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VIiSiKTV. * From the Banner of the Constitution. The effect of an entire abolition of debt. — Every oliservor of human notions must have noticed, that amongst individual men, tlierc . is a difference in intellect, in physical power, ia industrious habits, and in enterprise, which render some far more etlicient than Others in the accomplishment of the work to which labor is directed. This diversity of qualifi cations, no doubt, has an influence upon pa- 1 rents in the choice of professions and trades for their sons, so as to put one apprentice to u blacksmith, rather than to a watch-maker, or to a tailor, rather than a ship carpenter, al though oilier considerations also operate in deciding upon the choice. liut of this we do not propose particularly to speak. We wish id call the reader’s attention to the fact, that amougst individuals of the same calling,there is a wide difference in the quantity of work which different men can perform in the same • time. Thus, an active bricklayer will lay three thousand bricks in a day, whilst a bung ling or a slow-moving one will not lay two thousand. The estimation, therefore, of the labor of a whole class, at so much a day, put* 1 ting them all on the same footing as to wages would he an unjust mode of remuneration ; sind hence vve find, that in all those branches of business where the nature of the work will admit of it, the workman is paid by the piece or job, and not by the day. Every mechanic is acquainted with this fact ; and, ns it is too well known to require proof, we shall assume it as the basis of an argument. Now, under this view of Ihe case, would it nqf at .first sight,appear as the efiect of this difference in the power of production would be to throw all the business into the hands of the active, because they could work cheapest, and to leave the rest to starve ? Such undoubt edly would be the case, if it were not for two important reasons: one is, that the class of active persons cannot supply the whole de mand—and the other is, that the slow-movers and bunglers are the only customers that those who cannot deal with the active ones can find to take their products in exchange for their labor. The result of this is, that tiie prices of articles are somewhat higher than they would he if all were equally active; and thus the active class get a better reward for their labor, whilst the others get some thing less than they would have obtained had all been alike active. Similar to this disparity between individu als, is the disparity between nations. Some nations can produce particular commodities more readily than others, and ean, therefore, sell them at a cheaper rate ; and from this cir cumstance, it is concluded, t>v many persons, that, if our duties on foreign goods were greatly reduced, the entire fabiication of simi lar articles, in this count ry, would brveutirely broken up. This, however, is not true. It would not be possible for foreign countries lo manufacture all the commodities that we re quire, iu addition to these they now make ; and even if it were possible lor them to man ufacture them, it would not be possible for us (o buy them with sudh productions as foreign countries would be willing to take. If auv one denies this, he places himself in adilem ma fatal to the Restrictive philosophy; for, it is very clear, that, if we can find the means of paying for all the foreign manufactures we require, it can only he by the employment of domestic industry in agriculture, iu produ cing the equivalents with which the goods are to he paid for. The truth is, that, if all the custom-houses from Maine to Louisiana wertf to he swept a wav at a blow, not more than one-tenth of the cm dovments of the country would beinjuitd by it in the slightest degree. The other nine tenths would he benefitted, and the aggre gate gains of those who would gain, would be po much greate r than the aggregate losses of those who would lose, that the latter would not be more sensibly felt by the whole com munity as a corporate body, than the loss of a ship is felt by the stockholder* of the insu rance company by which she is insured. Tht! ultimo Ratio . —lt will be seen, by an nrticlu in our paper of this day, that move ments have commenced in Georgia, having for their object measures of redress against the operation of the Protective System. YVe bane remarked, for some time past, that the Southern papers have almost entirely ceased to discuss the Restrictive Policy as a question of Political Economy* They seem to consid er the day for argument to have passed by, and that the point in dispute between plant ing States and the* manufacturing States is now a sheer quesrioil of constitutional power. Hence, instead of essays intended to prove that protective duties make goods dear, and operate as a tax imposed upon tho many for t -: benefit of a few, vve seethe papers filled v itiv discussions upon tho mode of o .tabling redress in some other manner than scientific reasoning. In these discussions the most able men are engaged, some embracing and others opposing the doctrine of Nullification ; and wc will venture to assert that no man, who reads these arguments, and observes the spirit and feeling in which they are conduc ted, can believe that tho crisis, so long fore told, has been postponed by the measures n fljpted at the recent session ofCongress— lb. We find the following remark in the Penn sylvania'Argus : “Patriotism in the Went. —-An Indiana pa per states that one Peter Altheiser, a member Of Captain Yeagers company of Indiana Mil ifia, a few days previous, cut off the fore lin ger of his right hand, in order to avoid milita ry duty.” Now, suppose this Peter Altheiser should at some future day, he attacked by the Indi ans, ami in self-defence, should pull the trig ger with his middle finger, and hlippen to J; ill -more of the epemy than some of his neigh bors who had ion fingers, would it not be a Sound argument to advance, that cutting ofi the fore fing rsofan army, before going to battle, would be a very efficient step? Every man must reply in the alllrmative, who- be lieves ihitt, because this nation thrives, she thrives in consequence of the Tariff, whereas hi thrive? in of it, as refer Althusser’* success would result in spile of the loss of his linger, and not in consequence of it.— lb. MU. VAN BUREN’S ACCEPTANCE. Baltimore, May 22,1832. Martin Van Buren, Esq. Sut—At a Republican Convention,assem bled in this place by previous appointment, you have been nominated as a candidate for the V ice Presidency, and presented to the people as a suitable person to fill that high and responsible office. That convention lias constituted us the organ of communica tion to you, of thisdistinguished mark of their confidence. It gives us pleasure to inform you that, that though there were other worthy and favorite individuals of the democratic par ty, sharing largely in their regard, and divi dvg with you their confidence ; yet, when the clear and ascertained will of the respec tive delegations, indicated you as the prefer red object of their wishes, evefy voice in the convention united in the choice. If the great Republican Party throughout tho Union, shall continue faithful to the prin ciples they have so long maintained, and be animated by the same zeal and unanimity which characterized their representatives in the convention, and in a manner marked the result of their proceedings, we have every reason to congratulate you and our illustri ous President, that there is in reserve for your wounded feelings a just and certain repara tion, and an ample retribution for the injury meditated against the well-meant measures of a Patriot, whose whole administration has been exclusively directed to the advancement of the public good. We arc not unaware that our adversaries affect to derive encouragement from tho di versity of sentiments and interests which ex ist among us : But wc confidently believe that there is a disinterestedness of purpose and strength of patriotism sufficient to meet and overcome not only the difficulties arising from this source hut also the powerful and combined opposition arrayed against us. The differences among us, which our opponents havo regarded as serious divisions, and to which they look with such fond expectations, will yield we doubt not, to the dictates of pru dence and a sense of political safety, and our free institutions long be preserved. The decided expression of the wishes of the republican party, evinced through their representatives in the convention, induces us to calculate with confidence on your accept ance of the nomination which wo are appoin ted to make known to you. With sentiments of personal respect, we are your fellow citizens, ROBERT LUCAS, President, I’. V. DANIEL, ' JAMES FEWER, ) Vico J. M. BARCLAY, C Presidents. A. S. CLAYTON, f KiMDmuioon; Aug. 3d, 1832. Gentlemen :—l have hail the honor to re ceive communication, advising me of my nomination, by the Convention recently assembled at Baltimore, as a esmdidate for the olfice of Vice President of the U. States. Previously to my departure from this country, my naino had been frequently men tioned in-connexion with that office. This however was not done with my approbation; on tho cotrary, when consulted on the subject, I uniformly declared, that 1 was altogether unwilling to he considered a candidate for the station. To my friends, whenever oppor tunity presented, the grounds of this unwill ingness were fully explained ; and I left them, ns I supposed', generally satisfied with my course in tins respect, and resolved to recom mend, and unite in, the support of some other individual. that peripd niv position has been essentially changed, by the circumstances to which, rather than to any superior fitness on my part, I am bound to ascribe the decision of tho convention, and the warmth and unan imity of feeling with which it would seem to have been accompanied. Viewing it in this light,l cannot but regarJ this spontaneous ex pression of confidence and friendship, from the delegated democracy of tho Union, as lay ing me under renewed obligations of grati tude to them, and of fidelity to the great in terests for whose advancement they were assembled. I feel, also, that I should prove myself unworthy of so much kindness, were I to disregard those obligations, or to shrink from any duties they legitimately imply. Whatever my personal feelings and wishes might otherwise have been, l cannot hesitate as to the course which it now becomes me to pursue, and 1 therefore cheerfully consent, that the favorable opinion expressed be sub mitted to the more deliberate judgement of the American people. That those who entertain tho same general opinions in regard to the principleson which government ought to he administered, should sometimes disagree both as to measures and to men, especially in a country whose inter ests arc so diversified as our own, is to he expected. It is to be hoped, however, that nothing will Occur to impair the harmony and ! affection which have hitherto hound together,! in one political brotherhood, the Republicans i of the North and the South, the East and the! West; and w hich, by cementing their union and securing their concerted action, have heretofore contributed so largely to the web fare, of the nation. The differences to which you have alluded, grow out of circumstances not easily controlled ; yet I cannot but concur with you in the belief that they inay be over come,if our efi’orts are conceived in a generous spirit ofconciliation,accompanied bv a sincere determination not to sutler its operations to be counteracted by personal prejudices or local interests. That such efforts will be made in every quarter of the Union, is not to be doubted, and we have therefore no oc casion to despair of the safety or permanence of our free institutions. It is also most fortu nate for the country, that, our public affairs are under the direction of an individual peculiarly qualified by his early and inflcxibfe devotion to Republican principles, and by that moral courage which distinguishes him from all others, to carry the nation triumphantly through the difficulties by which it is encom passed. —Thoroughly convinced that tlicsta- at&aasr 1 bility and value of our confederated system, depend,under Providence, on a faithful adher ence to those principles, I shall ever esteem it a sacred duty, to give them on all occasions my zealous support ; and 1 would humbly hope that this motive, rather than (my other, has led me to accept the nomination you have tendered. Accept, gentlemen, for yourselves, my thanks for the kind manner in wich you have communicated to me, the proceedings of the dignified assembly over which you presided, and believe me with the liveliest regard, your friend and obedient servant. M. VAN BUREN. To Robert Lucas, Esq. President and P. V. Daxiel, James Fk.nner, Jonx M. Barclay, and A. S. Claytox, Esqs. V.P. From the Banner of the Constitution. Short answers to Tariff arguments. 1. If a Tariff man says it is advantageous for a country to protect its domestic industry, tell him so it is, and it is for that reason you advo cate Free Trade, for that, a? there are three sorts of industry, agricultural, commercial and manufacturing, you are opposed to any sys tem which grants any especial favor to one branch,at the.expense of the rest. 2. Ifliesavs that manufacturing industry, which clothes the people, is alone entitled to the appellation of domestic industry, tell him that the ifidustry of the farmers, which feeds the people, and gives them the raw materials for their clothes, is also domestic industry, and entitled.to as much consideration from Government as any other. 3. If he*says that manufacturing industry can he protected, by high duties, without in juring agricultural and commercial industry, tell him he has not examined the subject. 5. 1 flic says he has read Niles' Register and the Address of Tariff Convention, tell him he must read Adam Smith and the Free Trade Memorial. 5. If he says ho has read them, ask him if he has any manufacturing stock, or is con cerned in iron mines or sug r plantations, or is determined to have Henry Clay for Presi dent nolens volens. 0 If he says that Political Economy is a theory, tell him the most mischievous theory in the world is the one which supposes that Congress can regulate the trades and occupa tions of the people better than they can do it themselves. 7. If he says that a Tariff is not designed to compel! people to follow particular trades, tell him that, wnatever it may be designed for, it has the effect of driving people out of commerce and agriculture, into manufactures and that in no other way can the forced manu factures he supplied with labor and capital. 8, If he says that the labor and capital em ployed by manufactures is not withdrawn Iroin agriculture or commerce, but constitute a dormant stock, which would, without the stimulus oftho Tariff 1 , have been idle und un productive, tell him there is no dormant capi tal or labor in this country. 8. It he dema'nds of you to-prove this, tell him that Batiks have no where at any time had any difficulty in lending their capitals at six per centum—that, if a city capitalist has more than he can lend at. home, let him send it into tho Western and Southwestern coun try, where the demand for capital isso great that all the merchants purchase their supplies of foreign and domestic store goods in our cities upon credit, thereby tymonstrating that there is fall employment for tens of millions of dollars at a higher rates of interest than six per centum : for, if this wore not the case, the merchants would pay cash for their goods and avail themselves of the discount allowed by the merchants for prompt payment, which is never less than six per centum per annum. In relation to dormant labor, tel! him that you can prove there is no such tiling, except when laborers are useless, by the simple fact that there are, nowhere in this country, ex ccpt occassiomally, in a few overgrown cities, any able-bodied persons who have not at all times supported themselves by labor of some kind or other. The very limited lists of able-bodied paupers in our different poor houses,-exhibit tiie true extent of dormant labor;and, in nine cases outof ten,as regards these, no stimulus would set American indus try in motion, but that of the tread-mill. 10. If he says that foreign commerce en courages foreign industry, tell him that itcan not possibly do this without affording an equal encouragement to domestic industiy, and for the very simple reason that we cannot import a foreign article without paying for it with a domestic article. 11. If he says we may pay for the foreign article with specie, tell him that wc could not get that specie but in exchange for some do mestic article, and that, although the ex change of flour for broadcloths may not be a direct one, it is nevertheless, as real an ex change as takes place in nine oqt of ten tran sactions which every day occur in individual life. Who doubts, when he secs a farmer sell his grain for money, to the miller, and sees him give that money for store goods,that the store goods are in reality received in ex change for his So unquestionably is this transaction one of exchange, that, hadjt not been for the knowledge of the merchant, that this fanner would have grain to sell, and , would want store goods, he would not have : laid in a stock. 12. If he admits it to be true, that, for ev ery dollar’s worth of foreign goods brought in to the country, there must be sent out an equal value of domestic goods, but insists that this operation only gives employment to one do mestic capital, whereas, had domestic articles been produced, in the place of the foreign ones, every exchange would give employment to two domestic capitals, tell him that a man cannot have any more than a cat and her skin —that a child cannof eat its cake ami have it too—that the same capital and labor which furnish seventy millions of exports, cannot furnish seventy millions of domestic manu-' facturcs besides, to he exchanged for them— that seventy millions of ex ports represent the quantity of products left after feeding and j clothing thirteen millions of people—and that another surplus of seventy millions, to be ex changed for them, would require anothc r population of thirteen millions of people. From the IVashingtem Globe. KENTUCKY* ELECTIONS. In yesterday’s paper, we gave returns from all the counties in Kentucky (< xcept twenty) which left a majority of 1246 in favor of the Clay candidate, Buckner. We then said that the twenty counties, remaining to be heard from, would give a majority of 1800 to Breathitt. The last night’s mail brought returns Irotn ten of the twenty counties to ; which we referred, and vve find that the one j ! u, {f gt' es the majority in favor of the Jack i sox candidate which we anticipated fronS the whofc, making a clear majority for Breath itt over Buckner of 484 votes. The ten coun ties which now remain to be heard from, wifi, in all likelihood, increase this majority to eiout hundred or a thousand. VVe give the vote ol the counties brought in the mail of yesterday below, and will be able, probably, to present a complete summary of the whole yote of the State, in our country paper on Saturday. The success of Mr. Breathitt is conclusive proof of the increased popularity of the Presi dent in Kentucky. Mr. Breathitt, who was a candidate in 1828, lias now, we feel our selves justified in saying, triumphed in the election for the Chief Magistracy in Ken tucky. This gentleman did not command in 1828 as high a vote as Mr. Barry, and while the latter faileel in the election for Governor in that year, General Jackson obtained a ma jority immediately after, of nearly 800 for the Presidency. In the recent election, in some of the most populous counties, under the umbrage of the Bank, where the Clay party boast of having acquired an accession of strength, the boast is altogether fallacious. We give a state ment of the vote in Fayette (Mr- Clay’s own county) and the comities adjacent to it, to prove this fact. Vote of the Clay candidatesfor Gocrnor: 1828. 1832. Metcalfe. Buckner. In Fayette 1422 1426 Woodford 660 658 Madison 1280 1103 Clarke 9 56 849 Montgomery 770 743 Jessamine 614 668 Bourbon 1222 1104 6924 6551 In these counties, Mr. Clay’s immediate neighborhood, and where his greatest strength lies, it will he seen that so far from his gain ing votes, lie has lost three hundred and sev enty three. And yet Mr. Buckner’s majority over Mr. Breathitt in these counties, is much greater than that of Mr. Meteaife’s over Mr. Barry, in tue same counties, in 1828. Vote of the Jackson candidates in 18:J8. 1932. Barry. Breathitt. In Fayette 1069 681 Woodford 437 393 Bourbon 890 534 Clarke 449 521 Jessamine 543 527 Montgomery 721 535 Madison 548 727 • - 4656 8919 From these comparative statements, it is clear that the Clay ticket has gained nothing in those counties where his friends boast of changes, but that tine apparent increase on the Clay side, grows out of the fact, that Mr. Breathitt’s popularity has not brought the Jackson strength to the polls in this quarter of the Stat:, as well as did Mr. Barry’s.— J When the President, in person is to be voted j for, the votes of the Republicans will be still j more effectually rallied,than by either of those J gentlemen. Nothing is better established by I the experience of any election in the West, than the tact, that Gen. Jackson embodies the whole party much better than any individual who has ever borne his standard in the local elections. It is a common saying with the; Hunters of Kentucky, that “Old Hickory, like Old Eclipse, runs better than any of his colts.” _ (-M w (c.) Breathitt. Buckner. Hancock, 40 majority Daviess, 359 322 Gallatin, 541 455 Monroe, 413 103 Oldham, 745 403 Breckenridge, 297 551 Muhlenburg, 333 369 Calloway, 493 51 Graves, 415 47 Hickman, • 565 117 4215 2183 SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. We understand thattlje annexed challenge has been accepted by William It. Johnson, Esq.—Andrew against Bertrand, jr. aud Bon nets O’Blue against Little Venus. A CHALLENGE. P-Ykd IIiU.sJ S. C. July 23, 1832. Mr. Editor —You will do the community and myself ill particular, a singular favor, if you will be so kind ns to state in the next numbeV of your Turf Register and Sporting Magazine, that I propose to run Bertrand jr. and Little Venus, against Andrew and Bon nets O'Blue , four miles the heats, carrying one hundred pounds each, for FIVE THOlf. SAND DOLLARS a side, each race, half forfeit. The Race to be run over the Wash ington Course at Charleston, S. C. on the Monday and Tuesday week preceding the first day of the annual Races at that place.— The acceptance of this challenge with the name of the horse that may be matched a gainst those ot mine respectively named, to be forwarded to the Secretary of the Wash ington Jockey Club, at Charleston, or to my self at Fulton s Post Office, on or before the first day of September next. JAMES B. RICHARDSON. To J. S. Skinner', Esq. Editor of the A merican Turf Begistcr and Snorting Maga zinc, Baltimore- t'o!iiuibi:i County Electing- Ai'PLrxc, Aug. 24. Agreeably to previous notice, a Meeting wgs i>clJ at Appling, by the citizens of Col umbia comity, on the 23d instant, for the pur pose of taking into consideration the evils of the Protective System,and the mode and mea sure of redress best calculated to preserve the rights of the South, and the Union of the States. Col. Z. Williamson was called to the chair an<J after an address from him, and some dis cussion, the meeting was organized, and Au gustus R. Wright, appointed Secretary. On motion of Dr. \V. A. L. Collins, a Com mittee of seven was appointed to whom was referred the Resolutions passed at Athens, and the Macon Circular, with instructions to report upon the s.ame. The Chairman ap pointed the following gentlemen to constitute the Committee : Reuben Hill, Esq. Dr. N. Crawford, Nathaniel Bailey, Esq. Isaac Ram sey, Esq. Archer Avery, Esq. Pierson Pet tit, Esq. an! John Cartledge, Esq. The meeting then adjournedjbr one hour and a half. At 3 o’clock, P. M. the Meeting again con j vened, and the majority os the Committee de ! dared their readiness to report; and John Cartledge Esq. in behalf of himself, I. Ram sey anil A. Avery, Esqr?. presented a report from the minority, and requested that it might bo read, immediately after that of the majori ty. Both reports were accordingly read to the meeting, and after a long discussion, in which Dr. Collins, W. Hobby, Esq. P. Pettit Esq. and V> in. B. Tankersley, Esq. partief pated, the following Report and Resolutions of the minority of the Committee, was, on mo tion of John Cartledge, Esq. seconded by Dr. Collins, adopted by the meeting. The minority of the Committee, to whom was referred the Resolutions of the Public Meeting, held at Athens, on Wednesday the Ist inst., and the Circular of the Committee of Correspondence appointed by that meeting to give effect to those resolutions, beg leave to report, that they have liad the same under consideration, and concur in the sentiments tiicy express, and deem it advisable to adopt the measures they recommend. Your Com mittee will not dilate, on the present occa sion, upon that unjust, iniquitous, and uncon stitutional system of oppression, under the operation ■of which, the industry of the South has been so long borne down, and its prospe rity crushed. Their chief object is to state, emphatically, their deliberate opinion, and sucli seems to he the almost universal sen liintmt of Georgia, that all expectation ot the abandonment of the Protective System, by those who assume to be our taskmasters,must now be given up. Our only hope of recov ering our rights, and vindicating the Consti tution of our country, rests upon the wisdom and firmess of our own measures. The minority of your Committee can sug gest no plan, so weil calculated to ensure that Union, among ourselves and our sister States upon which,* under God, the destiny of the South now depends, as the one proposed by that meeting, to which their consideration has been directed. If any additional induce ment were wanting, than the character of the measures proposed, it would be found in the fact, that many of the influential members of every party in the State, concurred in their adoption, at the time they were first suggest ed ; and that they have since been promptly responded to, by our fellow citizens in Ogle thorpe, Bibb, and Jasper counties, and will doubtless receive a similar response, from a vast majority of the people of this State. Be lieving that the citizens of Columbia county, are also disposed to sacrifice on the Altar of Patriotism, all minor and merely local divis ions, the minority of your committee, respect fully offer to the consideration of this meet ing, the following Resolutions : Ist. Resolved, That the citizens of Colum bia county concur with their fellow citizens, at Atliehs, ori the Ist instant, in the expedi ency of having a State Convention, to be as sembled at Milledgcville, on the 2d Monday in November next, invested with full powers in behalf of the good people of Georgia, to maintain, preserve and defend, the rights and privileges of the free citizens of this State. 2d- Resolved, That the people of this coun ty will, on the first Monday in October next, elect three delegates (the number correspond ing with our present delegation in the House of Representatives) as recommended by the Macon Circular, to represent them in said Convention. 3d. Resolved, That be ap pointed a Committee of Correspondence, to correspond and confer with similar commit tees in other counties, and with the Central Committee of the State, in reference to the great objects contemplated by the above res olutions. The blank in the third resolution was, on motion of John Cartledge, Esq. seconded by Isaac Rainsey, Esq. filled up with the names ofGoorgc W. Hardwick, Esq. Jas. Luke, Esq. Dr. W. A. L. Collins, and Wensley Hobby; On motion, Resolved, That Andrew Jack sen deserves the gratitude of his countay, for the late firm discharge of his constitutional du ty, arid will receive the support of this meet ing, and of this State, for President of the U nited States. Resolved, That the Proceedings of this Meeting be signed by the Chairman and Sec retary, and that they request the insertion of the same, in every public gazette of this State. The meeting then adjourned. Z. WILLIAMS, Chairman. Augustus R.‘Wright, Sec'rv. Duty on Cotton Bagging. —The following article, in reference to this subject, is from the Charleston Free Trade Evening Post ; In the examination of the new Tariff Bill, by the “ Banner of the Constitution,” it is mentioned that the duty on Cotton Bag<qi> „ j* a reduced. Wo ought to >nt yesterday, in explanation. The t’.uty cu/tlm cotton bagging, properly so call*;’, i usedoidy by the Sea kland peters, is re , !u . ced , but the duty on the Hessians used for cotton bagging by all iheproducers of the in tenor,who raise short staple cotton, is inereos, and .'-and, as more oft hit? latter description j 8 consumed m the South, tb a cl t' e the aggregate burden of dutv on Ui e n< mers of cotton bagging amf hessian, ■ creased, as will appear from the f u V ' statement, with which wo have been f " 1 ed, of the duties paid on these article, port.- . In the year ending the 31st March nJ there were imported into Charleston ’ ] 195,9844 yards of Cotton Baggio* mj 078 square yards) at 59 cents. ° 305,000 yardsof Hessians, costin r ' I $35,873 —duties at 25 per centunT I ad valorem n I y )0o3l The same, under the Act of 1 8B2 °’° 9S I will pay the following duties : 1 194,078 square yards of Bagging 1 425,833 square yards ofllessians. I 620,511 square vards, at 3 1-2 1 cents, - - ’ - - s2l,7i?| Making an increase of duty of With pleasure we publish the f O H w note; but we will remark that it is not j' 0 it should have been addressed. W e COD , ! the proceedings of the Oglethorpe Meet, 1 from the Augusta Chronicle, anil lve yj. ! that the papers in the State and clscJ j which republished them, copied them j from the Chronicle. We Lave cxaij again our copy with the original intheCM ! cle,and find that we copied the toast in J j tion literally as published in that paper,'] Georgia CWJ I . “ \V ASIIIXGTCX, August 15th. “ Messrs . (Juicu Buncc. —ln looking! the columns of your paper, I find a sent J ascribed to me, which you have not givl the language in which it was o/iginallv ed; and as I do not like to he iw'sunl stood, cither intentionally, or throughl advertency, I hope you will do inethejuj to insert this, and the sentiment as it I ' given. It was in these words : f “Secession, with liberty and equalriJ is better than union and tributary bornß Union as long as we can ; but liberty 1 equality forever! I “ By making the desired correction, I will oblige your obedient servant, I s foucijel From the Giorgia Journal of .lugusliiM The following is submitted to ouriS citizens as the Republican Ticket, settlfl agreed upon in convention, for Electofl President and Vice President. ■ BEVERLY ALLEN, of Elbert. I ELIAS BEALL, of Monroe, I DAVID BLACKSHEAR, of Lauren! WILLIAM R. BULLOCH, oi Chat* JOHN FLOYD, of Camden, S SEATON GRANTLAND, of Bald* HINES HOLT, of Walton, HENRY JACKSON, of dark. I WILLIAM TERRELL, of Hancock* JOHN WHITEHEAD, of Burke, ■ WILSON WILLIAMS, of Troup. ■ The election which takes place onth* Monday in November, it will he recoil* is to lie conducted in the same manner * general elections. And in counties I* several places for voting, the rebars * be consolidated in the same manner.:■ mediately forwarded to the Governor.-* Dawson's Comp. 159.] MJM}® J Tuesday, Sept- 4, SB32| * „* We cheerfully omit several editor* cles to make room for Maj. T. J. Uarroi’sa to which we especially invite tlieattentiofl readers. The articles which had been ora shall appear in, our next. The first Hale of f’olloJ On Thursday last. John Jones, Esq. ofl tor. county, brought into our market, (<tsl ‘ast year,) the first bale of the newcrcpß ton. It was not of the best quality, hu® and Messrs. Blanton & Smith, purchase® cents. The industry and zeal which M® always manifests as a planter, merits tl® commendation : and lie finds bis rrtvd® best market prices, and in the gratili® knowing that lie is first in the distriinitiiiH wards for his exertions. ■ THE SECOND BALE. 1 On the next day, our Groce, Esq. an inctustrions and enterprn® ter of this county, brought a bag of the® article” of this year’s production which® sidered Very good, and was bought by ts® phries. In a few weeks this snowy ft;® South will be crowding in upon us, tvhft® ; expect to see languor and inertness \vti<®| long pervaded ourtreots, giving way B tie and animation of business. E • t Shirt without u sm A shirt completely v/eaved witho!iJ stich or seem, was IcYt at our Oflice i day. It was wove by the fair hands d| Wuuberlv, of Ttvifrgs, and exhibits m ness, ingenuity, an J skill. I t/ktvnmuts. | A meeting has been held in Upsot. I much conilict , :,nd discussion, resoletw® to those at Athens were adopted. I In Savanna Vi what are called Union rfl were adopter’,— but which deserve th* tame submUsion. I In Milhjdgeviile, much to our surpr® grot, the same thing has bcetideeided'.B Go!. Rockwell toons, which were adv'^. atec fby ’J'omE urd ami j U( j™ LamarE f u ir ‘ 13si,, u. ones (as hits been um!<® o r o " have been misinformed)-- 1 * I '® P ort Yd by (,'uthbert. f’oiltill, and J® ai .u were apopted. * ■ | -hit’ge Lamv,r is the fast man in ll ® Would.hav-b expected to have found'® t\ rong ’jido, as we conceive it. " i 11 ® j.JS ’ -to act as lie thinks best— many'® -‘I regrets that lie lias done as helm 3 ® Tlie AngiiNtft The Editor of the Georgia Courier® fully” asks us, “on what authority ll '!® there were not more than 1 5 z>r 20 P' I '® thecountry at the Richmond oowd' ® the 18th ” VYe “ respectfully” 1 ■ authority is the Augusta t'/sri :|l -f® whenever the Editor el'tlic Goitrier 1 ® wo will proinptly correct the s'' ;, . , ,J ® wo have triyep it cttrt ,>, acy.