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BY AUSTIN DOBSON. Though the voice of modem school H«s demurred, By the dreamy Asian creed •Tis averred That the souls of men released From tb-;ir bodies when deceased, Sometimes enter in a beast— Or a bird. J have watched you long, Avicee, Watched you so, I have found your secret out; And I know That the restless ribboned tilings, Where your slope of shoulder springs, Are hut undeveloped wings That will giow. "When yon enter in a room It is stirred u With the wayward, flashing flight Of a bird; / i And you speak—and bring with you Leaf and sun ray, bud and blue, And the wind-breath and the dew At a word. When you left me, only now, In that furred, Puffed and feathered Polish dress, I was spurred i Just to catch you, O my Sweet, By the bodice trim and neat— , Just to feel your heart a beat— Like a bird. So I dare not woo you, Sweet, For a day, Lest I lose you in a flash, As I may; Did I tell you tender things, You would shake your sudden wings— You would start from him who sings, And away. THE MEXICAN wii. SPEECH OF HON. JOS. E. BROWN In the Senate of tlto Enltcd States on the 12th of Jane, 1880, on the Bill to Pension Soldiers in tho Mexican and Indian Wars - The Reconstruc tion Policy Referred to. On the bill (S. No. 1753) granting pen sions to certain soldiers of the Mexican and other wars therein named, and for other purposes— Mr. Brown said: Mr. President: This government, after too long delay, granted pensions to the soldiers of the war of the revolution with out any qualification as to their wealth or poverty. We had We load the war of 1S12. A long time passed before there were any pensions granted to the soldiers of that war, but the time did come when the government judged it was proper, on occount of the valuable services rendered by them to their country, to grant pensions to the old and decrepit soldiers ot the war of 1S12. And I recollect no provision in that act that drew any distinction between him who was in Die poor-house or the old soldier who’lived in good style and had means to support himself. The pension was not for liis poverty, but for the valu able service rendered to his country. About thirty-four years ago we declared war against Mexico, and the soldiery of tills country rallied under the flag of the government and marched to that foreign soil and achieved feats of valor the equal of which have scarcely been known on any other fields. They soon'over-rau the country, humbled the government of Mexico, and dictated terms at its capital;' and as the honorable Senator from Texas (Mr. Maxey) justly tells us, we annexed as the result of that conflict of arms, an empire of territory and an empire of wealth. The number of men was com paratively small who achieved this .grand result. True, ws have since pensioned the wonnded and those who were disabled In that war. Time has passed along, and many of the old soldiers of the Mexi can war, as it has been so well and so eloquently said by the able Senator from Indiana (Mr. Voorhces), are becoming ileorcpU. Tncy arc now mostly old meii“ all except the youths who went in then are now grey-headed, time-worn, and little able to work for their support. My honorable friend, the Senator from Kentucky, (Mr. Williams,) in this state of the case, comes forward with his bill to pension (hose old veterans who were his companions in aims, and the gallant old soldiers of the Indian wars, and was met here with amendments which seem to us to be intended to defeat this measure. I neither impugn nor question the motives of Senators, but I say it seems to us this is the intention; aud if the amendments prevail, that is to bo the effect. The amendment of the Senator from Kansas (Mr. Ingalls) is in substance that all the soldiers who lately fought in the war for the preservation of the Union on the Union side aie to be now pensioned. An other amendment, offered by the honora ble Senator from Maine, (Mr. Blaine,) is that thOAfllJtCrs of thtf Mexican war are "only to be pensioued where it is shown that on account of their poverty their ne cessities require it. As I have said,that is an unusual amend ment, because it Las not been incorpora ted in other bills granting pensions to soldiers who have defended the honor and the flag of their country. It is not a proper time now, I insist, to pension the Union soldiers indiscriminately, nor do I suppose honorable Senators on the other side have any intention of doing so, be cause the period has not arrived which has brought them to old age, or that has caused them, on account of their age or infirmities, to be unable to work for au hqnest living. If it were the purpose of Senators to vote to give them pensions in discriminately now, it would then be tlic object of my amendment to postpone the operation of that part of the act till as long a period of time is past after the ser vice was rendered as has already passed in the case of soldiers of the war against Mexico and of the Indian wars. I think it cannot be justly asserted that we of the South have been illiberal in voting pensions to Union soldiers who were disabled by the war. But we insist that the cases are not parallel. It is not proper to put the Union soldiers on the pension roll by the side of the old soldier in the war against Mexico, .because the length of time has uot passed which disables him by age or infirmity from making his own living by his own exer tions or his own labor. Mr. Ingalls—Will it disturb the Senator if 1 ask him a question? Mr. Brown—No, sir; not at all. Mr. Ingalls—Docs he base tlic right or claim to a pension upon the lapse of time that lias intervened since the close of the war in which tlic soldier fought, or upon the necessities of the soldier or his surviv ing widow ? I should like au answer to that question. Mr. Brown—I will answer the Senator’s question by asking him one. Does he in pensioning the wounded officers of tlic Union army base it on their necessities,or does lie pension tlic poor and the wealthy who lost limbs ail alike ? Mr. Ingalls—There is a class of pen sions that are given to those who have specific disabilities resulting from gun shot wounds or loss of limbs, and injuries of that description. There is another class of wliat are called pensions to de pendent relatives, where there is no inju ry to the- person receiving tlic pension, but where necessity and indigence and dependence must be proved. But my question was for the purpose of ascertain ing whether or not the Senator believes that pensions should be granted simply upon the fact of lapse of time since the . war closed, or upon tlie fact that there is a dependence aud indigence and a neces sitous condition that renders help from the government desirable. Mr. Brown—I think the period that has elapsed in case of the soldiers of the war against Mexico is long enough and that tho pensions ought to be granted; and the records will show that neither the Senator nor his party, nor those on my side, have made any exception in the case of wounded soldiers in the Union army. As we have pensioned all alike without inquiring into their wealth ortlieir poverty, we should pension all alike here without inquiring into their wealth or poverty. Mr. Inealls—So we pension all tho wounded soldiers and officers of the Mexi can war without inquiring into their pov- < r;v or their wealth. They all stand on the same platform. Mr. Brown—Then It follows ^ time has come that ifcjis proper to pension the officers and privates who were uot wounded, it sboula.be done without any regard to their poverty or wealth. Mr. Ingalls—Is it a question of time? Mr. Brown—Yes; time has much to do with it, and when the proper time comes to pension the Union soldier, I care not if he is a millionaire, who was a faithful soldier and acted, a gallant part, I would vote to pension all alike. All who did the same service should have the same re ward. Mr. Conkling—Will tlie Senator from Georgia allot? me a minute ? Mr. Brown—Yes, sir; with pleasure. Mr. Conkling—He seems to be discuss ing (his question with candor aud fair ness; ' ' ' .. Mr. Brown—That ismy intention. Mr. Conkling—I believe iu, and for his infonnation and my own I beg to submit to him this proposition: I understand the Senator to argue that time is tlie con trolling matter, and that had thirty years elapsed he would he willing to vote for this amendment in favor of the soldiers of the Union. I think I am right so far. Now, I ask the Senator this question, or rather I submit to him in the form of a query this impression of my own: Al though the proportion of men of advanced age who served in the Mexican war is of course immeasurably greater now than in the case of men who served in the war for the Union, I think that, speaking posi tively, speaking of actual numbers, there is a far larger number of men in advanced age who served in the war for the Union than who served in tlie Mexican war, growing out of the fact that tho whole number of cnlis-.ed men was so immensely greater. Forty-five years, I believe, was tlie limit of age which subjected men to the draft. Now, without saying that num bers of men volunteered who were beyond that age, the Senator will see that a very large number of men who served in tlie war for tlie Union must now be upwards of sixty. The war for the Union broke out in 1S61—in I860 in reality, but I will say in 1861; nineteen years ago. A man who was forty-five years old at the time is now sixty-four years old. Count all these men; and is tlieir not a much larger num ber than of men surviving who fought in the Mexican war who are even as old as that? I think the honorable Senator will be compelled, if he will reflect a moment, to agree with me; and if he does, then I beg to ask him, assuming the whole foree of his argument, why is it that, with laws now exactly equal toward soldiers of all the wars, we should come in and say that men sixty years old and upward who fought in the Mexican war shall be paid a pension although no injuries were re ceived by them, and that a much larger number of men of equal or greater age shall not be paid a farthing unless they lost limb or health? It seems that the Senator’s argument would lead him to say that as to this much larger number at least of Union soldiers, the equities which lie states applied quite as strongly to them. Mr. Brown—Mr. President— Mr. Blaine—If the Senator from Geor gia will permit me one word in further continuation of what the Seuator from New York has said— Mr. Brown—I was just going to observe that when I yielded the floor to the hon orable Senator from New York [Mr. Conkling] to make an inquiry, I did not expect be would inject a .sjteech into mine. To the Senator from Maine I will yield with pleasure. Mr. Blaine—I only want to inject a fur ther observation, not a speech, and that is in continuation of the suggestion made. I do not believe a war was ever fought, certainly none on this continent, so exclu sively by young men as the Mexican war was. It went with a whirl of enthusiasm through the southwest of this country; the young men everywhere flocked to the standard, and I presume that, per capita, there never was a more irresistible army than marched into Mexico; full of enthu siasm, full of fire, full of youth, I venture to amy, taking llto ago nt tlic SurvlVOrS X am only repeating, probably showing the other side of what has been said already— that you can find double the number of men over sixty who served in the war for the Uuion than you can find of men who served in the war with Mexico; double the number. Mr. Conkling—Now at least double. Mr. Brown—Mr. President, I have list- y in restoring fife Union gether and submitting his jplans to them __ ..bove 'comparison with the before he attempted to reconstruct the aohierements of any other army that ever Southern States,-and dictated his terms, I went in the field. Il'I am right as to the advised onr people instantly to accept Divine will in this matter, then I trust, them. Why ? Because, as I understood these grand and glorious results may be.' it, we had 6eceded and you had made perpetual, and may bring us, with good war upon us, aud in that war you were government, unbounded wealth and un-' the ronquejors, and you had a right to limited prosperity. I dictate the terms; aud as the President But why, let me ask, are we thus told alone, in the 1 absence of Congress, reprc- by the Senator from New York, gently, rented theeonquerors, 1 bowed to-his dic- --- - — — - — - > > .i.i-.- tation. We had no one else to appeal to. When Congress assembled, and the delicately, mildly, that we hold title to our seats here by grace ? Your armies fought, as you claimed, for tbc preserva tion of the Union; you could not preserve it without representatives from all the States in this chamber. Tbe constitution of our fathers, the compact of union of Republican party being largely -in tlie majority, repudiated his action and took the matter in hand, you dictated terms that we of the Sofitli thoughtvery hard; but hard as I thought they were, as a matter of our fathers, requires that each State shall necessity and because there was no escape have two representatives of her own free from it, I advised our people at once to choice in this clnmbei; and I care not how long a State has bem in rebellion, when she lays down her arms and you re fuse to permit her Senators to come back into this Senate and occupy their seats, you do what you did not profess to do dur ing the war; you destroy the union rif the constitution, by refusing to permit the dif ferent departments of tbe government to perform tbe functions required by the con stitution. The State of Georgia has a right to two Senators on this floor, undet the constitu tion of the country, and they hold tlieir seats here by tbe grace oi no political, party, of no government, of no depart ment of government, and of no other pow er on the face of this earth except a guar anteed right under the constitution of the United States. We sit here as matter of right, and not as matter of grace. True, we attempted to go out of the Union. I grant it. I was a secessionist, earnest and active; I mince nothing about it. Georgia sent about one hundred regi ments into the field against you, organ ized by me as governor of my State, or called in under ~ the conscript act of the Confederate States, which, as all know, I did not approve. We fought you honest ly. We were as earnest, as honest, as bold and as gallant as you were in the struggle. We believed we were right. Mr. Kirkwood—And believe it yet? Mr. Brown—Yes, sir; I believe it yet. I say we were right on principle at the time. I will give the Senator the full benefit, and then I will say frankly to. the Senator from Iowa two great questions brought tlie war about. They, were slav ery and our differences on the right of se cession. Two great questions, tlie discus sion and agitation of which shook this country from center to circumference. Bold men, enthusiastic men, I may say, patriotic men, each believing they were right, advocated,their own ground with zeal and ability. We of tlie South believed wehadaright to slavery guaranteed by tlie constitution of our fathers. Tlie people of New Eng land and old England imported the slaves. You did not find it profitable to continue to use them and you sold them to our fathers. As you did not find it profitable, and it could be made profitable in the South, you sold them to our fathers, took their money, which you put into brick and mortar, factories, shipping aud other profitable investments that built you up and made you a great people. I would detract nothing from your merits. I ad mire your industry, I admire your educa tional institutions, and I admire your prosperity, aud wish you well in it. Your people, after the importation of slaves had ceased, became dissatisfied with slavery when we became prosperous with it, and without going over tlie ground so often occupied, which I do not intend to do here, suffice it to say we reached the point where you had elected a president on a sectional issue against the extension of slaveiy, and we of tlie South thought we saw in this no other al ternative than the ultimate downfall of slavery, or the exercise of what we con sidered tbe inherent right of secession aud withdrawing from tbe Union. On this issue you resorted to arms to compel Jus to remain in tbe Uuion. We met you in .the high court of your own choice, knowing that on the issue of that litigatlou was involved the question of slavery as well as the rigid. of secession. I believed theu and I believe now that the right of secession was inherent in tlie several States,but when we staked it upon the issue as oiued we were bound hon orably and in good faith to abide by the judgment of that highest of human tri bunals, the u tima ratio region. The re. nLoi su,t of that litigation iu tlia5 high court ion. Well, ws surrendered, after we had ened with pat.ence and with a great deal j n f | na . ,1,,, arbitrament of >.lu> sword, made as gallant a fight as we could, and of interest to the remarks made by tlie i honorable Senator from New York and the honorable Senator from Maine. I have been entertained by the ingenuity with which they have presented their ar gument; and I have no hesitation in ans wering. My reply is it will be time enough to meet and act on these ques tions when they come before tlie Senate. Wien tlie Senators introduce an amendment here, which they have not done, to limit the period of age at of las; resort,tlie arbitrament of the sword, was that slavery was abolished, perpetu ally, forever abolished, and must always remain abolished, and that ours is an in destructible union of indestructible States. And as I said in tlie Senate tlic other day, while I would have given my life then to maintain our institution of slavery, be lieving it was for the best interests of both races, morally, politically, socially and religiously, yet, if by turning my hand over to-day I could reinstate it X would not do so. I which a soldier who served in either of! , *° 1 l ,“ u f .““f 1 the result, the wars shall draw a pension, I may then ****""£ & A “. d ^ tn enntnll,;r,a nr. nCVCf IllOVC for H Ill“W trial. And I SUy be prepared to say something on that sub ject. If the honorable Senator from New York, for instance; chooses now to intro duce an amendment to pension a soldier of tbe war for the Union who is sixty-five or seventy years of age, I may or may not be found voting with him. If he chooses to introduce an amendment here that a soldier who served in the war against Mexico shall not te pensioned until he has arrived at a certain age, I may or may not be willing then to vote with him. But no such question as that which tlie honorable Senators have pressed on the consideration of tlie Senate is now before us. I am discussing the bill witli the amendments submitted; and I am re plying to tlic arguments which have been made on those amendments. I say that the cases of the Union soldiers and the soldiers of the Mexican war are not paral lel; because there were about 2,000,000 of men in the Union army and about 100,- 000,1 believe, in the anny against Mexico; and the proportion of old men iu the Union army that served any length of time may not have been mucii greater than in tbe Mexican war; but I presume it was something greater, because they were called out sometimes for mere local service for thirty days; and I give tlic Sen ators the benefit of all that; but f say that does not affect tlic question we are now disenssiug. I will meet tlie question pre sented by tlie two able Senators when it comes in shape for action before the Sen ate. The time has come when I think it is proper to pension tlie soldiers 1 of the war against Mexico and the Indian wars; and when amendments come up a3 to limiting the period of time or the age when they shall have it I will then consider that question. When interrupted by tlie tliree honorable Senators I was discussing tlie amendment of the Seuator from Maine, by which lie proposes to pension In tbc case of tbe soldiers against Mexico only those who are indigent; and I was attempting to show the Senate that that was an ex ception never made heretofore in a gene ral pension bill, aud that it was not a proper one to make against tbe men who had performed tlie feats of gallantry and had achieved the grand results that the men did who fought against Mexico. Thai is about what I desired to say upon that point. Now, Mr. President, a few remarks on another point. The honorable Senator from New York (Mr. Conkling), it is true, did not say that the Senators on tills floor who fouglit on tlie Confederate side of tlie late war, which be terms tbe war of tbe rebellion, sit bore by the grace of tlic government, of the Senators on tlie other side, or of tbe party to which the honorable Senator be longs; but why, let me ask that honorable Senator, was it necessary to throw out tlic idea on tlfat' point, that we sit hero under circumstances where tlie title of our seats might at least, by implication, be ques tioned? ’ ’ . Tlic honorable Senator, in his interrog atories to the Senator from Texas, desired to know whether tlie result achieved by tlie Union anny in tlie preservation of tlie Union was nor much grteater, more grand and glorious tlian,thq result achieved by the soldiers in’the war of Mexico. On this point I desire to say that I must sup pose now Uiat Providence overruled our ef forts to secede from the Union, and I pre sume a wise Providence had a grand ob ject in that result, and if Uc hail, lie will doubtless continue to develop Ilis designs until the achievements of tbe say tlie same as to tlie question of secession; I consider it forever settled. I did think a State had the right to se cede, and still think it had, hut the decis ion of a high court, as already stated, was against tlie rigid, and I feel bound by that decision, which settles tlie question finally, perpetually, forever. Now, will tlic Senator from Iowa please put that with the other answer? That, is where I stand. I hold that a great war like the war between the States always settles something. The war of the revolu tion settled something. We went into that war the subjects of Great Britain; we came out a free country, with free anil independent States. There was no ques tion that the English government had the right to control us.as colonies under her charters before that war. It is equally clear that she has no right to do it now. Why ? Because the war settled that ques tion and settled it forever. It settled it against England; it settled it in our favor, and we are no longer the subjects of tee British crown. In this view of the sub ject it must be admitted that wrars do often legislate, or at least they decide disputed rights. Mr. Kirkwood—Will the Senator allow me? Mr. Brown—Not this moment. The parallel, to some extent, of the war of the revolution b the war of the rebellion, as you term it, aud as we must all term it on account of our failure. At tlic time we did not so consider it. If we had succeeded we would have been patriots and heroes, but, having failed, we were rebels; conse quently we must accept tlic term, “the war of the rebellion.” That war settles it per manently and absolutely that slavery is dead and that tlie right of secession is lost and gone forever, just as the war of tlie revolution settled tlic fact that we were no longer colonists of tlic English government. But, while that was true, it did uot settle tlie fact that the States bail no rights in tlie Union. It settled, and settled perpet ually, tlie question of our right to go out. That will never be contested again, but we stand with whatever reserved rights wri originally bad in the Union, under tlie constitution, with the perfect right of State representation upon this floor, without favor or grace from any quarter, and with the perfect right of local self-government as practiced by the fathers, limited only liy tbe new amendments to the constitution. And so has tbc Supreme Court of the United States, in effect, decided since the war. Many of tha Senators on the other side were Wliigs originally, and I will admit that wo stand to-day in this government more nearly upon the original platform of the Whig party than that of the Demo cratic party, to which I belong and in whose fold I was reared, We,ca*mot now stand to tlie full extent upon the doct rines of Mr. Jefferson aud Mr.. Calhoun, - be cause the war, so far as the rim of seces sion is.concomcd, lias settled that against -us,-but we-can stand upon, tlie doctrines of Clay, Jackson and Webster,as to the rights of tlie States. And there is where I think we do stand, and wheie all States ‘and parties should continue to stand. - Now, a word further In reference to our right to be here. I admit at tlic. ond of tlie war, when-we were tlie' vanquished, you were the conquerors, and 1;-as; an original secessionist, believing we lmd gone out of tlie Union and had been con quered, admitted your right to dictate tbe terms as conquerors. When President Johnson committed tlie great mistake of not calling Congiess to- rccognize your authority, acquiesce and promptly comply with your dictation. We had tried resistance to your authority when we had nearly half a million of gal- laut men under arms, and by your supe rior numbers and resources you had deci mated our ranks and compelled us to sur render. At the end of the struggle you had, I believe, over twelve hundred thousand troops organized and on your muster-rolls, in service and ready for ser vice. Having failed to make effective re sistance while our armies were iu tho field, I saw’ no hone of it after they had surrendered and you remained armed aud equipped in all the plenitude of your power. In this state of the case, I was satisfied the wisest tiling bur people could do was to agree with tlie adversary quick ly. I thought it of tlie first importance to get back into tbe Union and get rightful representation in Congress as States, even under the unjust terms of your dictation. And I so advised our people. It is true that I went through a hard or deal on account of that advice, but I have never yet regretted it, because I thought it was best for my section and best for the whole country. And I think it will be generally admitted that time has proven the correctness of my judgment. I then stood upon the platform of acquies cence in the reconstruction measures dic tated by Congress. I still stand there. Tlie Democratic party of the whole Union stands there to-day, and has stood there for the last eight years. I supported Grant in 1SCS. The national Democratic party supported Greeley in 1872. It seemed to me we were then together again. And I have constantly acted with them since then. But at that time other eminent gentlemen differed witli me. They were as honest as I was. I impugn the motives of nobody. I only speak of the history of those events. I am aware, gentlemen, that you considered us still very rebellious, because the section to which I belonged, tlie States lately in rebellion, dill not in stantly aequies'ce in everything you dic tated. Let us look at this a little and see if you ought not to have viewed our case with a little more fairness, not to say charity. It seems to me justice required that, in passing upon our acts, you should have taken into account our true condi tion and the great embarrassments ot our situation. We may have made a great mistake in going into the war. 1 think, however, there was no other way on earth to get rid of the slavery question. It was only a question whether we would fight it out or our children would have to fight it out. Be that as it may, we went into it a wealthy people. We lost by the results of the war over S2,000,000,000 worth of slaves. We supported our own armies for four years out of our substance. It is tine tlie Confederate government and tlie States issued bonds am notes, but at the end of the war you required us to repudi ate them absolutely; and I admit you had a shadow'of reason for that. It was said there were Union men in those States, and Union men had a right to go there and settle, and that no Union man should be taxed lor the purpose of paying the wa.’ debts of tlie Confederate States. Tlmt was tbe most feasible grounds on which you put it. Suffice it to say that you re quired us to repudiate those obligations, and the result was as stated, we supported our armies for four years oiit of our own substance. Then we returned to tlic Union as soon as you would let us. It is true we were in rather an awkward dilemma for a time. During the war you said we had no right to go out; that we never were out; that our ordinances of secession were nulli ties; that we were all tlie time in the Un- we came back witli our representatives ready to acquiesce in your theory, and in good faitli resume our place in tlie union, and you refused to admit us. You said we were in while we were fighting you, but we found we were out when wclaid down our arms. However, after a long struggle, you did admit us, but on wliat terms? You, by tlie fourteenth constitu tional amendment and the reconstruction acts, disfranchised every man who had lieiil office and taken au oath to support, the constitution from voting for delegates to the conventions held under tlie recon struction acts, anil after that period, not from voting, but from holding office un til relieved by Congress. Well, now* look at that. You will at least admit that the people of tlie South were a gallant people. And you cau readily imagine how keenly they felt terms of that character. They thought it was hard, even cruel, that you should impose such terms; but you did impose them Furthermore, when you finally let us back into the Union, we of course had to assume our part of the expenses of tlie war on your side. In other words, in propor tion to our means we hail to pay our part of tlie debt contracted for the suppoit ol tlie Union armies; and not only so, but we have to pay our part of the very large sum that is now annually appropriated to pen sion Uuion soldiers, anil 1 grudge not a single dollar of it tor them, for they were gallant men fighting for their honest con victions. On the other hand I think you shouldsympathize with the poor maimed soldier who, on our 3ide, felt that lie was fighting in as sacred a cause as yours, and' believed lie was right, who can draw no pension because he was on the weaker side. But that was not all. Yon set our slaves free as I have said, aad then very soon after that, you put tlie ballot in tlieir bands to go to tbe polls byt.be side of those who hail lately been tlieir masteis and owners, and exercise tlie elective fran chise. Now, I beg Senators to remember that all these things taxon together were very trying to a gallant people. A people who hail gone into tlie war from honest convic tion that they were light, who had lost in the contest under circumstances like these would very naturally feel tlie.defeat and the terms imposed by the conqueror keenly, and it would have been remarka ble if there had been no riots, no blood shed, no lynch law, nothing there to dis turb the quiet of society. It is only re markable, when we tliink of all wc had to undergo in tho reconstruction period, and the losses of tlic war, and the irritations growing out of it, where every family had lost a father, a brother, or a son, to say uothiug of property, not that we should have had so much disorder, but remarka ble that we did not have more of it. 1’lace yourselves in our situation, with our misfortunes, and tell me if you think your people would have acted with greater moderation or less violeuco. Now tlie Senator from Kansas (Mr. In galls) tells us that if this bill passes We put upon tlie pension rolls a portion of tlie old Mexican soldiers and the soldiers of tlie Indian wars who fought in tlie war of the rebellion under the rebel flag. I have no donbt that will be so, because they were as gallant a body of men as you ever knew when they fouglit -ifUder the Union flag. And wlien their section was invaded, and they weresatisfied they were right, they rallied to arms and they did fight like heroes under- the rebel flag. But, after ail the hard terms yob put upbii ns, after all wn have had to suffer, as just recited, are these gallant old .-heroes to be still further punished:* Is- the bloody shirt to wave forever 1 .’ Is there to .be no time when the offense of lighting gal lantry fdr honest convictions is qotuloned? We do not ask you, Senators, to pen-, slon them because they fouglit in the war of tlie rebellion, but give them pensions because they fought in the war against Mexico, under the flag of the Union. You say you forgive tho balance. You do not require us now to take tlie oatli that we did not engage in the rebellion before we r corporateaBnto it the — .. our people to go to the polls by thejftide of ’ pie that flic-State should continue to their former slaves aud vote. y7by, then, make Atufable appropriations to maintain will you make the point here that these a colored college. ^ -V. a old heroes served in the rebel army wb8h-{ The city of Atlanta maintains a system asked to give them pensions for the ser- ’ of public schools. It employs ; sxity-odd vice done upon a foreign field under the teachers in the public schools. They are Union flag ? I think Senators on the other ! paid out of the treasury by taxation of side will nor be s6 illiberal .ms that, "it Alio, people. Part of the schools were seems to me to be’illiberality. ‘Now, when j built for the colored race and part for the war iVorer, and yon have dictated the ' the'whitt, and they have had equal justice terms and enjoyed the resultfvyou-miglit' there all the \vhile,-and there is no -com- ei - c ^ e3 0 f Abe Mercer at least he content to waive farther reter- j plaint whatever; at least I hear none, and Ufiram liot , tn , ence to the conduct of these gallant men. I lhavabcen a member of the hoard sinqejts who were acting under honest convictions ; organization. Therefore I say tlie colored during the late civil strife, and give them ■' people are satisfied. We have given them pensions for valuable services rendered to the Union. Why not? —While on the floor-1 want to say a few words about another subject that is not ex actly germane to this issue, but I shall not :have another opportunity, and as it is in reply to remarks that dropped on tho first day I sat in the Senate from Senators on that side I shall ask your indulgence. It is iu reference to the treatment of the colored race by tlie people of the South since the war. I know that much lias been said about sworn testimony as to riots and bloodshed in the South soon after the war. Much of this testimony was from sources wholly unreliable and unworthy of credit. But I have admitted that there was some of it, aud have given you the reasons for it. Now allow me to tell you that that day has passed. In my State—aud I can speak more certainly in reference to- it because I am better in formed there—we have as orderly a com munity to-day as Senators from tbe north ern section of tho Union have in theirs. Law and order reign supreme, and lie who inflicts an injury upon a colored man must answer for it to the law. Not only that; the colored race ha3 behaved well; they ere working well, and we feel most kindly toward 'them. Why should we not? They were raised in our house holds; tbe master and the mistress of the premises had the responsibility of looking after and caring for them. That responsi bility, added to the common dictates of humanity and our interest in them, made ns treat them well. There were some bad slaveholders, and there are some bad hus bands and guardians in Northern. States; but such was not tlie rule. When the war came on the newspapers on your side predicted that it must be of short iluratiou because our negroes would rise in insurrection and soon disband our armies. Well, I confess we were not without some apprehension on that sub ject, and they could have ili«banded Lee’s army any moment they had risen in insur- fection iu tlie rear. I mention that to show you the kindly understanding that existed between the two races at the time. There was no bad feeling there between them, and during the whole period of the stmggle, where they were not tom away from us by the Union armies intervening, they behaved as well as any race could behave, aud I take pleasure in testifying to it. When General Sherman invaded the territory of my State and I called out, iu addition to the very large number in Con federate service, tlie old men up to fifty- five and the hoys down to sixteen, it was an extraordinary levy on account of the invasion. Tlic whole manhood of the white race was iu the martial field aud the whole manhood of the colored race was in tlie corn-field and tlie cotton-field. They had it in their power to disband our atniies, but they did not do it, and when the news would come of one of Lee's or Stonewall Jackson’s brilliant movements and splendid victories, I have seen them throw tlieir caps high into the air and shout for joy over it. The only inquiry was, “How is Massa John or Massa Tom? Is lie ent safe?” Hence I say we have no reason to feel unkindly toward them. Then, again, at tlie end of the war when you gave them tlie ballot by our side without education, without training, without any state of probation, it was cer tainly a dangerous experiment. We an ticipated, it is true, great trouble, and We did have trouble, because that class of men called carpet-baggers, who were ad venturers, who had "no stake at home, came down and took charge of them, and often misled and deceived them, and in that way we had trouble, but lake it alto gether they behaved then—and I take pleasure in testifying to it—better than al most any other race would have done under similar circumstances. Then I say we are not hostile to tho colored race. We are their friends 'aud they are our friends. Now, a little further. Soon after tlie war, amhliiring the reconstruction period, the question of tlieir education came up. It was a very vexed question. The lead ers of tlie two races came together when the first legislature under tlie reconstruc tion acts was in session—and a considera ble proportion of it was colored—to con fer oil that subject as to what was best to be done. I recollect a delegation of them came to my office—I was then on tlie Su preme bench as chief justice of my State —and asked my advice about it, and I know they asked tho advice of other gent tlenien very freely. I said, “We canno- liave mixed schools; yon build a school house for your clnldrenon one hill, aud we will bu.ld one for ours upon another, and we will divide the money with you honest ly and faithfully; you shall have your hon est pro rata according to tlic number of children you have within the school age, and though we have to pay it—and as a people we are left very poor—we believe it right that you have your part of it, and wo shall see that you get it. At tlie time we could not make large appropriations for that purpose, but we did tlie best we could anil divided the money fairly. It lias since increased until I see by the last report of our able State school commis sioner we now raise and apply to public schools in our State about $400,000 an nually. Mr. Teller—I wish to ask the Senator what legislature lie speaks of? Mr. Brown—I speak of the reconstruc tion legislature, the one immediately af ter tlie reconstruction convention. Mr. Teller—The Seuator I suppose does not speak of the legislature that assem bled b fore tlie ballot was given to tlie colored people in his Slate. Mr. Brown—Before what, sir? Mr. Teller—You had a session of the legislature before the colored people were given the ballot, had you not ? Mr. Brown—YeS, there was a session of the legislature under the Joliuson govern ment, »3 you may term it. Mr. Teller—In the legislature that as sembled after reconstruction tlie negroes had control of tlic legislature by tbeir numbers, bail they not ? Mr. Brown—No sir; there was not more than a third; I do not remember tlie exact number, but my recollection is there was not quite a third of tlie members who were colored men. The white men hail tbe control of the legislature. The question came up also as to the education of their sons at college, and they asked wliat about that. We said to them, “in the present state of feeling here if you sent your sons to college with ours, there will he trouble and probably It 'will break lip tho college, but we will build you a college; select your place} we will appropriate money out of the treasury to construct your buildings for you, aud wo will appropriate exactly the same amount annually to your college that we do to our own, or if you will adopt a college that a noble char itable society of New England lias al ready located in Atlanta, and they will wave the denominational feature, we will adopt that as tlie eoloreil college of tlie State, aud-we will make the appropriation to it. Prior to that timo wo had appropriated annually $8,000 to our State university. That year we appropriated 86,000 each to Uie college for the white anil tho college for the colored. A colored member went into the legislature and moved that tho schools be kept forever separate.' A white member thereupon moved that'the colored race should ha ve their fair proportion of the fund. Botli propositions were adopted aud a fair division was made. It was just mil it-was right. It was true one of the exec utives bf the State since did recommend that the 88,000 a year to tlie colored col lege be discontinued for wliat lib consiil- fair play in the educational system of the State-lhroughoufc.. - - — We employ tlie colored people r They arc tlie best laborers we cau get. You may talk about German immigration, Chinese immigration, or any other immigration into tho State; I would not give the negro as a laborer in the cotton field for any man of any race. They are laboring there faithfully, and we are paying them justly, and we intend to continue to do so. Many of them are accumulating property. We are glad of it. We feel kindly toward them. We wish them well. You made them citizens, and we now wish to aid them to be good citizons, and to become useful members of society. To that end we shall do all in our power, I know I should beg tlie pardon of the Senate for making this digression, as it is not germane to this particular debate; but while on the floor I have asked .the privilege, because I think some honorable Senators on the other side the other day, from the teuor of their speeches, whatever may have been the case in the past, did not understand the facts of the case or the relations as they exist between the two races in our State at the present time. Now, Mr. President, I have gone through substantially wliat 1 desired to say. I have already said that we are pay ing our part of the taxes to pension your wounded soldiers, and we do not grudge it to them, though we deeply deplore the fact that ours have no pensions. The only chance, probably, for the South to have a little in return is for you to give pensions to those old Mexican veterans and veterans of the Indian wais. I know Senators on the other side cannot be charged witli wane of generosity; but, I ask, is it generous in the present state of the ease to refuse a little pittance to those men who composed that grand army of invasion of Mexico, the superior of which, according to its numbers, has never been known upon the planet that we inhabit ? I appeal to Sen ators to withdraw the objection, and, at least, do that much for the men who served so gallantly under the flag of the Union so long ago, both in the Indian war and the Mexican war, and do not lay to their account the fact that, pursuing their honest convictions, they have since served their own States and their own section in what you term tlie war of the rebellion. It seems to me, after all that has been condoned and all we have* suffered, that might be passed over on this occasion, anil that your magnanimity might prompt you to act liberally toward them. When we ret urned to tlie Union we did so in good faith. The question of the right of secession is settled forever, and with its settlement our faith is pledged to stand by and defend the constitution and the Union. In the field you found the South em anny to be brave men, and brave men are never treacherous. Should our rela tions with foreign powers at any time in volve this government in war, the people of the North will have no reason to com plain of tlie promptness, earnestness and gallantry with which the people of the Southern States will rally arouud the old flag and bear triumphantly wherever duty calls. If that emergency were now upon us, the comrades in arras of Sherman and John son, who once confronted each other with such distinguished heroism, would rally together in the cause of the Union, and vieing with each other, would perform such prodigies of valor as the world has seldom witnessed. This being the pres ent condition of the country, the present feeling of the great masses of people each side, let us do justice to each other, restore cordial and fraternal relations, and folding up the bloody shirt let us bury it forever beyond the reach of resurrection; and let us unite iu the enactment of such laws as willshow to tlie world that we are once more, not in uame only but in reality, a united peo ple, ready to do equal and exact justice to all. And let us move forward gradu ally aud gloriously in united efforts to re store to every section of tbe Union sub stantial, growing, material prosperity; and we will then bring to tlie 'whole country peace, happiness and fraternal relations. This seems to me to be a consummation devoutly to be wished by the patriotic people of ail parts of tlie Union. For gout, dyspepsia, bilious, remit tent and intermittent fevers, diseases of tlie blood, liver, kidneys and biadder, Dr. Ttitt's pills lias been wondei fully success ful. These diseases are the result of vi tiated blood. As a blood purifier they have no equal. A bachelor suffering witli a cold was banded a dose of Coussens’ Honey of Tar hv his sister. “What is it?” he asked. “Elixir Asthmatic, it will make you feel ecstatic.” He replied, “You are very sis- termatic.” Down went Honey of Tar and cured his cough. Price. 50 cents, For sale by Hunt, Rankin & Lamar. myl5-3m2 Woodbury, N. J., July 15,1876. Dr. C. J. Moffett—Dear Sir—I nerer forget the gratitude. I owe you for earing the life of - my little boy Robert, when at death's door, from Cholera In fantum. After having tried traveling,differ ent- localities and climates,many physicians and remedies, the disease only increased in violence. As soon as we commenced giving Tccthina (Teething Powders) tlie disease began to abate, the child to rest better than lie had done for months, his ap petite to return, and soon his rosy cheeks gate joy to hie mother’s heart. Very respectfully, Mrs. Gen. S. G. French j 5-lm Fine Timber.—We clip the following from the Baiubridge Democrat: Tlic Georgia pine timber for tho * ridges on the New York and New England rail way arrived in Bridgeport last week. On account of its length it was taken out of a porthole in the bow of the boat, dropped to tlie water and then raised to the cars. Some of tlie timber was so heavy witli pitch that it sank and had to be grappled for.—Detroit Free Press. This timber was from Decatur county, and was gotten out by Hadden & Co., just tliree miles above Baiubridge. De catur has some of tlie finest timber in the South. Several firms are making money at the timber business here. Crescent spring Water. For several years had' been affected with gravel of the kidneys. My urine was carefully analyzed and found to con tain nearly half an ounce of uric acid. I had not taken the water three days luitil the quantity was reduced fifty per cent., aud three weeks after, a last aualysis showed the urine free from gravel. Solomon Stein, Of S. Stein & Co., 440 and 448 Broadway, New York. September 8th, 1S79. For information apply at Hall's Drug Store. ,r > Excess!vo Heat aud improper food at tills season of the year may speedily carry you to tlic grave. Parker’s Ginger Tonic should always be kept in the house, as it is unequalled for uursiug- mothers with teething children, aud pot only cures diarrhoea, dysentery, cholera, cholera infantum, colic, cramps, etc., but prevents these dangerous at tacks. By its corrective action on the di gestive apparatus it cures headache, indi gestion, nervousness, palpitatirn : of the. —^ _— . , „ heart, wakefulness, nouralgic pains, liver cred-good reasons, but after lira question j disorders, low spirits, sour stomach and hail been thoroughly canvassed in tlie j all other symptoms and foijns of dyspep- Iegislature, tlie appropriation was made : sia, regelates the bowels, and enables you by a minority so 'overwhelming that there ’ to enjoy tho fruits and vegetables of the was scarcely any division upon it. Then season. Buy a 50 ct or SI bottle and try J when our convention of 1S77 met, which it. For sale by Roland B. Hall, druggist, framed our present constitution, they iu- apr20 3m. BETWEEN' THE CICERONIAN AND ' .. PHI DELTA SOCIETIES. “Is There Reason for Believing- that the Republican Institutions of this Country Will hhare tho Fate of All Past Republics?” A large audience gathered at Masonic Hall last night to witness the opening ex- commencementy-a debate between her two societies. In the debate, the Ciceronian took the affirmative, and the Phi Delta the nega tive side of the question. 3IEOE5ZfipakeOrJh.e. evenihg Mr. F. H. Greaves, of Clinton, Ga., (af firmative). As he advanced to the front he was greeted with applause by his many friends in the audience. The speaker argued that monarchy was of di vine origin. He pointed to the early his tory of the world, and the universal form of government. In Jewish history he pointed to David, chosen direct by God, and anuointed by Samuel as king. Coming down the ages, he showed how every republic had given way to, and been preceded by monarchies. French and English histoiy was touched upon Switzerland, he affirmed, was the only permanent republic of Europe. South America was the home of republics, all in a state of anarchy as continuous as that of Mexico. Turning toward the United States, the speaker investigated their stability, dwell ing upon the form of government, and the fiequency with which they had barely escaped overthrow. The rebellion of Massachusetts, passage of the alien law, the presidential contests, the threatened withdrawal of New England States, the slavery question of 1S20, the nullification troubles of a few years later, the John Brown invasion, and the civil war. The country is tending towards centralization of power, and the people are not united. He claimed that the present government is a travesty upon republican principles. Arguing from all these things, the speaker was of the opinion that the republic would perish. Mr. C. Z. Blalock, of Fayetteville, Geor gia (negative), next took the floor to prove the stability of our government. He took his hearers back to the formation of the union, and told how the government was born, and its effect on tbe world’s thrones. Ho affirmed that the best governments have been republics, and pointed to the progress and civilization of the Grecian states. The beauty and strength of our government is the moral power that, bom in the hearts of the people, holds it together. The beauty and strength of the constitution lies in the freedom it gives religion and opinion, and it will never turn to imperialism. The people will de fend it to the last. . He illustrated the sa- creilness with which the people would guard the constitution, by the act of the South who stripped from it the additions that had been made,and adopted it almost as it originally stood.In this connection he asserted that there was no rebellion, and paid a beautiful tribute to the men who bled and died. He could not believe that while the mothers of the land taught their children, that republican principles could die, or the republic be --overthrown. We must have faitli in the republic; The American people are awake to their in terest? and the republic will be safe witli Hancock and English at tha helm. The speaker closed with an eloquent tribute to “the flag.” His speech was frequently interrupted by applause. Mr. J. R. Erwin, Fort Gaines (affirma tive.) Tbis speaker argued that since all nations and governments pass away, so must this. A weafceniiy; of the republic has been noticeable for years, especially during the last fifteen. Whisky rings, railroad rings, and comipt rings general ly are undermining the foundations; the disregard of State rights; the prostitution by the returning boards, and the centrali zation of capital were factors in the over throw to come. The speaker dwelt upon the disregard of law, tramp organizations, Kearney ism and labor troubles, as ele ments that must enter into the general dissolution. He took the wind out of his opponents’ sails by reminding them that the “great and glorious Union” of which they spoke, is now presided over by a fraud. This speech was received with great fa vor by the audience. J. C. Solomon, of Bullard’s, came to the rescue of tlie negatives. He pointed out the fact that our government is not found ed upon the model of any that has prece ded it; dwelling upon the difference in its structure, he showed how impossible it was for history te repeat itself in an over throw. The world had advanced, and the people demanded liberty; liaving received it they would keep aad defend it. He showed how one department is bal anced bv another, how safeguards are thrown around them, and how the people held in check the office holders. He said the love of tlie people would keep the government standing; that nev er a change of governments had come but when tlic people had changed, and that never a change had been known so radical that the people learned to hate the tiling they loved, and to love the thing they hated. Tlie fraud by which the people were cheated four years ago was regarded as an indication of tlie strength, rather than tlie weakness ot the republic. Tlic speaker’s reference to tlie Demo cratic nominee of to-day was greeted by cheers. Mr. Solomon spoke with great force and fervor, and kept his audience in terested. The fifth speaker was Mr. J. S. Rogers, of Waynesboro, (affirmative.) This speaker thought his side of the question not only, so far, unassailed, but unas sailable; he would not take advantage of a close construction of the terms of the proposition, and by showing one reason, gain the point; he. would he more liberal and provo conclusively that his side were right. He divided his speech into parts and asserted first that the government had never received the unanimous support of tho people. This position was supported by reference to history. There had been two parties from the beginning,and treason as well as patriotism in every war had ex isted. Tbe people had been devided on every point and occasion. * His second proposition was, that this opposition brought war, anil war destroyed republican principles. He referred grace fully to the late war; regarding it aside- from sentiment, he asserted that it was a war for liberty on the part of the pontji, and that when she failed liberty died from tlie world. He pointed to tho fact tl’at thirteen Southern States and twenty mil lions of people are held arid controlled by a government from which they had with drawn. The speaker therefore regarded tlie republican principles already gone. His manner aud address were those of a TAKE Simmons LIVER Regulator, favoeite SaSSHmie leieiT SSSgtt and herb*, which' an Ali-Wi>A placed in countries ,tere DtaS? prevail. U will cure all Uivie, lautm? “i* 1 ranged ent of tho Liver •udBeiSPnSLi?: Iho Liver and prevent “«snlata MAlARIiL DISEASES. Sutrmer ia the sra-on of the v ir n.. tern is 1 able to set cut ol ort/r and ^. 1 ] 1 '* J «: dangerous bilious triads freq cnilv folio. K® principal erase of ntatly all mlaes, it Ih7s °(the year bn its oruin in a oiio.derea LiiS? which if not regulaied in time, gnasTcti,^!' wretchedness end dcaih will emue. S precaution taken in time in tha shine ol ble and efficacious Liver Begul.t ,r will illness and fatal conu-queccci. Un mJ!2S£ mjdem timeahaasail.d• wiaerre utatioiioL. SIMMONb’ LIVER BEUULAIOEL and by being kept ready for immed‘ate ttLn will rave many an hour if suffering and maDj» di Harm time and doctor* bibs. Do you want to purilv the sj stem ! Do you want to get rid of bilious nets f Do you want son. etfcinc to it rent then jouf Do j ou w«nt a good appetite k To you wint to get rid o’ n-rvcuaneis ? B.; YOU want good Do you want to sleep well? Do you war. i to build upj c>u» crnatitution ? Do y on want a brisk and vigorous feelirc* If you do, TAKE SIMMONS LIVER REGULA- TOR. An effectual rperific for Constipation. Fain in tf-e-'houldera.ae*ilache,Dix- xincs*. Hourttranch, Ks-1 Tasteln tho Mouth, bfliooa Attacks, Palpita tion of tte Heart, Pain in the fcegi n of iho Kidneys, Despondency, Ciooia and Foreboding oi Evil-all ol which ARE THE OFFJPRING OF A DIS EASED LIVER, [Extract of a letter from • im. his, Tenn.. April 37, 1879*1 Sins: I have stood theit.vip of four epidemics of lb-yellow fe'er. I hsd it the Hrit visitation; but during the other ihreo l usedyoernedieme. 1 was Continually in thiroomsoitheaick and dy ing, but escapee. 1 have had several tonkae ho. I escaped. I told them it wa« allosincto the virtueof tour SIMMON'S LlYfcit BbbULA- Tiis. Iliheftver war to break cut again.and I had a bottle of your REGULATOR, i would feel u safe as if I was one tLouianU miles awty. Respectful y, W. B. YATB8. IT HAS NO EQUAL. Thousands lead Vuiser-b’e lives, reffering from dy.peptia. a disordered atimsch and iivor, pro ducing b.lioutreu. hi artburr.eoaliver.fss, weak- ness, irregular appetite, low spirits, raising food after calm., nd often ending in fatal attacks it fever. They know they a>usick, yit get little • ympath.v. The unfailing remedy to prevent thrse affliction*, and restore health is Simmons Liver Regulator. CAUTION. As there are a number if nuitati ins offered, we would caution the public uot to aikiar some othtr compound to bo calmed off under a similar siundtrg name, with tbe assurance that it is a» geod. Bear in mind that tbe ou y object such dealers can have, ii the facs 1 bat they can make a few pennies extra protit by selling tbe rpnrious. hoieKrnuii'eunlevaiuour engraved wrapper, with‘Red F* trade mark, stamp and signature unbroken. J.H.ZBILIN A CO., Philadelphia. Pa. Price.!?!. Sold by all drugeials. i.nZitf polished orator, and his well arranged argument had interwoven with it a pleas ing sentiment. It was regarded as tbe gem of the evening. The last negative speaker was Mr. Win. Wimberly. Desiring a close adherence to the text, Mr. Wimberly entered upon his ta3k cheerfully. He pictured the dif ference betweeu our own aud former re publics, and the absence here of the causes that liavo in days gone by led to tho dis solution of republics. This republic grew out of a love for liberty; it was founded upon the bible, and would stand as none other had. Bringing to his assistance all the points Of history and experience fa vorable to his side, Mr. Wimberly deliv ered a fine argument and ?voked b) many happy hits frequent applause. The programme was interspersed with choice music from tho Mercer Comet Band. Mr. W. B. Hill, in the absence of Col. J. C. Rutherford, was appointed judge of the debate. He stated that his position was one of difficulty, and he would de cide tlie question by weight of argument rather than by the skill with which it had been handled. Were it a question sim ply as to which society had best argued the case, his decision would bo different. As a final decision, he quoted tlie words of Lincoln, “this government is of tho people and from the people and by the people, and must endure.” . This gives the victory to the Phi Deltas. Wilbor’s Comnoauil or Pare Coil Elver Oil and Lime The advantage ol this compound over the plain oil is, that the nauseating taste of tho oil is entirely remora*, and the whole rendered entirely palatable. The offensive taste of the oil has long acted as an objection to its use; but in this form the trouble is entirely obviated. A host of certificates might be given here to testi fy to the excellence aud success of “IF«- bor's'Cod-Liter Oil and Lime;" but the- fact that is prescribed by the medical fac ulty is sufficient. For sale by A. B. Wil- bor, chemist, Boston, and by all drug gists. Estimate of Mechanical Forces. A curious calculation of tlie amount of mechanical power produced in civilized countries by steam engines, water-wheels and wind-mills, has been made by a writer in the Alta California. It finds these combined forces equal to the labor of 200,000,000 laboring meu. Europe and America have five times as much power in their horses and oxen as In their men. The Christian nations have about 80,000,- 000 men, and the power of 600,000,000 men in brute and machine power. Each man lias on an average seven and a half times his own strength ir machinery, horses and- oxen jointly to work for him.' SYMPTOMS OF A TORPID LIVER. Loss of A; IPam in t! tne back ito^Irausea-boYrelscostivej ij^^^WTtUadUjlsenaatioiiin ■rt, t*am"uDde'r't!i.* bhoinner- Tt* bTado,' J!uilnM£ratrte^eiUiixgj^\vu!ffir^cLj>u conation to exertion of body c :• un i lOffijr?' insmoTriw|ui|afeoIingo^^^ira^ir- g '?cica soraia ciatv, weariness, llimincss, "E’iutter- mg'at' tna Pl'e!!rt| liota bet'oro tno eyoa, niKht, lTigiiiycolored l!)n“e!“" " IF THESE WARNINGS ARE UNHEEDED, SERIOUS DISEASES WILL SOON BE DEVELOPED- TBIT’S PILLS nro especially mlaptcd to • fluoU cn*»<■*» eiie&otrc fflTTWsuchachange of Ic-linfi as^ojW£tnslijM#»^nfrerer» A Noted Divine says: Dr. TIJTT:—Dear Sir: For ten jrsar 3 I have n niartyr to Dyspepsia, Const ipat'.on andPltoi* Spriiuryour l’il's Mnncom emzkuK ; l I used tt«n- I am now a well nan. good appetite, di^stion perfect, regular ptv>:s, p.’.t s Rose,and hare*: forty pOCndflflefb.Tti^y * -c* trorihl n^.r wt*:»rhtii Kev, K, L. SLMFSOX, j ouisvillc, 1 They r r c.ycnNe'inr- '""i Hh"i j t * • J canse th® body to Toko on tl :.a ’ nourished, and by th. Digt’stiro Or.*?nr?s IS Cured. Price 23 cr:4?. is r Tonic d?:!c □ ca tfc* -grulnr ^.‘oolscrejpro pan5 a XiUojafOoior.“ijn«u:r wn»:>. {j- by Druggists, or Bent t > exps^j, c. a .eceipt of v «• Office, 35 Murray St., New York*