Newspaper Page Text
.1 tlswers received by the Richmond Commit
tee of Correspondence on the subject of
Nullification.
ROCKINGHAM, Va.Scpt. 7.
To the Citizens of Richmond County.
I have seen published in the Augusta Con
stitutionalist of the 21st of August, the pro
ceedings of a meeting of Richmond County,
at which a committee were appointed to as
certain by direct correspondence with the
candidates for Congress, ‘‘their sentiments in
regard to nullification.” My absence from
Georgia has probably prevented rny receiving
the communication of the committee. I have
therefore thought it my duty to address you.
directly, least the object of the call i|>on me
should be defeated. My answer is, that Ido
not believe, tha*. a state can render a law of
Congiess null aiid void, w hich has, by the
Constitution, the exclusive power of legisla
tion. lam therefore no advocate for the a
dnption of nullification to remedy the evil ol
the tariff.
This answer might be misconceived, were
it not extended to the otiier important mat
ters embraced within your resolutions.
I cannot concur with you in the opinion,
that “the tariff recently enacted is a decided
amelioration of the system.” Its inequality]
and want of uniformity has certainly been in
creased.
I cannot agree with my fellow citizens of
Richmond County, that the evils of the tariff,
have been greatly exaggerated. It would, in
deed, be difficult to exaggerate the injustice
and tyranny of our present system of taxation
and public expenditures,which lias been made
•o to operate upon different sections of our
country, as to render it an object of eager de
sire with the majority, for the purpose of en
larging their individual profits, to increase’ l
rather than lessen their amounts, and espe
cially when that system has been adopted in
violation of all the obligations which bind us
together as one people. Georgia suffers more
oppressively from the system than any other
state in the Union. Ido not therefore think
that its evils ought to be palliated by any por
tion of her citizens.
I cannot agree with you, “that it is advi
sable for tiie present to leave the subject of
the tariff to the state legislature,” because all
that can be done lias already been trjed, by
resolutions, threats and protests, without pro
ducing the slightest effect upon the fixed ma
jority in Congress. I consider it more advi
sable to refer the subject tom state conven
tion, as recommended at the meetings which
have been heid in many Counties, with the
iiope that it may lead to one united effort, on
the part of tire Southern States, to procure a
repeal of the tariff, as the only practicable
means bv which that object can he effected.
1 however entirely coincide with yon in
the opinion, that tire action of such a conven
tion will not be obligatory, upon the people,
without their subsequent approval.
I have thus, in answer to your requirement
given you briefly, and, I hope, with sufficient
distinctness, my views upon a subject of great
interest to 03 all. 1 have not thought that
the occasion called for any elaborate reason
ing in their support, or that they should be
extended beyond the matters contained in
f our resolutions.
W ith sentiments of great respect,-
your fellow citizen.
GEORGE R. GILMER.
Alberxakm! County, Va. Sept. 4, 1832.
iienth men : —1 have the honor to acknow
ledge the receipt of your circular of the 20th
tilt, bearing the Augusta postmark of the 21th.
You ask me at the instance of a public meet
ing of iny fellow citizens of Richmond Coun
ty, to communicate to them, through you, my
semtiaients in regard to Nullification, and for
ward me the proceedings of the meeting, as
the best explanation of the acts and motives
of those who composed it. Such a request,
so urged, demands, for my own credit, an im- 1
mediate and explicit answer. Tie election
. rapidly approaching, and any intentional j
unlay or disguise, would he inconsistent with :
Jiiv habits, a;:d unworthy of your Represen
tative.
1 consider nullification, as a proposed rein-,
edy for theevils of the tariff, unsound in the
ory, and unsafe in practice. This opinion,
probably of little consequence to any one hut
mysr If, though uttered frankly,is 1 hope with
out any tinge of arrogance or dogmatism.
Having answered the question put toinc,
33 one in the catalogue of candidates, I might
... - , ®>
if this were an ordinary occasion, he permit
ted to conclude, with the approved formula, of
gratitude and devotion to my generous con
stituents, and to the personal frierik, through
whom their communication has been made.
Rut the time—the circumstances—the great
interest at stake—the danger of the crisis to
our country and the cause of freedom—all ad
monish me not to deal in the common places
of holiday ceremony, or to shelter myself be
hind dry and barren generalities.
My sentiments are not demanded, on ac
count of any personal suspicion, or the appre
hension of peculiar dangerfrom nullification
<ll Congress. They have been required most
probably tVom a flattering but mistaken esti
mate of their possible influence with the pub
lic: and as in our dav and land, everv man
judges, well, or ill,.for himself, you look not
for opinions only, hut some reasons to support
• hem.
Though usually regarding the insignifi
cance of mere party controversies with con
tempt, and their intolerance and malignity j
with disgust, every personal wish, ami taste
•nd feeling, is lost in a question like the
present. Its intrinsic magnitude and en
■tuning effects no one will deny; and my
"news of it, although neither novel or profound,
are due to the solicitation of a community
,B'nong whom the best the and longest part of
tny I.fo lias past, in the interchange of mutu
al good will, and to you, the companions of
my youth fend boyhood. In such an inter
course concealments would b pitiful—profes
s ons misplaced. Thoughts opened without
reserve—emotions the deeper for suppres
sion, may he safely commended to the favor
mde .otsrpKitation of men, whose experience
C"l’ w> j r.eisl trc thjf hare tatmht thtriq
there is always least heart where there is most (
toaguc.
It is impossible for me to defend, palliate
or deny the evils of a protective tariff. At
every stage of my political life 1 have borne
testimony against them. But 1 cannot —
dare not say, they are unendurable—ureme
diablc—or entirely to be imputed to the
grasping avarice of any portion of our coun
try. W riting within view of Moxticeli-o,
once the home and now the grave of Jeeekr
sox, I may not profane the air I breathe with
the language of submission. Neither must I
bear false witness against my neighbour, for
His name reminds me, that some five and
twenty years ago, the Patriarch of American
Freedom, assisted by Southern ooliiicians,
laid in the exclusion of all cotnmerce with
foreign nations, the foundation of protection
to domestic manufactures. “We must bring
our work shops from Europe !”•—“ We must
riot consume the productions of those who
injure and insult us.”—“ Perish Commerce !
let our constitution live!”—Such was the
language which for years found an echo in ev
ery southern bosom, from the Potomac to the
Mississippi. Such was the feeling that bore
us through Embargo—Non-Interourse—•Non
importation—War. Need I tell yon, gentle
men, that it was southern votes which, in
eighteen hundred and sixteen, carried a
tariff' partly for revenue, par'Jy protective,
against the strenuous opposition of the navi
gating interests? And must I protest, even
to you, that this recapitulation, is not made
to defend accuse, the past or present —to
inculpate or exculpate, any man, or party, or
people—-but simply because it is tub trutii.
“ The thorns we reap, are of th? 1 tree we plan
ted :” they may not wound us the less; hut
surely we have no right to bear them fvutient
!y—or at all. I will not presume to tell a
whole commonwealth what it can or cannot
bear. But I will recall to the recollection
of my countrymen, even at the risk of some
odium to myself, that the manufacturing states
were made such by our legislation. We de
stroyed their shipping and they turned to
manufactures. Must we destroy their manu
factures that they may return to their ship
ping?
It is natural enough that we should sock
to remove restrictions which are hurtful to
our industry : but it is equally natural they
should strive to retain what they imagine ben
eficial to theirs.
Considering when—by whom—and under
what circumstances they were imposed, it is
using too much of human nature, to expect
they will be roadily abandoned. A part of
the population on which tiiey were forced,
once spoke of seceding from the Union if
they were persisted in. But the union has
survived their discontent. They converted
our folly to their benefit; and now we medi
tate seccession unles they will instantly re.
iinquisb their advantage. Perhaps they have
enjoyed it long enough. Perhaps they have
more than indemnified themselves for the
losses which wc made them suffer. Certain
ly our injustice, if we committed any, cannot
justify theirs. Most undoubtedly the inter
change of wrong for wrong is impolitic—in
human—unchristian. Still the practical ques
tion recurs: Must we not suffer something
from our own impudence ? Can wc expect
instant concession ? Shall wc not be satisfied
to win back again, step by step, and with the
arms of truth and reason, the ground which
wc lost by an abandonment of both ?
But are we to endure forever ? What
right have we to expect relief from those
who are interested to oppress us ? This is
my answer. Either the theory of free trade
is not true ; or if true, it must ultimately tri
umph.
If we assume that man cannot distinguish
right from wrong, truth from error—is inca
pable of self govenment—will not pursue his
own happines—or can promote it by injustice,
our institutions are a lie, and a federal repre
sentative republiek, the very inidsumcr mad.
ness of drivelling imbecility. Tell me not
of constitutional restrictions and concurring
Man’s universal, eternal laws,
are those of Reason, Habit, or Feme/:. All
the checks and balances of government, prac
tically resolve themselves into these; and
every other device for bending the will of
the greater, to that of the smaller number,
however subtle and ingenuous, is toe delic
ate to he usefnl. Had habit established
nullification as a remedy for federal usurpa
tions, it might he submitted to, just as long
as the constitution could remain unaltered,
hut no longer. If it is so hard for a minority
to submit, would the hardship be diminished
if a majority had to hear it ? From habit
however, nullification has no sanction. Is!
it an appeal to the Reason of the Tarifi'states ?
After the obnoxious law has been solemnly
annulled as unconsiutional by one member of
the confederacy—in an assembly of the
whole collected people, unanimous, if you
please—and until the requisite majority of the
other states decided whether it is constitu
tional or not, is the offensive statute to be op
erative or in operative on the-state which has
annulled it ? To concede its operation, would
be a solecism reducing tl?e proposed remedy,
to a more formal method of remonstrance.
To suspend its execution, is giving to the
dissent of one state, a veto on the common le
gislation of all: a veto assuming in its exer
cise, the unconstitutionality of the statute,
which yet remains confessedly sub judice,
and liable to be confirmed by the requisite
majority of states. Nothing short of ancient
usage, or the most explicit constitutional
provisions, could prevail on the majority, to
acquiesce in such a state of things: and every
dispassionate observer will perceive; that in
the absence of such usage or provisions, at
tempts would be—must be made, by those
administering the government, to execute in
the dissenting state, the same law which pre
vailed in all the Olivers. However conducted,
and however opposed, this must end in Force
—-force used to uphold the law, and force
employed to rebist it.
hong then, before the complicated post
nullifiifying process of revision could |ass
through its labyrinth <>f tribunals—its maze
of forms—before three arid twenty legisla
tures could assemble, deliberate, and decide,
the *w eaiVj tlpat keel) qii'| f.ienr interpreter l
II ■ m■! nflf —r *1 ii ■rii 11 in a i _ - -
of right and just, would have solved the
constitutional difficulty, and when the snail
paced rescript came, it would come to men,
clad in angry steel, to be burned in derision,
by the torch of civil w ar.
Nullification, however qualified, disguised,
or explained, lias then this attribute of an
evil spint It is swift of foot only on bad
errands. It ffics to scatter discord : it limps
to bring peace. Let ine not be misunder
stood. In speaking freely, of what I feci
strongly, the dange rs of the doctrine; it is
far from my intention to impeach the motives
of its advocates. 1 have heard it maintained
with arguments the most plausible, and elo
quence the most seductive, by men whose
talents may receive iny humble admiration,
but to whose unquestioned patriotism I can
not, without insolence, even oflet to'bear
witness.
In the heat of conflict—in tiie exaspera
tion ot defeat—the sense of southern wrongs
has often overcome my own habitual calm
ness, And is it possible for me to deny in
dulgence to the words . r projects of fellow
combatants embarked in the same cause—
contending with the same adversary—men of
more ardent tempers, and only resentful per
haps, in proportion as they are brave and
generous? Such spirits are never first in an
unworthy feud. If it becomes so, the blame
must rest with a portion of their followers.—
Nor is it hard to draw the line. The envious,
desperate, or interested are soon known.—
They court every party and betray all. As for
those amiable enthusiasts, bearing in their
veins the blood of liberty’s martyrs, who are
indifferent counsellors, it may be, at the com
mencement of a difficulty, butexcelleut com
panions to stand by you in the end, they are
not more to be checked than clierised. That
they have failed to convert me to their favorite
faith, may perhaps be owing to my phlegm or
dullness. Certainly not to any want of ability
in them, or any prejudice in me. Far from
reproaching what I believe to be their errors,
I do not even think it wonderful, that in
honestly seeking a remedy for the disorders
of the republic, many should entangle them
selves in refinements that confuse w hen they
do not convince. Yet the very subtlety of the
argument is its great defect. When logic is
too acute, the edge turns, li we want it for
common use it must be coarse and stronger.
Shall I be cited to shew that the tariff is un
just—he told that ;f unjust we ought to resist
it—and if resisted, according, to my own ar
gument, that resistance must be effectual.—
'\ hat I said concerns appeals to reason only.
M hen force becomes the arbiter, it is not jus
tice or even courage that decides. Mv proof
is in one word— Poland. Were it otherwise
trial by ordeal and judicial combat should be
restored, and flic victor in battle would -once
more become right by the judgment of
God.
But what hope have wc of redress, if not in
nullification? How can we expect to con- 1
vince men, rendered deaf by interest to every
remonstrance ? I answer, the interest against
us, is less real than apparent. The gain of
the farming states by the tariff is imaginary.
A European war would, in all probability, j
dissipate their illusion at once. A consti-i
tutional amendment in favor of roads and 1
canals might dissolve the combination of the i
East and West, It is not impossible, that in I
the disposition of the public lands, means 1
might be found, to restore the harmony of our j
country. Even the necessity of expor-i
ting an inimcqsc and annually increasing'
surplus of domestic products, and of im-j
porting lawfully, or illicit)’, in goods or in
specie, the corresponding millions for which
it is exchanged, must at no distant day occa
sion new reductions of our imposts. But be
fore, and above all, if wc nro right, we have
the weapons which seldom fail. Am I asked
when did reason and justice conquer interest
and prejudice? 1 point to all the triumphs
of Truth and Time. To a reform in the
English reformation r•storing civil privileges]
to a persecuted sect —to such an extension of!
the elective franchise, as Chatham dared not
meditate, and Fox could not accomplish.—
Te revolutions less bloody, and codes less]
barbarous—to the liberty of the press—to our
own institutions, the hope and admiration of
all that is liberal in Christendom—in a word,
to the extended and extending empire of
opinion.
I have Imard to he sure, that a total, im
mediate, unconditional abandonment of the
principle of protection is our right: that we
ask nothing more; will take nothing less, and
must not stoop to buy justice. These are
lofty and captivating sentiments ; yet a doubt
may he indulged, whether they are practical.
Justice, is a rare commodity’, even among
friends and neighbours ; and though forbid
den to he sold", he is thought lucky who pays
dearly, and gets it at last, after enduring the
oppressor's wrong, the proud man’s contume
ly, the law’s delay, the insolence—and what
to some, is worse, the fees of office.
if indeed we are resolved to yield no pre
tension—brook no compromise—if the tariff:
is really insupportable, and a nostrum must
be found to cure it now—at once—and forever
—secession and not mil ifcation, is the
melancholy, but appropriate remedy. Ino
more approve one than 1 justify the other.—
If heaven hears my prayers,’ both will be
spared me. My life, though short, and more
fortunate than happy, will be far too long,
sliotild I survive to bear part in a civil war, or
to witness a dissolution of the Union. Yet
the last lam persuaded would be the least
evil. It may he effected without the guilt of
home shed blood ; which is tome, of itself, a
sufficient ground of preference. It is proba
ble that if Georgia or South Carolina, or both,
should think proper to withdraw, no attempt
would be made to prevent them. They mnv
lie allowed to depart into obscure independ
ence, if they can maintain it; to settle quiet
ly as a petty principality; or sink into an
appanage or some European power. 1 < an
not believe that the secession of the whole
South would be seen with equal indifference-
Of this our antagonists suppose there is no
danger : and they hug themselves with the
belief, that unless all made common cause,
the new government wjll hardly he formida
ble enough for freedom- Without the Chc9a-
peake it would scarcely have a port into which
a irigatecouhl enter; and New Orleans would
he wanted as an outlet for Mississippi, and
the means ©f a favourable alliance with the
West. But I will not conj cturc the effects
of such a change. May God avert it ! Still
less will I imagine that questions so serious
and afflicting can be agitated merely for inti
midation, or to serve or thwart the ambition
of any man or party. It is doubtless impor
tant that our brethren—our unjust and selfish
brethren, ii you choose—but still our breth
ren—should know the intensity of our feel
ings ant. our sufferings— our deep—settled—
unanimous hostility to the protective system.
It may be worth reflecting, nevertheless,
how far, at this time, unfounded suspicions
may bo thrown upon our motives, by the pen
dency of a Presidential election—the pledges
contemporaneously given to certain candi
dates, and the eager discussion of even con
tingent pretensions, which four years yet, are
wanting to mature.
In this allusion however, as in all 1 have
said or omitted, it is my earnest desire to
estrange no ally, to provoke no opponent.—
More than enough of scoffing and reproach
has already past between the members of this
Union. Its integrity has been shaken as
much perhaps, by mutual taunts, as by real
injuries. .Sharp sayings, at all times, leave
behind them bitter recollections; but they
are aspccially unseasonable at the crisis like
the "present.
Indulge me with a remark or two on the
tone of this‘reply. It may be thought too
piild forthe temper of the times. Anger will
not bear, that his antagonist should be only
gently censured, and exhortations to moderate
counsels, grate harshly on the ears of injured
men. Yet, after all, when delusions, not
heads, must be broken, the best words for
service, sounds the least like blows. I ad
mit, it is not enough, that he whom you honor
with your confidence, should faithfully rep
resent your rights, your w ishes, your inter
ests. I’hero should be chords in his bosom,
responsive to your very passions. But their
echoes need not reach you, to swell the notes
of discord, lie who would appease, if he
cannot reconcile, contending parties, must
be careful not to augment their mutual pre
judices. lie should rather strive to abate
their respective claims and animosities. Too
many will be found, in every country, to flat
ter and inflame the inclinations of the Sov
rcign—whether people or despot: Compara
tively few to argue with the masters of votes
or legions. As the apostles of political tolera
tion are scarce, if one should chance to gain
the public ear he ought to improve the ocea
sion, to beat down in whatever party may be
his hearers, that self-sufficient obstinacy,
" u iff allow nothing to be fit, or right, or
bearable, hut what we ourselves approve.—
lor tlie reason then, that if I were the repre
sentative of a manufacturing state, addressing
at this crisis, implicit believers in the-benefi
cent magic of the restrictive policy, 1 should
attempt to mitigate their fire and confidence;
—for the same reason, appealing to those
who arc convinced of its malignant influence,
it is my duty to soothe it possible their just
indignation. Euless this course of conduct
is pursued by all who aspire to ho thought
honest and patriotic, must not alienation
spread and become incurable?
It an opportunity were afforded me to con
fine the circulation of this letter to that region
for which alone it is intended, I would add
much, whice I now suppress. But as that
may he impossible, I will not run the risk of
being quoted any where, as the apologist of
Restriction or A unification ; of craven ac
quiescence or frantic opposition. Thecunsc
qucnccs are obvious, and I am not insensible
to them. No navigator, however skilful,can
trim his sails to every wind at once. I have
hut one consolation. I have not sought to
catch any. My notions being probably in
many’ respects disrelished by all parties, will,
at least, not draw down on me the suspicion
of seeking popularity, the last worst ridicule
that can befall one, whose honest ambition is
much more to serve his countrymen than to
please them.
I have thus, gentlemen, endeavoured to
perform what it is presumed was expected of
me. In such communications, it is hard to
avoid speaking more of one’s self, than is
either pleasant or graceful. You, lam sure,
will ho the first to pardon the eg-otism into
which you have betrayed me: for few know
better, how humbly f estimate myself and'
my opinions. It is useless to wish that more
time had been allowed me; and vain to re
gret that I could not mingle in your delibera
tions. Could I have anticipated the state of
public feeling in Gcogia, the honourable cm
pfoyment which detains me, accepted as it
was, not merely on the score of health, but
for the gratification of my colleagues and con
stituents, must have been refused. Were I
now able to support a long journey, I should
still feel myself hound to return. But the
hope of reaching home in a condition to en
gage in any active duty, is yet moie feeble
than that of being serviceable By my pre
sence. Nothing remains for me then, but to
commend you and our common country, to
the protection of that power without whose
aid all wisdom is hut folly. If the chalice
at her lips must in no wise pass away, her
destiny, is my destiny, for good or for evil.
I am, gentlemen, with great respect, and
sincere esteem, your friend and fellow-citi
zen, RICHARD HENRY WILDE.
To Col. }Vm. Camming, lion. John 1\ King,
Augustin Slaughter, Esq. Augusta, Ga*
Public meeting at Columbus.
On Thursday the 13th ins., ngrceal.lv to
the notice and invitation which had been
published in the several papers of this State,
South Carolina and Alal.cma, a numerous, re
spec table and intelligent assembly met at the
Methodist Church in this place, for the pur
pose of discussing freely the grievances of
the Southern States produced by the TANARUS" •
and the several “modes and meas-., rPa u j'!”’
dress which have been for thdr rc ;
Upon motion of Gen, Featherston, Gen.
Niohoi.as Ilow.vnp was* appointed Chair-
M-* -- b' fytKi.oßn, tso. Secretary.
Col. John Milton then proposed, that the
Chairman should appoint a Committee to con
sist of several persons, to draft a preamble
and resolutions for the consideration ot the
meeting.
This motion Was adopted, and the Chair
man appointed the following gentlemen to
compose the Committee:
JOHN MILTON.
ELI S- SHORTER.
SEABORN JONES.
El >WAIt L> FEATHERSTON.
ALLEN LAWHON.
ALGERNON S CLIFTON,
and GRIGSBY E. THOMAS, Esq.
The Committee retired to perform their
duty. In a short time thty returned, and
Col. Milton, Chairman of the Committee, re
ported the following preamble and resolu
tions, viz:
Whereas, the people of Georgia having
been aggrieved and deeply injured by the va
rious protective tariffs, which have, from time
io time been passed by the Congress of the
United States, and have, forthe last fourteen
years resorted to and exhausted all the usual
efforts for their repeal, viz: By petitions,
complaints, memorials and remonstrances,
emanating directly from the pcpple them
selves, and also from the Legislature of the
State.
And whereas, the Legislature of this State
did, in 1828, deliberately and solemnly re
solve, “that unless the system of a protective
tariff'shall be repealed by Congress within a
reasonable time, she would not longer sub
mit to it, would adopt measures of a decisive
character, for the protection of the people of
this State and the vindication of the Consti
tution,” which resolve was read before both
branches of Congress, and is now of file in
the archives of the Seriate of the U. States.
And whereas, the complaint of the people
of Georgia, as well as the resolve of her Le
gislature, have alike been disregarded, and
our burthens continued by an interested and
continua'ly increasing majority in Congress;
from all which we see no well grounded hope
of redress from that body-
And whereas, we regard the existing Ta
riff’, and all others intended for protection of
manufactures at tlie expense of the Planter,
to be unequal, arbitrary and ir.iconstitution
al, and therefore unjust.
Ist, Resolved, “That this meeting doth
explicitly declare that it views the powers of
the Federal Government, as resulting from
the compact to which the States are parties,
as limited by the plain sense and intention of
the lnstrnmeiitconstituting the compact; and,
as no further valid than they are authorized
by the grants enumerated in that compact;
and that in case of a deliberate, palpable,
and dangerous, exercise of other powers rot
granted by said compact, the States who arc
the parties thereto, have the right, and are m
duty bound, to interpose tor arresting the pro
gress of the evil, or for maintaining within
their respective limits, the authorities, rights
and lilv rties appertaining to them.”
2d. Resolved, “That when resort can be
had to no tribunal, superior in authority to the
parties the parties themselves must be the
rightful judges in the last resort, whether the
bargain has been pursued or violated; that tin
States are the parties to the constitutional
compact in their sovereign capacity, and of
necessity, that there can be no tribunal above
their authority, and consequently, that as the
parties to it, they must themselves decide in
the last resort, such questions as may be of
sufficient magnitude to justify their interposi
tion.”
3d. Resolved, That in our estimation, the
doctrine of Mr. Jefferson,is the true republi
can doctrine; “that when powers are assumed
which have not beep delegated,, a Nallif ca
tion of the act is the rightful remedy, that
every State has a natural right, in casts not
within lhe compact, to nullify of their own
authority all assumptions of power by others
within their respective limits;—that without
• his right, they would bo under the dominion
of whomsoever might exercise this right of
judgment for them.”
4th. Resolved, That the existing Tariff-in
the estimation of this meeting, iso deliberate
palpable and dangerous violation of the obvi
ous spirit ami intention of the Federal Con
stitution, and that each State has the rfoht,
and is in duty bound to arrest the evil. °
sth. Resolved, That is, and ought to lie.
the policy of every government to refrain
fbin the passage of all laws, and the adop
tion of all measures calculated in their na
ture or operation, to impair the confidence of
a large portion of its people in its justice, or
to alienate their affections from its institu
tions.
Gth. Resolved, That any protective tariff is
calculated in its nature and operation, to im
pair the confidence of a large and respectable
portion of the American people, in the justice
of the Federal Government and is well calcu
lated to alieniute their affections from its insti
tutious.
7th. Resolved, That the tariff of 1832, is
more unequal, and therefore, not less' objec
tionable than that of 1828; that it is an im
portant step toward the establishment of a
system by which domestic manufactures arc
to be permanently protected to the extent of
the annual expenditures of the Federal Gov
ernment.
Bth. Resolved , That the act of 1832 is delu
sive and deceitful, because it professes to re
duce the duties upon coarse cottons and coarse
woollens, when in fact, the duties upon such
cottons amount to a prohibition; and that very
few (if any) woollen goods, can or will be ini
ported under the five percent duty.
!)th. Resolved, That the Act of lß32owhU
not to be accepted by the -Southern States as a
compromise, & that it contains nothin* - ’ '
ought to silence their present °
plaints against the pr-' ' ,r ,lltvirc com *‘
ion r pr -octivo system.
G- r J' Eliat wo as citizens of
-Airgia, will not cease our opposition to this
system of legislation, which is arbitrary, une
qual unconstitutional and therefore unjust.
t ' vc < . il PP r v<? of the plan recommended hv
many of our fellow citizens : That the seve
ral counties of Oebfgia, should elect Dele-
Miiut -n ,iltC Cos " vcntion <0 assemble in
‘ ' on the second Monday in No
t nest -’iii'i to invest them with full
power, in behalf of the gtovfptouh' 77®*
gia, to maintain, preserve : ' U( J , j C, "oi
rights and privileges of the free &
tins State—“and that their act shall? 1 * !
muted tothepcople fur their rati/ir?
Maj. Iverson offered the
ment to the third resolution, vi- - p
nevertheless, and be it further ***
Resolved, That the doctrine ofNalLc
as advocated, explained and enforced S?
( . Calhoun and the leading poll,,;- jol
South Carolina, is unsound in theorvT 3
rousin tendency and ruinous i n t
quences. ‘ ls const
i he original resolutions were sunn™
argument, by Messrs. Jones, Mil, J° h dil
M. B. Lamar, Colquette-, and Mansfield?
ranee Esq. m 4
Col. Iverson, Judge Wayne, and Gfi,'
L. J homas Lsq. argued in favor of the ■• s>i ‘
tnent. The debate commenced about n’ 1 '
clock, A. M. on Thursday, and en.tr i ?°
8 o’clock P. M. on Friday! nded
Col. Iverson’s amendment was rejected,
the original resolutions and preamble
separately and almost unanimous ,**
The only alteration made to the oriefi*"
solutions,as reported, was made in t L,?
solution, and is contained m double cn „"
—and was proposed by Mr. Torrand
was made wit,.out any opposition ’ 3ll
Col. Jones offered the following ren!„.'
winch was unanimously adopted. " J 0
Resolved, That we have unshaken Co l
donee in the patriotism of our pres, .p
Magistrate, and believing that n, hj ' 7
on returning the B.llto re-charter the S
the Lotted States, he has given to the A™
cun people additional evidence of j,j„ ]
pendence and devotion to the Const,t?
and that this meeting will use every P o
and legal xertiop to insure the re-elect!
Gen. Andrew Jackson, President of the Un
ted States. u
Grigsby E Thomas Esq. then offered th
following resolution : u
Resolved, That we respectfully Im * „
people of South Carolina, to forbear
any rash measure, in relation to her resist,,„
to tin Tariff ,’till the prudeii. counsels of?
of her sister States as are laboring under,
same oppressions and like injuries can beta
This resolution of Col Thomas was re •
eu almost unanimously. There were note
ceedmg three persons who voted in fi, „. fi
Judge Shorter then moved that tn e w
ceedings be signed by the Chairman andSe
rotary and be published in (he several new
papers ol the State. Ilis motion wasadopte,
lhe meeting then adjourned, ‘sine die’
NICHOLAS nmCKu/aa'i
Adolphus S. Rutherford'; Sec’rv.
A BMINISTRATOR’S
, ,! uesd: >y m December next, will be sold
tho Court-house in the town of Macon, betw
the hours ot 10 A. M. and -1 P. M. all tbeLAN
belonging to the estate of Thomas Lundy, deo
being 13 squares, among which are 800 an
cleared and fenced—Orchards. Houses, U J.
a good Grist Mill. Particular information c
be had on application to
IHOMAS LOW, Adm'r
1 ertns known on the day of sale
Sept. -25, 16.13. 21 -td
A DMINTsfItATOIt’S NOTlClfilATj
am. sons having demands against the estate
Mortimer it. Wallis, deceased, will hand then
to \Y . Poe, lawfully authenticated, for para
and those indebted to the said estate will’m;
immediate payment, otherwise suits will be
sututed. ISA RAH ANN WA I.LIS, Adm’i
kept. 21, 1332. * j
A BMINISI RA’l OK'S SALK.—On this
2m. 1 uesday, (the Gth day of Nov. next,) tie
rishable property, belonging to the estate
"• Wallis, dec. will he sold at the late resiiei
ol the deceased—consisting of Hnuseholi 1
Kitchen I- urniture. Horses, Mules, Waggons,!
Plantation Utensils, Corn and Fodder, &c. '1
BrickDweliing House will on that day be rent
SARAH ANN WALLIS, Aim's
Sept. 24. 1832. 21-10
. •fiSiCNOS*.
ON Monday next, will lit sold at public!
tion at house of Spencer Riley, all hisho
hold and kitchen furniture, consisting of (uni
ol good leather, beds, and furnit re, tallies 0
kinds, looking glasses, bedsteads, in fact, e
thing in his house is for sale, at auction on
day. He takes ibis method of informing hil
peclive creditors to attend his sale, for, wc
they do make his prnpertv bring something
the value, lie dent feel alile to pay his just il
any person having demands against him,
would like to puichase any of his property
call at his house previous to the sale and cot#
with him at private sale if they choose.
SPENCER IULCI
Sept. 24, 1832. i
RENT.—-A neat and comfortable 11'
ing House. For terms, apply to
Sept. 25. 24 DAVID RALSTON
lU.YK' OF ALICOX
r pHE public are requested to suspend
opinion, on the subject of the Bank el
con until the whole matter bn made the subj
legal or legislative investigation.
Every fact will then bo developed, and
subscriber pledges himself to give all the fi
ties in his power to promote that end—he
made no effort to vindicate himself from c®
and will not trouble his friends fur testim ol
to the integrity o his character; facts wills
lor themselves.. .facts must ultimately dt
the case, and then the amount of blame "11
properly apportioned amongst the parties
cerned. THOMAS M. ELH
Ware-Home
COMMISSION BUSINESS.
THE subscriber having rented the W are--
formerly occupied by Laniar & Cos. wbi
adjacent to a good Wharf and as safe and c.
"'cut as any in the place—lie will make 1.
advances on Cotton stored with, or shippe l
him—and hopes by strict attention to buy* l6
merit a share of public pstrona~ ol
r. n. E. CIIICKEIp;
'"opt. 18, 1 88-2,
~~THE SUBSCBJIiitt
UESPECTFULLY informs his friends
' the public, that he has taken tile Store a
head of Cotton Avenue, formerly kept as a 1
.Store ; where ha is opening a handsome su
oral assortment of Dry Goods, (.’roeeries, I
ware, Cutlery, Crockery, Saddlery. ('"■
50 pieces Cotton Ranging, and bit'. 1 *
geese Feathers. All of which lie is di-T*
sell at the lowest cash prices—please ea.i
amino foryoufselves. ~,
FRANCIS O’CAM -W|;
A first rate Ilcrse anrl 1 hirouclio f--
hove.- <-.v ■ j,;