a is it in America? H re we have too much cotton rice, flour, tobacco, sugar, coffee, cocoa, fish, beef, pt rk, and every tiling else. Ove r-pro duction is our evil. That is to say, there is in tiie aggregate of Europe and ‘America, too many mouths, and too much to put in them; too much to wear, & too many backs to put it on. Do not gentlemen perceive that increased production is tiie natural cause of increased demand? TANARUS, at, though there may be too much of one article, thete cannot be an over-produc tion of every thing? Is there any doubt tiiat evefy one would have:double as much of the comforts and luxuries of life if he could? Is there a laboring man in this country who would not wear a broui cloth coal if lie could get it? Is there an English loborer who would not have lijrlf a dozen calico gowns lor his wife,and a dozen cotton shirts for himself, if he could aflbrd it ? Would iie not sinuki tiis pipe, if tobacco was within Ins reach,every night, and .cat a rice pduding, if it was in his power, every Sunday ? Would he not, in like manner, consume more coffee and sugar if he could, just as we would consume mon cotton and linen and woolen goods, and hard ware, and cutlery, if we con and 1 How i/.. then, that, where there is abundance of all the necessarii sof lile, a sup* or agticul tinal produce in on part of the world, and an excess of population and manufactures in an other, the one should net he allowed to ex- change the products ol his cheap labor tor \ <be i>rudu<;ts of the other’s rich soil ? Sir, it :o j.ol over-production that afflicts the i:tw , work!, oi <>,er-|>Oj>'jidtiOi! the old, so much us t:ie lolly and wiono'duess oi i ulers ami-oUitt s mci:—txcessit- taxation, ant! unwise restric tions on imbi-ir.. Too much is taken troui tile fruits o; labor, .md too little liberty left to it. The reiut.ui* s arc tree trim. und encup Governments. O-.c cannot help remarking in this, as in many ollmr instances, bow much the order of Providence, bencuccnt ana beau tiful in itself, is thwarted by the- ignorance and way war ness of man ! On fresh soils, one man can make foot! for six—there will therefore be surplus food for five. At ihe same time,from the imper fect state of manufactures, it may take three or fou rto make clothes for six. As the best lands ere taken up, and the worst are brought into use, it will take rive men to make lood for the same number. But, owing to the in creased po er ofmachin ry by this tune, one man can make clothes lor six, ami in this vi ay, tiie improvements m machinery tom; to sup port population, by aiding it to overcome the difficulty of extracting subsistence from poor soils. Mu, 1 regretted to hear thegi ntlcman fioui Massachusetts (Mr. Davis) say that he never read books of political economy. Even that gentleman might be v ry much impioved dy such studies. lie, it seems, however, prefers tiuSting to common sense. Sir, common sense is a guide which no man of common sense follows, except in the absence of scientific konwledge. Thus, to borrow the admirable illustration of Dr. Whatley, a sailor will tail, of curing a disease according to the treatment prescribed by common sense ; but lie would laugh at i.ir, one who imagmeu a s.np might be navigated mme same manner. Mir, a law - yer, if he pleases, may consult common sense hi mutters o political economy ; but, n any one advised with him who insisted ihui he would mam go his law suit Ininseif, auu with a total disregard oi technical science a net forms, assuredly he could not avoid teliing him he would-hare a fool ior nia client. Mir, itdim g iitieman ever did, or could be persuaded to read books of political economy,! would rec ommend him to rend Torrens and Memor, where tins matter is ably and clearly treated. To return to it, sir, w hat arc ttie results of the extravagance and unwise intermeddling ol Governments ? In consequence of exorbitant taxation and fsiolish restrictions, we have the manufacturers of Europe, lamentng their ruin, by the invention ot machines which increase their productive power an hundred lohi, and I the -agriculturist of America exclaiming I against over-production,unrewarded ial or,ami the glut ol markets, Botn parties would de sire nothing b. tter'than to exchange their 'respective commodities; but the perverse le gtsi '♦ oh of man interferes, and r* iuses them permission. : i beg leave, in this place, to say a word or ! two n. roLtio.. to tne bill reported by the j Committee ol Ways and Means. Asa mem iter ol the committee, mat bill received my : assent. Ii proposed to raise the sum requin o j 1 for tbeexpi nditures ol Government, by an an equal and general ad valorem duty. Ci. nue m-pj will eear in muni, that it was reported as a r venue measure. Nothing uut l tiie question ot revenue was referred m that i corntnitlec. All that regarded the protection |op munojar.lores went to unoi! * Now, the | committee may have erred in uieir estimate ol revenue or oi expenditure. They may iuve been too proluse, or too parst-mon i tous, in thou allowance to some or ail the objects oi ti.sbursiiiciits. 'inis is matter ol opinion, and there is ample room for every one to indulge his own. iiiu they have been blamed for reporting an equal ac. valorem dug. On tms ground, lam ready to vindicate litem. Considered merely as a revenue measure, 1 am ready to maintain an uniform ad valorem duly to be the fairest arid most equal method in winch an impost on iinpo ts an be collected. For example : it a heavy duly is imposed on liianufacture-s ot leather, while raw bides are emitted In e, the shoemakers and saddlers have a monopoly of the home market. On thui part of their manufacture winch they con sum themselves, they pay no duty. Oniimt; which limy sell, they may charge a pari, o. the whole of the duties, which they pay o. other consuinahl articles. The consumer of snots or saddles can avoid paying this enhanced price, because ne must pay more for the .oreign article, loaned as it is with the heavy duty. They are, indeed, enabled so charge their own price, t xcept in so f r as that price is kept down by doincstu competiton. But, if leather and raw lin es are admitted only at un equal ad valorem duty, the shoemaker pays fax on what he con sumes of his own commodity, and he can not charge on wiiat he sells, in the shape ol an increased price, tiie taxes he pays on other dutiable articles which In con-' sumes : lor, it tie /lid, his domt stic manufac ture would be dearer than the foreign one, and the consumer w ould of course prefer the chea per tort igu urticfb. '1 lie consumer, therefore, would be secured against all unjust and une qual impositions, lie w ould pay only Ins own i share oi the tax. There is another advantage oi ad volorem dutes. They adapt themselves <oJiie rise and fll of prices. VVlieu goods did, the duty falls with the goods. When they rise it uses. This is not the case with spcciisc duties. Nor is the distinction unim portant. So great and rapid are the changes ol price, particularly"of manufactured coir., modules, that a specific duty, moderate when imposed, in the course of a few years ma v become ixcessivcor prohibitory. This brings me to the j IC /all of prices, to which I promise a „ a j n to recur, flic manufaclur. rs r;, )ti t'heirlV,. nils Have literally stunned us w j t |, repeated as several ions of the wo' lfKr ful fall in the prices sl,c -nu fact tires, since 1616. 1 "is lull ISe,,t. (J a .s conclusive evidence of 1 lur clion and utility. Now, it so tiap pens, sir, tiTat there has been a much greater tali o! pric* „in England. It may not lie gen eraiiy known, because the goods, many of tin in being subject to prohibitory duties, do not come in;, but our merchants know' it. file r asonsot this fall are, first arid slight est, a small decrease in the quantity of the metals. Next, and by far tiie most important, the vastly increased quantity and power of ;; ac! inc-rv. Tin power ol the i.)\ c "... ' of working* adytis compuud to bq , 1 mi V, e maniitactun-s ol Great Britaq bv their maciiiM ry, is xwtHtialcd j chairman of tin Committee on Mat*utWt-3 (Mr. Adams) in his re port', to be u- u \ unassisted labor oi two hundred niillio’V j by Mr.Owen to that of four hundred lu ;\j of people. Be for* tiie introduction J spinuing juiny, the consumption of Co ,J wool in England bid not amount to etc H ured thousand pounds, in 1829, p., j ed to one hundred ami ninety mi!! 1 Mince the power loom can e into j quut.-# of cloth inanufaetured there hr ; J consumption increased from 5127,000 o!'| yards, the average annual amount i r J the years 1810 and 1820, to 400,00(1 j the annual average from 182! to ls-u’i Very satisfactory proof of the declinecf j ufaeluring* prices in Great Britain i : .. l found in the documents on that subject ‘J to i.s from Em treasury. But, as tr 1 incuts ol merchants in suet* casts , j routed as interested, and, therefore, -titled to implicit faith, I have supply] self with other evidence still more co; J sivc. It is known that returns are n>add the custom houses of Great Britain of all ] exports of the kingdom. Their official] and dared value are there stated. ’]'| )eo jy value is that fixed by law, in 1695. [.] longer answers, therefore, as a ftateniej presen value, but it serves as a suffi cu J correct measure ot quantity. The dec, 'j value is the actual market-value at the of entry. '1 hts the merchaut seldom or r,J has any particular inducement to exag>3 o” diminish. On the'se data 1 have const J ed the following table, showing the deprj tmn sine, 1810. Tho statements are! tracted from the returns to Parliament. I cotton coons. Official \'alu u . ‘ Declared Y | 1810, £10,335,124, £13,072,1 31,810,474, 13,420,1 Tin quantity of £31,810,474 ought, ,-J prices of 181(5, to have been worth, inli £25,518,607 ; they were unit £13,1201 — depreciation lib per cent. YY.hat cost! dollar in 1816, cost only ten cents in WOOLLEN GOODS, I Official Valce. Declared vj 1816, £5,586.564, £7,814.1 1829, _ 5,4,60,777, 4,6561 4 he £5,360,777 official, ought, in to have been worth, at the prices ofjl £7,500,87 8 actual value; instead ofß tin v vv< re worth only £4,656,600—0'epi8 lion 37A per cent. I HAKDWABE AND CUTLERY. I Otiiejai Vaitie. Declared™ 1616, £782,890, £1,987| 1820, 7 65,757, 1 i iie depreciation 28-£ per cent. £765,757 should, at the prices ot i&l6. h, in worth £1,943,851. IRON AND STEEL. Official Value. Declared V 1816, * £1,060,668, £1,095 1829, 1,081,281, 648 Toe £1,081,281, in 1829, should' been worth £1,115,971, at tit prices of' It was really worth only £648,033—1 ciation 4! | p< r cent. 'I . e gentleman from Massachusetts Davis) declares, that a law to dinimsl protecting duties is a law to reduce th t of free labor, aim to produce porertj rrifsf ry. 'l'llis proposition give s room tm serious reflections* j In the first place, then, 1 ask, vv!i-tl it ever heard that a diminution of the j paid by a peopl , reduced tin ir wnp j brought them to poverty and mis cry! said tin- free laborers pay an *-qual |ortl th* se taxes. It tuey do, how are thy injured by their r< peai ? If they disirl continuance of these taxes, therefore,l ( Icarly b cause they are receivers, ar.j payers ; it is 1m cause they operate <o!.J their wages, at the expense of others I Again : if a law to I* ssen taxation il to reduce lh< wages of free labor, th* existing 1 iws are laws to raise ths free iaiorers. | I might ask, where did Congress i tiie power to regulate the wages-of m hi* ir legisiaticn ! to raise those wageil quarter of the country, and tn depresl in another ! But 1 will not enter constitutional discussion ; 1 have not® strength. Bui this I will ask: Il'thtl of free labor are raised by existing ■ tion, at wliost expense are they raa Certainly not at the expense of then® tunng capitalists. I Will any one contend for a projio.-iB absurd upon its face, as that the ivngcsß labor art raisi and through the instninij of the tariff at the expense of the/rf® its ? If not, w hat follows ? Jhiher tH wages of free labor are raised, and ■ pays the increase, or, those enhanced* are paid by the citizens of the 4 States. I 1 will not insult your uneb rstantlml question, Is this just? 1 will not long can it he endured? I?*jt I I docs not ftY’ce upon v.s tins ’ J( ost gl flection : If the. g cnt lcc,ian frotaWi st tts :sco7 cc t m his argutiierit, hch* 1 ishetl aa irncoiici!*a>b!c tlifferenee <fl vst between the inanulacturifiganti I • tates; instead of vainly' end® to conciliate what can never be ricß v 'e should lit better employed in w : ‘B rangeinetits fur a peaceable sopawß saving to each other, like the Patriat® arc* brethren, let there be no,strife B ■ Thert is another consideration ivtß of some thought by tin inanufactartn® If, indeed, the wages of fine !aba r ß lat 11! by tile tariff, tl). n the effect otH is to rentier the free laborers of tE B t'ntir* ly dependent upon Govern® t mployriu nt anil subsistence. ''‘® creases the affluence of the wealthy® and b sst-ns the comforts of tbc" l'°J mrr, it l.oltis fret; labor (what a ea'l it free !) in the chains of i's'*™ p< ntlenee. .1 So,long as flu; operatives can D‘B expense, it is all well; but what ii ■ tlnfui j>asturc ? YVhat if They • B