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Poiitiai Agrutflirire• iViE POLITICAL STA'HToF AURIC UL ' TCJRIS. Incollecting the causes which havecontribu -1 to the miserable agricultural state of the •iUiitry, as it is a rational calamity of the . t’j rti'St magnitude, we should he careful not io he bliuded t>y partiality for our customs .>r institutions, nor corrupted by a disposition j.i (latter ourselves or others. I shall begin . ;th tiioso of a political nature. These are i secondary providence, which govern unseen ihn great interests of society ; and if agricul ire is had and languishing in a country and • ii mate, where it may be good and prosper ous, no doubt remains with me, that political nstitutions have chiefly perpetrated tho evil; jt as they decide the fate of commerce. The device of subjecting it to the payment of bounties to manufacturing, is an institution if this kind. This device isone;tcui in eve i system for rendering governments too strong for nations. Such an object never was find never can be cfTected, except by factions legally created at the public expense. The calth transferred from tho nation to such : .ctions, devoid them to the will of the gov ernment, by which it is bestowed. They must render the services for which it was given, or would be taken away. It is unexceplion bly given to support a government against a nation, or one iactionagainst another. Ar iies, loaning, banking, and an intricate i reasury system, endowing a government with the absolute power of applying public .iioney, under the cover of nominal checks, ro other devices of this kind. Whatever strength or wealth a government and its legal •.actions acquire by law is taken'" from a nation, and whatever is taken from a nation weakens and impoverishes that inter jt, which composes tho majority. There, political oppression in every form must finally fill, however it may oscillate during tho period of transit from a good to a bad government, so as sometimes to scratch factions. Agriculture being the interest cov ring a groat majority of the people of the United States, every device for getting mo usy 6r power, hatched by a fellow-feeling or common interest, between a government and its legal creatures, must of course weaken and impoverish it.—Desertion, for the sake '*f reaping without labor, a share in the har vest of wealtii and power, bestowed bv laws at its expense, thins its ranks ; an annual tribute to these legal factions, empties its purse; and poverty debilitates both its soil tiff understanding. The device of protecting duties, under the pretext of encouraging manufactures, open ates like its kindred, by creating a capitalist interest, which instantly seizes upon the bounty taken by law from agriculture; and instead of doing any good to the actual work irs in wood, metals, cotton or other substan ces, helps to rear up an aristocratical order, et the o.xpenso of the workers in earth, to unite with governments in oppressing every species of useful industry. Tho products of agriculture and manufac turing, unshackled by law, would seek each for themselves, the best markets through com mercial channels, but these markets would hardly ever be the same; protecting duties tic travellers together, whoso busincssnnd in terest lie in different directions. Tnis ligat ure upon nature, will, like all unnatural liga tures, weaken or kill. The best markets of our agriculture lie in foreign countries, whilst the best markets of our manufactures arc at homes—Our agriculture has to cross the o ceau and encounter a competition with foreign agriculture on its own ground. Our manu factures inset at home a competition with foreign manufactures. The disadvantages of the fir- competition, suffice to excite all the efforts of agriculture to save her life ; the ad vantages of the second suffice gradifhlly to be stow a sound constitution on manufacturing, lut the manufacture of a:i nristocnitio.il in i crest, under the pretext of encouraging work of a very different nature, may reduce both manufactures and husbandmen, as Strickland o-ays, i* already eifectcd in the case of the lat ter, to the lowest state of degradation.” Tins degradation could never liave been seen by a friend to either, who could after wards approve of protecting duties. Let us take the article of wheat to unfold an idea of ho disadvantages which have produced it. If wheat is worth 16s. sterling in England the 70lb. the farmers sell it hero at about 6s. sterling.—American agriculture then meets English agriculture in a competition, compell ing her to sell at little more than one third of ho price obtained by her rival. Rut A t ierican manufactures take the field against English o:i very different terms. These com petitors meet in the United States. The A* uicrican manufactures receive first, a bounty equal to the freight, commission and English taxes, upon thi ir English rivals : and second ly, a bounty equal to our necessary imports. Without protecting duties, therefore, the A merican manufacturer gets for the same arti cle, about 25 per cent, more, and the Ameri can agriculturist about ISO per cent.less,than tueit English rivals. Protecting duties ad ded to these incqualties, may raise up an order of masters for actual manufactures, to intercept advantages to escape the vigilance <>f capita!, impoverish husbandmen, and aid in changing.! fair toa fraudulent government; but they will never make cither of these in trinsically valuable classes rich, wiser or freer. THE POLITICAL STATE OF AGRICUL TURE, CONTINUED. In this number I shall consider a reason for protecting duties to oncourage manufac tures,. which, if it is sound, overturns the whole argument against them. In every es-l ■■Civ on behalf of manufactures, wc are told, that by'creating this class with bounties and privileges, wc shall, both make ourselves in dependent of foreign nations, and also pro vide a market for agricultural labor,as an aris too me y, in nil its forms, .is a market for labour. And the high price of wheat in England, is contrasted with it3 low price here, to prove t!it l itter assertion. It would be sounder red soiling o contrast the high price of manufac tures ii re, with the low price there, to prove that tiny ought 4o give bounties to agriculture So provide a (or !Ve tions and nidi villus Is are u<iivcfsdlv promis-f ed wealth by political swindlers.—The Eng | lish price for wheat, is coupled with the : English political system. Without adopting the causes of that pi ice, the effects springing from these causes cannot follow. The idle classes of tlio nobility, clergy, afmv, bankers and national debt holders, with their servants dependents, are the Usuis of an aristocra cy, which has reduced the agricultural class to a poor and powerless state, by the juggle of persuading it to buy high prices, by crca t.ng and maintaining these idle classes. The national debt alone maintains mors people, than there are agriculturists in Britain. — Tnese do not amount to a tenth part of the nation. It is to this combination of causes, I and not to manufactures singly, that the Eng. lish agriculture is indebted for its high pri ces. These very prices are themselves proofs oi the oppression which produced them, Thoy are the effect of the tendency which industry 'has to recover back some equivalent from fraud, and of the necessity of fraud to extend some encouragement to industry. But shall 1 we oppress our agriculture, merely to demon strate that abuses have a tendency to excite countervailing efforts, anJ load it witii English ; imposition, for the sake of the inadequate rc i unbursment of English prices? Let him who hopes to live to see the agri cultural class of tho United Stales, reduced by English policy to a tenth part of the na ! tion, undertake to prove, that such a retluc f t ion would be a proof of its prosperity. If he | could defend such a theory, he would at hst j be practically disappointed, unless our manu factures should druo the English mauulac | tores out of tho world, and occupy thefr place. | The ingenious device of agriculture in Eng ! land, in bestowing moriev on noble, clerical, ' military and chartered idlers, for tho sake ot ! selling its products to get back a part ol its ; own, would turn out still more miserably, c.\- j cept for the vast addition to the manufacturing j class, by foreign demands for its labour. If E igland only manufactured tor herself, . her manufactures would constitute but, a wretched market for agriculture. One labourer feeds many manufacturers. One manufacturer supplies many labourers. Jie- I fore the promise of English prices jor bread [ffind meat, tobacco and cotton, can be realized, l from driving in manufacturing by protecting [duties, we must be able tc drive out manu factures by protecting fleets into every quar- I ter of tile globe ; and so like some booby i lo irs, tako up a p:nt’s lollies, at the period Iho is forced to lay them down. 1 .Still more hopeless is the promise of the manufacturing mania, “ that it wilt make us independent of foreign nations,” when com bined with its other promise of providing a iiiarivel for agriculture. The promise oi a market, as we see in the experience of Eng land, can only be made good, by reducing j the agricultural class to a tenth part of tiie ; nation, and increasing manufactures by great ! manufacturul exportations. This reduction can only be accomplished by driving or sedu cing above nine-tenths of the agricultural ciass, into other classes, and the increase :>j a brave and patriotick navy. Discontent and misery will be the fruits of the first oper ation, and these would constitute the most forlorn hope for success in the second. By exchanging hardy, honest and free husband men for the classes necessary to reduce the number of agriculturists, low enough to raise the prices of their products, shall we become more independent of foreign na tions? What! Secure our independence by j bankers & capitalists ? Secure our indepen | dence by impoverishing, discouraging and i annihilating nine-tenths of our sound yeo ; manry ? By turning them into swindlers, and dependents on a master capitalist for daily bread. There are two kinds of independence, real and imaginary. The first consists of the right of national self-government; the second of individual taste or prejudice. The yeo manry of the forest are best calculated to preserve the first, aud the yeomanry of the loom are best calculated to feed the second. A surrender of the first to o .tain the second, would be a mode of securing our indepen dence, dike England’s converting her hardy tars into barbers and tailors, to become inde pendent of French fashions. The manufacturing mania accuses the agricultural spirit, of avarice and want of patriotism, whilst it oilers to bribe it by a prospect of better [trices, whittles down in dependence into cargoes of lancy goods, and proposes to metamorphose nine-tenths of the hardy sons of the forest into every thing but heroes, for the grand end of gratifying the < avarice ot a capitalist, monied or paper inter est. Opinion is sometimes prejudice, some times zeal, and often craft. These counter feits of truth have universally deluded the majority of nations into the strange conclu sion, that* it will flourish by paying bounties to undertakers for national wealth, and for national independence. The first imposture 1 is detected, the second begins to ho strongly suspetjtcd, but the third has artfully provoked j its tri 11, at a moment when it can conceal the cheat under the passions excited bv transitory circumstances. Hatred of England, a pretended zeal for national honor; and the real craft of advancing the pecuniary interest of a few capitalists; have conspired to paint a protecting duty system, into so strong a re semblance of patriotism and honesty, as to lead agriculture by a bridle made of her vir tue and ignorance, towards the worship of ,an idol, compounded of folly and wicked ness. The i m n ? r. ~THE UNDIAN WAR OVER. BLACK HAWK AND THE PROPHET TAKEN. Copy of a letter to the Editor , dated U, S. Indian .igmey at Prairie Ja Chien , } 3d September, 1832. 5 F. P. Eiatij, Hsu- Dear Sir: The Indian War is over. The celebrated leaders of (bn hostile Indians, Black Hawk and the Prophet, were delivered to me at this pltico on the ult. by the m&mm* Winnebagoes of my Agency. The day after Gen'is. Scott and Atkinson left this place, I sent out two parties of Winnebagoes to bring Black Hawk, tue Prophet aud Nuapopc to me. They returned the :27th ult., about 10 or 11 o’clock, and delivered the two first. — The same day 1 turned them over to Col. Taylor, commanding Fort Crawford, and ex pect to accompany them with a military escort to the Head Quarters of Gen. Scott, at Rock Island, inadayortwo. 1 am now waiting the return of an express sent up the Mississippi, by which I expect to receive about 50 or 00 more prisoners, take* by the Indians. There is now 4tf in the Fort, delivered to me by the Winnebagoes of my Agency, and 1 have previously delivered to Gen. Atkinson 40 prisoners taken by the W innebagoes and Menornenecs. The moment the hostile Indians entered the limits of my Agency, by crossing the Wisconsin, with tho-aid of the Commanding Officer at this fort, I assembled the Indians of my Agency, and encamped them before my floor, where tiiey remained until the bat tle of the Mississippi, and the rout of the hostile Indians l herewith cover to you an account of the delivery of Black Ilawk and the Piophet to me. Your most obedient servant, JOS. M. STREET. ; Prairie du Chien, i tilth August, 193:2. $ At 11 o’clock, to-day, Black Hawk and the Prophet were delivered to Gen. Joseph M. Street, by the One-eyed Deconi and Chaetar, Winnebagoes, belonging to his Agency. Ma ny of these officers from the Fort were present. It was a moment of much interest. The pri soners appeared in a full dress of white-tanned deer-s uns. Soon after they were seated, the One-eyed Deconi rose up, and said— -3ly Father —l now stand before you : When we parted, I told you I would return soon ; but I could not come any sooner. We have had to go a great distance, [to the Dalle on the Wisconsin—above the Portage.]— You see we have done what you set us to do: these are the two that you told us to get— {pointing to Black Haw k and the Prophet.] My Father —We have done what you told us to do. We always do what you tell us, be cause we know it is for our good. My Father —You told us to get these men, and it would be the cause of much good to the W innebagoes. We have brought them; but it has been very hard for us to do so. That one, Mucatamish-ka-kaek-q,* was a great way off. You told us to bring them to you alive: we have done so. If you hail told us to bring then - heads alone, we would have done so—and it. would have been less difficult than what we have done. My Father —We deliver these men into your hands. We would not deliver them even to our brother, the Chief of the Warriors, but to you; because we know you, and believe you are our friend. We want you to keep them safe. If they are to be hurt, we do not wish to sec it. Wait until we are gone, before :t is done. My Father —Many little birds have been flying about our ears of lu£e, and we thought they whispered to us that there was evil in tended for us; but now wo hope these evil birds will let our ears aionc. My Father —We know you are our friend, because you take our part; ami that is the reason we do what you teli us to do. My Father —You say you love your red children, we think we love you as much, if not more than you love ns. We have confi dence in you, and you may rely on us. My Father —We have been promised a great deal if we would take these men—that it would do much good to our people. We now hope to see what will be done for us. My Father —We have come in haste ; we are tired and hungry. We now put these men into your hands; we have done all that you told us to do. General Street said— My Children —You have done well, I told you to bring these men to me, and you have done so. lam pleased at what you have done. It is for your good, and for this reason lam pleased. 1 assured the Great Chief of the Warriors, tiiat if these men were in your country, you would find them, and bring them to me—-that 1 believed you would do what ever I diiected you ; and now that you have brought them, I can say much for your good. I will go down to Rock Island with the pri soners, and 1 wish you who have brought these men, especially, to go with me, with such other Chiefs and Warriors as you may select. My Children —The Great Chief of the Warriors when he left this place directed me to deliver these, and all other prisoners, to the Chie fof the Warriors at this place, Col. Taylor, who is here by me. My Children —Some of the Winnebagocs. South of the Wisconsin river, have befriend ed the Saukies, and some of the Indians of my agency have also given them aid. This displeaseth the Groat Chief of the Warriors and your Great Father tlm President, and was calculated to do much barm. My Children —Your Great Father, the President, at Washington, lias sent a great War Chief from the far East, Gen. Scott, with a fresh army of soldiers. ITa .is now at Rock Island. Your Great Father, the Presi dent, has sent him and the Governor and Chief of Illinois to hold a council with the Indians. He has sent a speecii to you and wishes the Chiefs and Warriors of the Win nebagoes to go to Rock Island to the council on the 10th of next month, 1 wish you to be ready in three days, when 1 will go with you. My Children —l am well pleased that you have taken the Black Hawk, ttc Prophet, and other prisoners. This w ill enable me to say much for you to the Great Chief of the Warriors, and to the President, your Grout Father. My Children, I shall now deliver the two men Black Hawk and the Prophet to 1 the Chief of the Warriors here; he will take care of them till wo start to Rock Island. Col. Taylor said :—The Great Chief of •Black Uewfc, tile Warriors told me to take the prisoners | when you should bring them, and send them to Rock Island to him. I Will take them and keep them safe, but 1 will use them well, and send them with you and Gen. Street, when you go down to the council, which will be in a few days. Your friend, Gen. Street, ad vises you to get ready and go down soon, and so do I. I tell you again I will take the prisoners, I wilt keep them safe, but I will do them no harm. I will deliver them to the Great Ciiiel of the Warriors, and he will do with them and use them in such manner as shall be or dered by your Great Father, the President. Cheaton, a Winnebago warrior then said to Gen. Stieet:— My Father —l am young and do not'know how to make speeches. This is the second time 1 ever spoke to you before people. My Father —l atn no Chief; lam no 'orator ; but i have been allowed to speak to you. My Father —lf I should not speak as well asothers, stili you must listen to me.- My Father —When you made' the speech to the Chiefs Waugh-Kon-Deconi Carramana, the One Eyed Decani and others ’hither day, I was there. I heard you. I thought what you said to them, you also said to me. You said, if these two (pointing to Black Hawk and thu Prophet) were taken by us and brought to you, there would never more a black cloud hang over your Wiunebagoes. My Father —Your words entered into my ear, into may brains, and into my huart. My Father —l left here that same night, and yon know you have not seen me since until now. Mr Father —I have been a great way. I have had much trouble, but when I remem bered what you said, 1 knew what you said was right. This made me continue and do what you told me to do. My Father —Sear the Dalle, on tiie Wis consin, I took liiack Hawk. No one did it but me,— I say this in the cars of all [ resent, and they know it —and 1 now appeal to tin Great Spirit, our Grand Father, and the Earth out Grand Mother, for the truth of what 1 say! My Father —l am no Chief, but what 5 have done is for the benefit of uiy nation,and 1 hope to see the good that has been promise e to us. My Father —That one, Wa-bo-kie-shiek,* is my relation—if lie is to be huit f do not wish to see it. . My Father —Soldiers sometimes stick the ends of their guns (bayonets) into the backs of Indian prisoners when they are going about in the hands of the guard. I hope this will not lie done to these men. ‘The Prophet. / Description of the two distinguished prisoners (Black Hawk and the Prophet) at the time they were delivered to Gen. Jos. M. Street , by a gentleman who was present. Black Hawk, a Potawatoiny by birth, but raised by the Saukies, appears to bo a bouf 60 years old, has a small buncii of grey hait on the crown of his head, the rest is bare, has a high forehead, a Roman nose, a full mouth, which generally inclines to lie a little open, has a sharp chin, no eye-brows, but a very fine eye ; his head is frequently thrown baek on his shoulders; he is about f> feet 4 or 5 inches high : at present iie is thin, and appears much dejected, but now and then he assumes the aspect of command. He held in his left hand a white flag, in the other the tail, with the back skin, head and beak of the Calumet Eagle ; with this he frequent ly fans himself. His Indian name is Muscata niish-ka-kack. The Pkopiiet, a half Saukie and half Win nebago, is about 40 years old, nearly six feet high ;is stout and athletic; has a iarge broad face, short blunt nose, large full eyes, broad mouth, thick lips, with a lull suit of hair lie wore a white cloth head dress which rose several inches above the top of his head—the whole man exhibiting a deliberate savageness —not that he would seem to delight in hon orahle war,or fight; but making him as the Priest of assassination, or secret murder.— He had in one hand a white flag, while tiic other hung carelessly by his side. They were both clothed in very white deer-skins, fringed at the seams with short cuttings of the same . Mis Indian name is Wa-bo-kie-shiek—(White Cioud.) . • v.- THOMAS ADDIS EMMET AND CHAN CELLOR KENT. “The Washington Ciiobe’’says the Nation al Bank Gazette, “has begun to rcvilo Chan cellor Kent. This will prove a hard file.— The moral and intellectual character of the Chancellor may stand a comparison even with that of the President. Perhaps he under stands the constitution almost as well, has cultivated his mind and disciplined his Spirit with as much success, and led nearly as reg ular and exemplary a life ; perhaps, hjs love of country is quite as disinterested and en lightened.” The ‘reviling’ alluded to is the following exfiibition of the political character and con duct of James Kent, given in an essay in the Globe, signed ‘O’Connor,’and the whole of which we hope to present to our readers. In the mean time, we thank the Bank Editor for the opportunity of introducing the following ■to the noticoof our Irish friends. “But we have not done with evidence of! this abominable persecution of the Irish pat-! riots, by the federal party, who now ask the! Irish republicans to forsake their principles j and their friends, and give their support to| to Hen: Clay and John Sergeant, the Fede-I ral Candidates for the Presidency and Vice Presidency. We find the following account of the ten der mercies and magnanimity of federalism, towards that truly great man', Thomas Addis Emmet, in Ne;v York. The federal aristo cracy oftlic bar formed a base conspiracy a gainst i i:n; "nd James Kent then a judge of the Supreme Court of New York, and whose name is now a; the head of the Federal Tick et for Electors in that State, opposed his ad missio i to the (nr, to the head of which he l'soo;i rose* in srnte of all the federal cotnbi- nation against him. “The following account of the persecution to which Thomas Addis Emmet, one of the Irish Directors, was subjected, is taken from Haines’s Life of Emmet. ‘Chancellor Kent was a warm, and I may almost say, a violent federalist. lie execrated all republican principles in Europe, and was the disciple of Edmund Burke as to the French Revolution. He looked on Mr. Emmet with an unkind j eye, and raised his voice against his appear ing in tiie forums of our State.’ These arc : the grounds upon which the hope is founded by the federal party, to gain the Irish votes at the coming Presidential election. The Irish republicans see the Orange tories in the country always.in the federal ranks, and so closely united with the federalists in princi ples and feelings, that they are not able to distinguish one from another. The Irish re publicans can no more harmonise with fede ralists than with Orangemen, between whom they perceive no sort of difference. Neither are the Irish republicans at all desirous to have the Bank of the'U. States re-chartered, in order to enable the Tory Lords and Tory Bishops of the United Kingdom, at the ex pense of the people of the United States, to invest, at a very profitable rate, the wealth which under the name of rent and tithes,they have robbed from the pockets of tire people of Ireland, the rightful owners of the soil.— The Irish republican voters in the U. States will bo found, as tiiey have always been found in the United States, true to the republican party and its canuidat s, and they will not rally with the Orangemen, the federalists of Ireland, nor the federalists who have always been the Orangemen of the United States. Harp 9wr C'&m mii tee . Copy of a letter addressed to Philip P. Bar boor Esq. in conformity to a re solution a dopted at a political meeting held at Shoe* i Cos Springs, N. C. on tile 25tli ult. by the Committee appointed to correspond with Utssra. Barbour and Van Btircti; with .Mr. Barbour's reply. Si.octa Sp. togs, N. C. Jug. 25,1832. Sir —At a numerous meeting of citizens from various parts of our State brought toge ther by accident ami composed of persons differing in opinion on the several important subjects embraced in the resolutions herein enclosed and differing also in their views on the election of a Vice President of the United Stat; s, the resolutions herewith forwarded were unanimously adopted and we were ap p inted in conformity with said resolutions a committee charged with forwarding you a co py and respectfully soliciting an early reply, to the several questions therein proposed. It is unnecessary for us to add our desire for an explicit avowal of your views on these subjects, for you must be aware that they are producing much excitement throughout our Country and it is a matter of grt at importance that the public should distinctly understand! those who are candidates for high and dis tinguished stations on ail the ieading topics winch agitate the public mind. We have the honor to he, Very respt’y your ob’t servants, JOSEPH il. BRYAN, J. T. GRANBURY, MEMUCAN HUNT. Ilox. P. P. Baubouk. Frcscati, Sept. Oth, 1832. Gentlemen —l have received your letter of the 25th uit. enclosing Certain resolutions a doptod at a poii!tcal meeting, held on that day, at Shocco Springs, Warren county, N. C. In conformity to one of these resolutions, you ask me to state my sentiments m relation to the Protective System, Internal Improve ment, the Bank of the United Slates, and Nul lification. Whilst I should he altogether unwilling to obtrude my opinions in regard to political questions upon the public, l am equally loth to withhold then., when thus publicly and ex plicitly called upon to express them. I there fore without hesitancy proceed to answer the inquiries. I understand the committee to ask what my opinions are, not by what Drocess of reasoning I have been led to adept them. First then as to the Protective System by which I mean the laying of imposts, not to raise revenue, for’the sake of revenue, but to support domestic manufactures against for eign competition. lam decidedly, and ut terly opposed to the whole system, upon the various grounds of its being in violation of the spirit, of the Constitution, and being un just, unequal, and oppressive in its operation. 1 enclose two speeches delivered by me on this subject, in the House of Representatives; the first in 1820, and the other in 1824, in winch you will see my views at length, on all these grounds. Next in order is the subject of Interna! *’.n provement. I consider that whole system, when attempted to be executed by Com-ress, whether in the form of construction, or appro priation by way of subscription, to what is to constructed by others, as unconstitutional, as highly inexpedient, & as calculated to under mine the independence of the States and the virtue of the people; in a struggle for the spoils of the Treasury. My views at iarge upon tins subject will be exhibited in two speeches now enclosed, delivered by me ip the House of Representatives, the one in 1813 and the other in 1830. T,:c Bank of the United States, is the next subject. Besides the objections of this upon the score of oxpediency,particularly the migh-j ty power arising from the concentration in ; an organized form of countless millions of dollars, I consider this as being altogether beyond the constitutional competency of Con gress. The latitude of construction, which would bring this within the pale of the Constitution, would in my estimation, utterly destroy all those restrictions and reservations which make the Federal Government a limited one. And I feel that I do not state the case too strongly, when I say that i*. resolves itself in to a question between a supposed conveni ence to the public in the administration of the finances, and the character of the circuln-' ting medium, and the creation of a power hv the government*) which run? sooner or later. become stronger than the govern The Journals of Congress will s!l „ "‘J the present Bank was chartered , that voted against it. n h The last subject embraced i n tiQn is that ut Nullification. r 1 understand tins term as mean, • the right ot the several BUf, by*" tlmir sovereign power, to deck re vS in their respective orders, nv / tiiey may think unconstitutional **" 1 Thus understand,ng.it, I amo' 1 will endeavor briefly to state La upon tile subject- In general when? tion arises whether an set of(W. * stitutional or not, it belongs to The il Department to decide it, because'l,, the question arises in a case, either irm equity; that is, in a controversy betw!' ties, which had taken a shape for j-,? cision. JuUCI) But when the question is one of P ' power, that is between the I’Vtteral p ment and the States, whether the V! invaded tiie reserved rights of the hold that questions of this kind, do noil to Judicial cognizance. That the rJ the States are parties to the Federal!- ,' in their character of States. Taut ;-?! stitution has not conferred upon the b Department, any political power ww! That therefore in relation to questions, character there is no cornu ion ump ute that consequently the States must dJi themselves. This is the right, but tiie remedy? my opinion is, that the rightful remedy is that of Secession argument which attempts to mai ljta ' right of one State to nullify, & thu s , u , the operation of a law passed according forms of the Constitution, until three-*’ of the States, act under a clause p r for amendments, seems to me,to be ta.* on this error. That in every cast 0 ; a tested [tower, the question is, whn: Joe eons’itution grant as it note is? Where* dor an amendment proposed, tbe qucstii w.iys is,‘not what the constitution uowii what u shall hereafter bo. I have said I hold the rights of the States to secede.’ tiffs right I consider as the last resort. I* say in relation to it, as I here tofore have that as in cases of physical innladv, arsei never administered, but when the pati< otherwise utterly despaired of, so, intis a political character, this remedy shou applied only, in casts of hopeless exim I cannot conclude this letter, without inga Unset prayer, to him who rules tt tinies of nations, that iie would saveoui loved country from this sad catastrophe com when it may, no tongue can adeqi tel! the. evils, which lie hid in the then tenons future. V* i;ii sentiments of esteem, Yours Respectfully, P. P. BARBOIi Messrs. Jos. 11. Bryan, Josiah T. G'r; rv, Memucan Hunt, Committee of a PH Meeting held at Shocco Springs, V. ( The JLa&y's 800 l ©!33{*e of the Lady’s 800 Jtthenian Buildings, Franklin Plm tTUIE number of the Lady’s Book, fur Si her, contains a well executedl engrav steel, representing a subject of peculiar a tiietic interest, ft is from the graver of an distinguished for his excellence. There i sides several engravings on wood, amoif will be found a very nea tand spirited vis Cholera Hospital at Paris, which has lwn sen on account of the pervading interestat ent attached to the pestilence which us w’here spread such desolation. Ti.e literary contents of this number tor a variety of interesting articles, which n re. id with pleasure and profit. Wearctls bled to present the award of the Prize Com which we have printed at large, on the co our Book. By this, it will he seen, that t mium has been awarded to Miss Leslie, i whose talents have won for her a high repi on both sides the Atlantic, and one who ? as much power in delegating scenes andi ters with her pen, as her ..eminent brother works are subjects of universal admiratii exhibited with his pencil. Mrs. Washington Potts, the story of has been distinguished by the unanitno .i bation of a committee composed of go* whose taste and judgment are undoubted,! published in our next number. It is.aliw tureoflife and manners, drawn with grd and discrimination, and a strict fidelity to We venture to a predict fur it a tribute ol ral applause. Among the other siories submitted in < tition, there are many of great merit, would have been specially noticed and ca ded by the committee, but for obvious such a course was considered unadyii They will be published in the hers of our work, as opportunity may off* We hope to make the October No. of* dy’s Book superior to any ofits predeces# addition to the Prize Tale, it will contain i spirited original articles. In order still to improve the book, we have employee j 1 artist, whose present performances give hi promise of future distinction, to stiperin f ' embellishments, and he is now engaged > paring a plate of the Fall Fashions, "li, may safely affirm will equal in point any we have hitherto published. iu course of preparation the portraits oi distinguished individuals. Wc take this occasion to remind our that the edition we are printing of the cuff lumc, does not far exceed the actual-nun subscribers, and it will therefore be n^ those who wish complete setts, to make - plication. Since the subsidence °* l | ,e to the North, and East, ©ur orders have cd to such an extent that we feel hound the fact, that those who wish the work the impropriety of further delay. , 1 1 J L. A. GODEY& 1 Philadelphia, Sept, 1852. THE SUBSCRIBER. RESPECTFULLY informs ll the public, that he has take- the> ‘ head of Cotton Avenue, formerly k e StoVe ; where he is opening a liandsoro • er.il assortment of Dry Goods, \' rocr f ware. Cutlery, Crockery, Naddlcrv- ' 50 pieces Cotton Wagging, and 25 geese Feathers. Aliofwhich hcis' sell at the lowest cash prices picas- n amine for yourselves. ~, .r: ntANCISO’CALP'f A first rate Horse omi Be roue ho I r ‘ j hove-. Fopt