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- ;9 JOURNAL AND MESSENGER THE FAMILY JOURNAL—NEWS—POLITICS-*LITERATUBE—AGRICULTURE—DOMESTIC NEWS, Etc.—PRICK $2.00 PER ANNUM. GEORGIA TELEGRAPH BUILDING ESTABLISHED 1826. MACON, FRIDAY, APRIL 29, 1881 VOLUME LV—NO. 17 A jriCJMy BALLAB. With dmkleSre* dangling and flower-flap That shines'tiko the akin of a Highland Mottlod and moist a cold toad's linstro^ and leper-white, splendid and splay 1 , it vs Art thou not utter ? and wholly akin To my own wan son! and my own wan chin, And my own wan nose-tilted to sway The peacocks feather a, sweeter than That I bought for a half-penny, yesterday ? . lorn; lilha lily, my langnid lily I • 3 My lank limp lily-love, how shall win— shall I spin— , or rondeau, or virelay ? hall I buzz liko bee, with my face thrust in Thy choice, chaste chalice, or chose me a tin Trumpet, or touchingly, tenderly play On the weird bird whistle, sweeter than sin. That I bought for a half-penny, yestorday ? My languid lily, my lank limp lily, My long lithe lily-love, men may gna— Say that I'm soft and supremely isilly— What care I, while you whisper sully; What care I, while you smile? Not a P» n • ., While you smile, while you whisper—'Tis swoet to decay ? I have watered with chlorodine, tears Tho churchyard mould I have planted thee in, l'l>side down, in an intense way, In a rough red flower-pot, sweeter than sin, That I bought for a half-penny, yesterday, —Punch. .1 BECK LESS GAHESTEB. Uowa Forty-JSlncr Broke np a Tea Vent Dice Game. San Francisco Chronicle. There was a terrific row over a dice game at 1000 Howard street on Saturday night. The game is run by an ex-Australian with black side whiskers aud a Hebrew gentlemen of abbreviated stature. In the parlance of the patrons of the establish ment it is a “ten cent joint." the dime is the standard com ot tho establishment, and no patron is expected ever to insult the dignity of the game by ever slaking a larger amount. Such establishments age not numerous in this city, but they exist in all large towns, and are interesting, if not pleasing, subjects for study. The patrons are chiefly boys—young scamps who have tapped the paternal till, or in corrigible aud precocious petty larceny thieves who have laid tribute on some clothes line or grocery store. Occasional ly aa impecunious individual, advanced m years and intemperance, sheds the light of his nose on the game, but the sport is essentially juvenile, and the aged sinner seldom becomes a fixture. The Howard street game b a fair samplo of this class of sport. The man from Sidney, who possesses something of a genius, lias in vented an indescribable banking game by which the house is assured of every cent, staked. On Saturday night tho game was hi full blast, and the Australian financier was dealing the checks, while the Hebrew gentleman raked in the nickels, when an Argonaut run to seed stepped in. Being of the regulation degree of disreputability the stranger attracted no attention until be flung a half dollar on the table. The display of recklessness caused a momen tary panic, and the Australian took up the coin, aud, alter trying it critically, tossed it back contemptuously, thereby astounding tho crowd, which firmly be lieved that it would require a strong claim to get a piece of silver of such di mensions out of his clutches. “Hi say! Don’t you suppose we are fly hennough to spot a snide ’alf dollar, eb?’’the fugitive antipodean asked. “Who said you weren’t, you black- muuled foreigner,” was the candid reply of the seedy one, as he flung back the electrotyped counterfeit. “How much for it?” The bank advanced him five cents which he staked and won. He immedi ately doubled the stakes and manfully placed his dime on the board. The crowd held back, recognizing the colossal nature of the contest. Again tho Argonaut won, and offered to raise tho stake, but the cautious kangaroo-chaser held him to the rule, and tho limit was retained at ten After ’a streak of unparalleled tuck, in which the adventurous player wrested five dimes from the bank and brought it to the awful verge of insolvency be succumbed to tho rigors of the game and parted with his last nickel. He im mediately laid down a jack-knife aud was advanced five cents, which passed to the bank. F;vo cents moro on the intrepid peculator's suspenders slipped into the fiebrew gentleman’s fingers. Ten cents on tlie Argonaut’s coat followed and five cents on his shoes. After much haggling be raised livo cents on lib vest, the bank bavmg contemptuously rejected all nego- hations aimed at the transfer of his shirt, rwtune smiled on him for a few turns ®*tbe dice-box, and he won back his and jack-knife, but lost them again, *na at bat stood uuabashed in the nres- r|f* the presence of the fickle goddess wan barely enough clothes to keep him Whbm the pale of the law. ijJ' ien !* was on tl10 point of offering urn remainder of his wardrobe for another o*»h at the $1.15 in the bank, ho lighted w °ro car ticket In one of his pockets ? r ? u . <1 'y Aung It on the board. The J, l "*lng idgal tender according to tho of the bank, the Sydney exile very {2"|)Ptly passed over the dice box and .veteran grasped it with equal alacrity. ne excitement was painful ou the crowd Sr* “itvopld gamester rattled the ivo- tn r »ised lib dilapidated shirtsleeve mi.n!* 1 tiiem. Two dice rolled to the ™Mle of the table and showed that the db Ln “* d tlirown two sixes. Tlie third gamboling over the greasy pine, io the floor, and a scene ofthe wildest ^fusion f„Ho W ed. By the rules of the fall 6 ti row “untefl wherever the dice pj' *** Australian reiugee bound- , ° lcr the table with tlie agility of tl,- “"6 kangaroo. Tlie Hebrew gen- th» Ju’ * n VT ln S to lower his feet from position that they held over threw a back somersault and fell Us*!. °.? tllQ crr atlc piece of ivory. was pulled up at once aud straight- rtaeh?rt l w ‘^‘ a cuff by tho veteran, who but uA "H the other hand for the stakes, thsm Ue 2* e * rcm Sydney had pocketed innT-j eln <? * golden opportunity for the the crowd rushed in, and snrii . l . r ,* * n w *s used on the floor with s*,'J n,husl ““ that he looked like a so-. P. ?3-tuacliine in a whirlwind. When vetor.!!" 2 ilt0 VM was restored, tlie aw ?' lJ ! ‘is garments had disappeared i-,1 r* Hebrew geotjeman swore that he of IS*cough left, to buy ten oeoU worth ucttJn S plaster for the exile. n±2 THE CHICAGO HOME COMXEB. AtaMssIreakia tbs larkst—Hie. Mty«rtheBsaIaa<UsK*iN|«r. Chicago, April 19—The bulb in pork experienced si tight squeeze on tlie Board of Trade to-day, and that there were not many failures Is due more to good luck than to good management, for the Chi- cago Provbion Bing was undoubtedly sa ve -.ly bitten. June pork opened at $1S.35|, and sold down to $17.10. Lard also experienced a severe shrinkage, de clining in the course of the day to $11.171. Chicago operators are badly mystified by the tactics of McGeoch, and do not know what next to expect. There are two the ories relative to the extraordinary break of to-day—one that HcGeochis getting ont of the deal, and the other that he is preparing for another and greater boom In prices after he has shaken out the little fellows. There was intense excitement at the Chamber of Commerce, and it is probable that should a like shrinkage pre vail to-morrow, the consequence would be serious. Peter McGeoch, the manager of tho comer, is a burly Scotchman who lives in Milwaukee, but operates more or less on the Chicago Board of Trade. He is known as the man who broke the Mil waukee wheat market three years ago. McGeoch made a comfortable fortune at that time, but probably not as much as some of hb backers. Early thb spring P. D. Armour, who ran the great pork comer of 1880, determined to get bold of the product the same as last year. To thb end he began selling short, in order to break tho market, hoping to bay in vast quantities of pork by the 1st of March, the close of the regular packing season, at reduced rates. The Mil waukee men -dbeovered bb deal, picked np all tho property which they found lying around loose, and at the end of February Armour was not a little sur prised to see vast quantities of pork going to McGeech on short purchases made iu previous months. On the 1st of April practically all the property in the market fell into McGoech’s hands on matured short contracts. This amounted at that time to about 200,000 barrels of pork, 100,000 tierces of lard, and 00,000,000 pounds of meats, valued at not less than $S,000,000. Of course McGeech was not able to put thb amount of money in the deal, but Alexander Mitchell doubtless knows where the capital came irom. The general impression is that Armour loses leavily, but as his house is probably worth ten millions, it would not miss a million very much. It is said that while he has filled in a majority of lib old short contracts made during the winter, he has cot entirely deserted the bear side. Feeling, perhaps, that the McGeoch deal would bo a short one, and that there would be an opportunity for him to real ize on the break that ig sure to follow the dissolution of tho corner, and recover some of bis losses, be has sold freely dur ing the past few days for May and Juno delivery. Thb b only a speculative move on Armour’s part, however. Hb real de sire is to obtain control of the property here as soon as possible. McGeoch h3s also disposed of an immense amount of pork at an advance. Senator Brown Written for tho Telegraph and Meseengcr. Joseph E. Brown, tho junior Senator from Georgia in the United States Con gress, lias come to the front. As a states man, lie has not tlie experience of many of his distingubhed associates; as an ora tor, be. makes no pretensions whatever, but as “hold fast,” as a granite base, so to speak, for the safety of our Democratic house, we search in vain for a better. We do not propose uow to wnto him up—oar object is simply to time liim in tho race. Hb pedigree will appear after the victory is complete. This much we will say: When he was a Senator from Cherokee county in the Georgia Legislature, he made aspeecli on someimportautsubject. The writer was then a young man, employed in the Federal Union office at Milledge- ville, as an assistant. Colonel D. C. Campbell, the editor of the paper, asked Senator Brown for a copy of his speech, as aforesaid. The Senator prepared it and sent it in to tlie editor. But Col. Camp bell could not read it. He handed it to the writer of thb tribute and asked him to take it home that night and make the best of it. We took it home, We re wrote it just as Senator Brown wanted it done. And it appeared ifi the Federal Union of the next issue, and attracted universal attention. We will not go to dates, but shortly alter the Democratic convention met in Milledge- ville to nominate a candidate for Gov ernor. Four names were presented; Hi ram Warner, James Gardner, Henry G. Lamar and John H. Lumpkin—giants, all of them, at that day. The contest was long and protracted, without issue. A committee of conference was appointed and that committee returned the name of Joseph E. Brown. Everybody was as tonished. Who’s he? Who’s Joseph E. Brown? was asked on all sides. Who he is wo all know now. The only complaint we have to make b, that it kept us up all night to copy that speech in the Georgia t’ • - n J mAMArAli tllttt fliaro’s VlPftn UEXBIXG FS WOMB. fN—Hla AlfeMjv lialman aai Caseload Kepert Tkreafh Oar Car- Wkat h Agnostic Is. -V«ic York San. not.'" know whether he has a soul t lilt M t know whether (here is a future ^ or not; doesn’t tAtem Unit .any one *a ho as, I t3 trj|i to findvat. waste of Senate; and, moreover, that there’s been no improvement in the chirogrsphy since. El Hasbjcn. Draining Ska Everglades. The Jacksonville Union of Sunday says the surveying party, consisting of Mr. A. B. Linderman, Col. L Coryell, Mr. Wurts, civil engineer, and assistants, returned home, via Key West, Cedar Key and Fer- nandina, last night, after an absence of over two werks, having accomplished tho object for which they went, namely,^ a complete survey and soundings of the Kb- simrneo river. Tho examination of the borders and soundings of Lake Okeecho bee, and n test survey, to prove the cor rectness of a former survey by a United States engineer, was made to Old Fort Centre, the water at which place is on a level with Lake Okeechobee; overland to New Fort Centre, a distance of six miles, tlienceby the old military road to Fo.t Thompson, a dbtauco of eighteen miles, proves the accuracy of Colonel Meigs’ sur vey from Lake Hiclipokeo to that point; iroving, also, a fall of three feet between lickpokec and Lake Okeechobee, a distance of five miles, which b an addi tional fall of three feet, making the actual fall nineteen feet from tho water sur face of Lake Okeechobee to the water surface level at the foot of the fall at Fort Thompson; also a complete reconnobance ofthe Caloosabatcliee river ana sounding from Fort Thompson to Fort Meyers. Messrs. Coryell, Linderman aud Wurts made the trip in a small boat tho entire length of the Caloosabatcliee river, a dis tance of over sixty miles. It Is evident from the amount of labor performed that they lost no time during their brief absence. A large number of the members of the company from Philadelphia are expected here next Tuesday to make speedy ar rangements for the commencement or the work of draiuing the lake. Ferwandixa, Fla., April 26.—The steamer “City of Austin” was wrecked on tho Pelican shoals, a mile inside or r er- naudina bar, owing to the fault or the pilot. The ship is a total loes, and her cargo of suaar, cotton, syrup and fruits, will be nearly a total loss. The cargo of sugar b insured for $75,000 in New York. The vessel i* insured in foreign compa nies—amount unknown. Captain Ste vens is still on board. Captain Elb, the agent of the underwriters, is saving all possible. Thok as ville, April 23.—The banquet given to the medical association by the people of Thomasville, waa largely at tended and very much enjoyed. Numer ous toasts were proposed and responded to by both vbitore and citizens. Nearly all ofthe physicians left the next morn ing, or afternoon, so that very few were at the reception aud ball last night. The attendance, however, was much larger than was expected aud the evening was very pleasantly spent. Thomasville peo ple never fall to do their duty towards en tertaining strangers, so we do not feel badly if tho doctors did not stay to the ball. Several druggists were examined and licensed by the board—among them was Mr. Robert Thomas of thb place. The Superior Court has been in session here all the week. Friday Wm. Brown was sentenced to two years in the pen itentiary for burglary. Limas Ponder for the same term, ior forgery. Elias Ivey for four years lor assaultjwith intent to kill hb stepfather, and Moses Lightfoot to eigh teen months in the chain gang, for larce ny. The petit jury was discharged Thurs day, and the grand jury adjourned Fri day. Albany, April 25.—Mr. Robert S. Stephens, in company with hb uncle, Captain J. G. Stephens, went np the river about a mile and a half yesterday morn ing in a buggy to fish some baskets that he had In the river. After completing the task, the basket and fish were placed in the boat. Mr. R. S. Stephens was to carry the basket across the river and de posit it at the mouth of the creex and then bring the boat down to Tift’s bridge opposite the city, where he was to meet lib uncle with the buggy. Captain Stephens, ou arriving at the bridge, no ticed the boat coming down the river without the occupant, K. S. Stephens,with the fish basket in the same position that it was when they separated. He at once gave the alarm and search was iminedi ately instituted, but no trace of liim could be found until about three or four hours afterwards, bis liat was picked up a mile below the city Heating down the river, by Elmoro Munt, who lives on the bank. No doubt was then left in the minds of bis many friends that be has been drowned. The river was dragged, but up to tbo present writing bis body bad not been re covered. Many are the opinions as to the cause. The one generally conceded b that he was attacked with vertigo—as bo is known to have been subject to it—and fell overboard. He was a good swimmer, and something of the kind must have oc curred. Mr. Stephens was a prosperous young merchant here, and leaves a wife and one child to mourn bis untimely death. Several negroes attempted to force au entrance into a bouse of ill fame (col ored) last night, and were fired upon by tho occupants wijh a revolver. They re- (urned tlie fire and a general stampede was tlie result. One negro was shot in tbe leg and the rest badly scared. Where are our police? J. Montezuma, Ga., April 25—Mr. W. W. McLendon, of our town, ended his life yesterday morning while in a state of mental aberration, liis mind having been wrong for several months. He and bis wife spent Saturday night with hi3 son-in- law. Sunday morning be slipped a pistol, went to to a private room, lay down ou tlie bed, placed the muzzle of the pistol against his temple and sent a ball through bis brain. He lived five hoars, but never spoke. Mr. McLendon wa3 one of tbo first settlers of our town. Ho was a man of undoubted Christian integrity, a kind neighbor, ever fervent in works of charity. All business ol the town is S'upended to-day in honor or his memory. We feel that bis loss is irreparable. The deceased was 08 years of age. There was no cause of bis mental derangement except a pre disposition. I have learned this morning that Mr. John Story was killed yesterday by Mr. Skclt Napier. Both parties reside in Dooly county, where the difficulty occurred. I have learned none of the particulars. Observes. Copeland, Dodge County, Ga., April 23,18S1. I notice in your last issue a call for information as to the prospects of Iruit crops in tbe State. In this imme diate section the crop of peaches, apples, pears, figs, all promise to bo abundant. Peacli trees are now almost burdened witb fruit. Our orange trees are all dead. Neither shall we bavo any pineapples, cocoa nuts, palms or dates. We had a little too much of the frigid zone last winter. Farmers are behind with their work. There is a great corn sensation in this section. Cotton has retired. It has lost its charm. Farmers are planting cotton only moderately. Our yellow pine forests are Inviting to both labor aud capital. We want good men oi all occupations. They can find pleasant homes rAAng us. Wo don’t want any tramps, SIEdists, communists or nihilists. We have a pretty fair supply of docks now. All sorts of time—railroad time, sun time, mean time, sidereal time, etc. I believe there are no exodusters from this part of the solid Sooth. Ocmulgek. A Boy Worth Imltallnx. Necessity, says the Herald, is the moth er of invention, and as apparent necessity is always calling a small boy in a direc tion exactly opposite to that iu which bis parents waut bim to be, tbe small boy Is, consequently, Inventive. Tbe latest illus tration of this truth has been afforded by an eigbt-year-old boy who was left for an hour or two by bis mother to take care of a baby sister. What called him away from bis post be declined to state, but what ho did before leaving was to fasten tbe baby’s dress to the floor by two or three stout tacks. It stands to reason that, after being thus cared for, tho baby was unable to clutch a kerosene lamp, as a plaything, to creep into an oven or to drum upon tbe window glass with a po ker. More still, tbe infant did not move at all. When tbe mother returned she may bavo quoted from Casablanca, “The boy, oh, where was he?” but as for the baby, there she was. Merely as an example that boy is worth millions to the country, for among tbe things most needed Is a being who can keep other beings in place, so that any one may be sure of finding them. Had there been some one at Albany with ham mer and tacks just before tho vote on tbe citizens’street cleaning bill tbe public might have found some assemblymen just where they liad been left. And how much better is Congress thaD tlie Legislature, regarding men who always may be de pended upon to remain just where they are put or put themselves on certain im portant questions? If tbe hammer and tack system could bA used to assure tbe public Itliat lawmakers will always be whore they should be the industry of tackmaking would receive a mighty im petus. HONOBSTO THE DEAD. STBKWIXG FLO WEBS OX TIIE GBA YES OF HEBOES, Awl Lsjlsf a TrlkaU at the last af at the Geaaetery—The Military Pa< ratfe—ffalate Over the Deaf—AH dree* er Hr. J. L. haaUbary. Yesterday afternoon, as is the - cus tom, nearly all the stores and places of business in the oity were closed, and pro prietors and employes betook themselves to tbe cemetery to assist in the ceremonies of “Deeoratien Day.” The Confederate monument, at the corner of Mulberry and seoond streets, had been most beautifully decorated with flags and evergreens. A temporary wire fence abont the monument was literally oovered with garlands, and the spot never looked prettier. In the cemetery loving hands were also busy, and soon every mound had upon it some little token of remembranoe, while inscriptions and quotations were placed in conspicuous points. Some of tbe decorations were exquisite art produc tions, and made a beautiful appearance. At 4 o’clock the military column, under command of Cob O. M. Wiley, and pre ceded by the Volunteers’ band, arrived and stacked arms in Central avenue. The crowd which had all the morning been gathering, assembled about the speaker’s stand, where the ceremonies were openod with prayer by the Rev. Crosby Smith, of Wesleyan Female College. Rev. M. B. Wharton then introduced the orator of the day, J. L. Saulsbury, Esq., who delivered tho following ADDBE39. Ladies and Gentlemen: One day, near ly seventeen years ago, into one of tho hos pitals of Atlanta, and from the bloody fields around that ill-lated city, fast crowd ing in came the maimed and the dying. Noble and devoted women were there, 03 always and everywhere. God'-bloss them! throughout’our Southern land in those dark and gloomy days they were found ready “To nurse: And to soothe, and to solace, to help and to heal” the stricken defenders of them and their cause. Among the wounded wa3 a lad, to whoso side came an elderly lady, who, with the tenderness of a mother, soothed, com forted and relieved him. i bis was but a common incident, unmarked by anything new or strange,in that noble woman’s every day life; for thus, with unfaltering devotion to our country’s cause, did she labor and toil for its soldiers all daring their straggle in the field. Did her fidelity to that cause end with our hopre of success, as did, alas, that of many of my own sex? Did she, when our banner at last trailed tho dust at the heel of our foe, cease to love and to care for those who fell before it? A more eloquent an swer than my tongue can speak—“the an swer fit"—comes from yonder graves; from those at Griffin and Jonesboro, from the monuments at Richmond, Griffin and Ma con. I scarcely need to say that she, who bos thns nobly illustrated the loyalty and love of tho women of the South, is the venera ble president of the Ladies' Momorial As sociation of Macon, the sister of oar own bravo and gallant Cook. AU honor be to her, I say, and may sho Uvo long ih the en joyment of the homage and love of the people sho Im.-i served so well. It is in responso—I feel that peculiar cir cumstances warrant me in saying that it is strictly in obedionco—to the invitation ex tended to him by the Ladies’ Memorial As sociation, through its president, that the lad to whom she once so kindly ministered now appears before yon as their orator. It would be nnnatnral for nny one not to feel proud of such distinguished considera tion, and yet I cannot refrain from saying what I nnfeignedly feel, that it would have pleased mo more had the honor, iu the present instance, been conferred upon one more worthy and capable of representing these noble ladies. Having, however, in doference to their wishes, assumed that re sponsibility, I will only say, should my en deavor to-day merit their approval, even in some small measure, this occasion will bo to mo ever hereafter the source of mo3t happy remembrance and laudable pride. My friends, wo have assembled to-day, horo in this silent city of tbe doad, to com memorate with solemn rites tho sacrifices and valor of those who feUin defenso of tiio South, her homes and her altars, her honor and the inherited rights of her people—“all that makes native land dear to the hearts of mento strew upon their graves vernal flowors of a thousand hues as sweet tokens of onr renewed and enduring love; and to testify before all the world of oar unconquered and imperisha ble faith in the righteousness, tho justice and the holiness of their cause. Here, sido by sido with Georgia’s sons, lie those of other and distant States—aU onee members of the fain sisterhood of the Sontharn Con federacy. With reverential afiection lot ns gather them together in onr hearts to-day- alike the known nnd the unknown—re membering the while our dead who rest in other spots where tender hands have laid them, or where He, who guards that un known scpnlcre near “Nebo’s lonely mount,” alone keeps watch and ward. I cannot think it is inappropriate, my hearers, to say just here a fow words in reference to some admonitions I have had, touching the sentiments to which a South ern man, having proper consideration for “the harmonizing temper” of trar people, should give utterance on an occasion like the present—or rather on this our memorial day. I do not ollnde to these admonitions because of their porsonal connection with myself, or of any intention on my part to wound tho feelings or offend tho judgment of anyone here, I sincerely trust that I may not; bnt for the reason that they bring into question tbe right of onr people to ob serve this day after their own hearts, or if the right be not deniod, the policy of tho observances having any marked sectional character. I cannot treat these counsels with indifference, because they have pro ceeded from tho best of my friends, with certainly the kindest motives, and I would not even appear to arrogate to myself greater devotion to our country’s cause than ttiey possess—that I cannot and do not claim to have. Bnt let me ask: Does not this day stand to and for oar people con secrated, fixed, alone and apart in the an nual round from all other days and occa sions ? Havo we gathered here, my friends, fov the purposes I havo stated— to mourn for our dead and to honor the cause for which they died ? Or, is it with hollow mockeries of woe “to bnrn incense unto Baal,” or some other false god—fash ion, custom, prejudice or policy ? Can it bo true of us, os God, through His prophet, complained of His people of old, “that every one, from the least even unto the greatest, is given to covetousness; from the prophot even onto the priest, everyone dealeth falsely I” No, no, my country men, this is not true of yon, else you had not left your various occupations aud re paired hither to join in these sacred osremonies. No law, but tho law of love constrains yon—no idle cnriosity,no desire of gain. You do not come here to mock or sneer. Hence, I feel that I would be false ifl myself, false to you, false to the memory of those who sleep in yonder graves—a willing sacrifice to their convic tions of right and to what is right—did I speak to-day such words only as aro mould ed by the dictation of a cold, calculating policy, or fashioned forsooth, to accord with those political heresies wipch, under the specious name of “progressive ideas,” are now obtaining, not only at tlie N’orth where they had their birth, but even iu our own midst much toafast, in my opinion, for the long continued safety of our re publican institutions. Besides, although we hare lees reason now than when the war closed to doubt that our cause was demon strably and sacredly righteous; though we cannot always repress the honest inuigua- Go where you will and you find peo- pie using Dr. Bull’s Cough Syrup and I tion of our souls, when we recall how, since unanimous in their testimony concerning | then, under the ranoorous operation of the - . . its good effect Price, 25 cents. monstrous so-called reconstruction acts, onstrably jur’, and righteous, and we should our people haTe been robbed, impoverish ed, misgoverned and humiliated, witb truoulent vindiotiveneea that finds parallel in the history of modern Christen dom ; yet, I am sore that those qualities which distinguished ns as a people, before and during the war, lofty courage and hon or, fidelity to truth and principle, and un flinching fortitude under suffering and trial, will bold us faithful to the new cove nants we have made. We never were and never will be traitors. It is not my purpose to attempt any elab orate disenssio n ofthe causes that impelled the South to take up arms in defense of her possess ability tor the proper performance of such an undertaking, my present limits and respect for yocrpatienoe would forbid. I do not, however, agree with those who consider, or profess to con sider, that they are questions with which the present has no oonoera—“dead issues” that are out of place here and should tie forever in tombed in the past. Tbe antiq uity of an opinion does not, 1 know, con stitute tho truth of it; nor do I believe in a blind adherence to any political creed sim ply because it was the creed of one’s ances tors. This were a base abandonment of man’s God-given right of thought and lib erty of conscience—a servile prostration of his intellectual nnd moral natures; but, if the principles were sound and true which onr forefathers, in that immortal instru ment which proclaimed the liberty of the thirteen colonies and glad tidings to the op pressed of all nations, declared to be “self- evident truths ’—if they were sound and true when the foremost intellects and purest statesmen of our land advocated them in Senate halls—if they were sound and true when our best and bravest battled and died for them, who shall say they are not sound and true to-day ? “Eternal right, though all else fail, Can nevor bo made wrong.” I And os they aro true American princi ples, so there nover was a time in the his tory of this government when they should be more instinct with life and vital energy than now, to arrest its rapid strides toward consolidation and despotism; and in my humble opinion, those who are doing most to acoelerat-0 tli9se evil tendencies aro they who treat as a “dead issue” tho great prin ciple for whioh tho South contended—the right of local self-government. A certain foreigner, in his memoir* of the late war, which aro esteemed at the North, and largely so abroad, as impartial history, has said that the people of the Soath, whom, with his characteristic regard for truth, he describes as “au ignorant Rnd idle race,” did not go to war for the sake of principles, bnt were misled and deceived by a few designing and ambitious men, who, under attractive words and artful de vices concealed their own culpable pur poses. Such, and even more gross misrepresentations and slan derous falsehoods are not new to ns. The Northern press has teemed with them, the leaders of the Radical party, who, like Lucifer, would rather “reign in hell than serve in heaven,” have polluted with them, ever sinoe their nnholy crusade against ns began, every channel of communication with the oivilized word; knowing that to. abandon these ignoble means of exciting hatred aud prejudice towards ns would re sult in the restoration of amity and quiet to this distracted country, and thoreby in the loss of their own occupation and ofthe meat on which they feed and have grown so great,ani so they still keep their harpers harping on their harps. Absolutely indif ferent to them myself, I would pass these slanders by with no comment whateror, were it not that I havo observed among my own personal acquaint me— among those who in the war acted thole jmrU aolily nnd well, and among tho3Q who to-day, ns edi tors, politicians, nnd oven proaohers, as sume to represent, lead and control tho public sentiment and opinion of what thoy call the new South, not a few, I grieve to say, who by their words nnd nets aro giving warranty—or rather endorsement—direct or implied, to theso foul accusations. I have no fondness for recrimination, no de sire to keep alive the bitter animosities ongooderod by the war, bnt while I rejoice to see ohr people responding with hearty good will to every honest movement tending to bring peace nnd harmony to the two soctions of this country, I cannot bo persuaded that these objects would be worthily obtained or per manently secured by any sacrifice of prin ciple or pusillanimous yielding of opinion; for theso conditions—peace and harmony— must have ns their firm basis mutual re spect nnd esteem, which can never rest upon hypocrisy and falsehood. Under tho mellowing ana healing influence of time, aud in our earnest efforts to convinoe the !>eoplo of the North of tho sincerity of our desire for peace, we havo forgotten and forgiven muoh of tho wrongs we have suf fered. This becomes a brave and magnan imous people. Aud whon I remember Hor ace Greeley—whoso name was onue tho synonym of all things hatofal to us—as I saw him in Cooper Institute just after the war, and recall the eloquent, because heart felt, appeal he then made in behalf of the indigent of the South, (he won there the vote I afterwards gave him, and of which I am not to-day ashamed); when I think of gallant Hancock, brave and honorable in war, still nobler in poace; when I think of the munificent benefaotions of Peabody, Appleton, Vanderbilt and Seney to onr in stitutions of learning, and of Gould to the sufferers from yollow fe ver, tho feelings of my heart are softened, ana tho hands of such peacemakers I wonld gladly clasp in mine in token, not only of peace but of gratitude. But, alas, these aro not tho sort of men who control our national legislation. There irevnila now on abominable system of what s most appropriately termed “machine politics,” the managers of which are such men ns Conkling, Edmunds, Hoar, Blaine, Camerou, Conger, Dawes, et id horrondnm genus omno, to whom personal interest is supreme law, and not their country’s good. Sixteen yoars have passed sinoe Lee and his veteran paladins at Appomattox yielded up their arms to overwhelming nembers and resources, and yet from the mouths of theso men wo still hear tho wearisome and insulting cant—“the clotted nonsense”— abont “traitors,” “rebels,” “infamous trea son,” “atrocious and unholy rebellion," rebol outrages,” “rebel shot-guns,” etc. One has only to refer to their speeches in the United States Senate during the last month to find each and all theso gentle and concilatory expressions, and not many days since, one of these honorable(?)men declar ed that the carpet-bag governments—which robbed us of nntold millions—were the best wo ever had. Far be it from mo to deny that among those who fought against us were many good men and true, who were moved aud controlled by convictions as sincere and deep as onr own. Thongh I think they were mistaken,yet I honor and rtspeetthom. Tur- ;otsaid of the discoverer of America, “what . admire most in Columbus is not that he discovered a continent, but that he had the courage to go in search of one for the sake of an opinion.” So do I admire and esteem those, who, believing secession wrong, that tho Union—“one and insepar able”—was to them worth every sacrifice, “jeoparded their lives onto the death in the h gti places of the field” for the sake of their opinions. Bat those who abode in “tho slieepfolds to hear the bleating of the sheep;” those skulkers from the fight who now flaunt their flags upon an untented piain, are to-day tbe real mas ters of the situation, the onee who are most afraid of losing what they consider “the fruits of Ihe war.” That they are so has been demonstrated beyond a doubt. In vain have we united with the friends of constitutional liberty at the north the support of their can didates for the presidency—^war- Democrate, even the great apostle of the abolition party, men of great ability and incorruptible integrity—and, lastly, the Eodoral hero of Gettysburg, who, of all who were in the field against us, was, by common acclaim, the knightliest, noblest and best—and yet their acceptability to the “solid South” (a cant phrase- now of re proach to us) was, by the very men I have named, made the means of their defeat. Whatever be our obligations to in dividuals at the North, silent sub mission to insult, injustice and dis honor is inconsistent with the self-re- not defile their ache* with penitential tears. I therefore deem it of vs nr high impor tance to the youth of this land, that they should know upon whom nets tbe awful responsibility of inaugurating the war— “that direful spring of woes unnumbered,” whether or not, our people are justly charged with “most atrocious rebellion,’’ the killing aud permanently disabling of near one million men, the desolation of many thousands of hearts and home#, and the wanton destruction of billions of property. To put the young who hear me upon inquiry, to induoe them to investigate and form their own conclu sions as to where this tremendous respon sibility rightly belongs, I crave the kind indulgence of their elders to a brief recital of the causes whioh forced this terrible issue upon our people. The mere statemeat of the proposition that “the aggressor in a war is not the first who uses force, but the first who rendors force neoeseary,” is its complete argument, and the application of this principle to the question before us will, I think, moke it one of easy solution. As a declaration of wrongs necessarily implies the assertion of rights, let us oonsider first the relation in which the South stood to the North prior to the war# None, I apprehend, will contradictor even question the fact, that this govern ment was fonnded upon the principles set forth in the bill of rights, which was said to be “the general effusion of the soul of this country,” and by whioh the thirteen colonies dissolved “all connection” with Great Britain and declared themselves ‘free and independent States.” The fun damental idea expressed by that noble dec laration is, that all governments derive their “just powers from the oonsent of the governed,” for the protection of whose rights, snch as life, liberty, property aud the pursuit of happiness, they are insti tuted among men, “and whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends,” or any of them, “it is the right of the people to alter and abolish it,” and to institute that “whioh to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness.” After the colonies had organ izod themselves into separate, sovereign and independent States or communities— each complete in all its departments—they in 1778, for the purposes of better carrying on'the war ofthe revolution and adminis tering their foreign policy, “severally” as sovereign States entered “into a firm league of friendship with each other for their common defense, the security of their lib erties and their mutual and general welfare.” Now, when the glorious struggle of our fathers was crowned with victory, and Great Britain had acknowledged and rooognized each of the thirteen colonies as a “free, sovereign and independent State,” a general conven tion assembled in Philadelphia—eaoh State except Rhode Island being represented— to revise the articles of ’78 and “to form a more perfect Union.” The delegates were men of loftiest character, intellectually and morally—the wisest and best men of the newborn repnblic. Tho resnlt of their con scientious and anxious labors was the coni stitution of 1789, which is itself the most eloquent eulogy of their patriotism, wis dom and sagacity. Can there bo any strong er proof that tho people of the Sonth were not enemies of the Union, bnt were, as the i rreat Carolinian deolared/’oontent to leave he whole matter of their rights where the constitution placed it,” than the fact that tho Confederate States adopted for their own this very oonstitation of 1789, without any material alteration? Their agent for for eign affairs, it is true, they changed. By tho articles of confederation and this' constitu tion—the only written bonds of union be tween the States tftikt ever existed—the “sovoroifynty, (mSam and fndepandeBee” of each State wore recognized and admit ted. Certain powers, clearly defined and limited, were delegated to the goneral gov ernment, and every other power and right was expressly reserved to the States or to the people. The original draft of the con stitution did not contain the article of reservation, bnt it was inserted before the adoption and ratification thereof by tho States—thns marking it with the emphasis of careful consideration and revision. And who was the author of the amendment? None other than Chief Justice Parsons, of Massachnssetts, at that time the leading federalist and jnrist in New England,— and this intention of the founders of our i government to clearly express their idea of ' be independence of tho States, i3 shown by the very next—the eleventh amendment, adopted in 1794, declaring that the jndidal poworof the United States should not be construed to extend over a certain sover eign right of the States. The author of the declaration of independence himself said, that the States were never united upon the principles of unlimited submission to the general government. In a word, then, under the system instituted by onr fathers—the relation of the States,to tbo general government was that of. prinoipal and agent—of a principal whose rights and powers were inherent and inalienable—an agent whoso powers were purely, represent ative and vicarious—^with the right of the former to change or renounce tbe latter for good cause—of which eaoh State was its own judgo; and the relation of the States to each other was that of oo-equal and sov ereign powers allied by a mutual compact, the conditions and obligations, of which enured to all alike, and to which the laws and principles governing contracts applied. Thus have I crudely, but I think correctly, stated the ideas and principles upon which onr system of government was established. Now, I wilt admit that if good faith had been kept between the contracting parties (the States) and no material part of their agreement violated, so great were its excel lencies, and so nearly perfect tho adaptation of its provisions to all onr wants, the with drawal of the South from tbe Union, with out tho consent of the other States, would havo been not only nnjnstifiable, bat crim inal. Was any material part of the contract violated; if so, who broke it? A certain sec tion of the constitution provided for the rendition to the owner of all per sons held to service or labor in one State, nnder the laws thereof, escaping into an other, “and no law or regulation therein" (that is the State into which said person or persons fled) should discharge him or them from such service. Now at the time of the adoption of tho constitution slavery cxistod in all the States save Massachusetts, and this clause was considered so essential to its protection, that with out it tho constitution would never have been ratified. It was designed to protect nroperty in the service of apprentices in ! Massachusetts, as well as property in the service of slaves in Georgia. The war of 1812 had hardly terminated, in which tho South had taken up the cause of Yankee skippere, as, in 17(6 she did that of the Boston Tea Party, whtn the North, who had carried on the foreign slave trade until 1803 against the protest of the Sonth, hav ing got rid of her own slaves for value re ceived by selling them to the South and not by philanthropioally setting them free, be gan to assume the right not only of ex pressing opinions as to the propriety of onr _omestio institutions, but of pragmatically and seriously interfering with them. From Ka>>inninniKft •‘irrflnrftftaihlfl rnnfliot.” r et of any man or psople. We claim that cause for which our heroes died is dem- this beginning the “irrepressible conflict” waxed fast and furious. I will not follow it through its details—they are written in the chronicles of these times. While there were other causes of serious differences, some of which had nearly brought about disunion, none was so fruitful as this of heated and angry controversy., It cannot be denied that there were on this, ns there have been and always will be in every land on every qnestion of momentous public in terest, extremists on both sides, who ap pealed to and inflamed the worst passions of the human heart. Bat unquestionably that party was the aggressor which, by promul- jating the unrighteous teachings of its ligher law doctrine, suooeeded in getting a majority of tho Northern States to openly and avowedly violate, and, by the acts of their Legislatures, to formally repudiate the constitution—especially that portion of it to whioh I have just referred, which they denounced as a “oovenant with death and a league with hell." They entioed away our property, and, in the face of their agree ment, not only refused to surrender it on the claim of the owner, but caused it to be worth his life to go into their States in search of it They said the taws of their own States did not make it wrong to steal negroes and they would not give them up. 'They disregarded and deQed the decis ions and mandates of the Supreme Court By base emissariac and inflammatory doc uments they endeavored to excite servile insurrection among ne. In temples dedi cated to the service of the living God, L myself, have heard the vilest denunciations of the men and women of the Sonth, to whom the bearers were bidden to carry biblee {none hand and Sharpe's rifles in the other. What a gospel of peace 1 How tike that proelaimsa by the heavenly boat at the birth of Christ the Lord—“Glory to God in the highest, and on oarth peace, mod will toward men.” John Brown and those who perished with him were glorifleld ea Chris tian martyrs, while those of his band of midnight marauders and assassins who es caped were protected from the punishment they riehly deserved by the Btatee into whioh they fled, in utter defisnoe of both the letter and spirit of the oonstitation. B; ■ these means were life, liberty, property ant I the pursuit of happiness destroyed is many sections; and endangered everywhere in the Soath. Liberal in manta and subsidies to North ern monopolies sad industries, we were denied equal parti ei pa tion in oar oommon domain, purchased with our oommon blood and treasure, and some of it given absolute ly without equivalent by the South to the Union—where we asked simply that Con gress would not intmfere with the question of slavery, but leave it to tho decision of the people of the territories. The com promises to which the South yielded on this question were concessions pure and sim ple for the sake of preserving peace and lartnony. Vain, delusive hopes, for with each concession by the South, the North became more unreasonable aud arrogant in their demands, “as if increase of appe tite had grown by what it fed on,” till finally, become all-powerfnl, they raised theory, “This government cannot endnre half slave and half free.” Great and sore as ware these grievanoes, the Sonth continued to bear them with pat:eu‘ sufferance, for it is a great mistake to sup- ; >ose that the restrictions upon slavery were i he sole cause of our separation from the North. But whon the anti-slavery party elected a President, upon a platform the principles of whioh warred not only against our domestic institutions, but against the independence of the States, and in favor of centralizing all power in their agent—then it was that the Sonth decided to assert her reecrved rights aud to withdraw from that Union in which sho had never failed to per- form any of her constitutional duties, aud to the glory of whioh she had so greatly contributed by the wisdom and valor of her sons in cabinot nnd field. Despite her wrongs and abase there was Btiti in the South warm love for tho Union. Slowly, reluctantly and with great lack of unanim ity among her people the ordinances of se cession were passed. Actuated by no mo tive of aggrandizement, no desire to inflict injury upon others, the Confederate gov ernment sent commissioners to Washing ton to treat for peace, and to make a just settlement with the North for all public property at the South, forts, arsenals and arms. Tho wily Seward, who afterwards boasted of tho despotic power he could ex orcise by simply touching his little bell, dallied with them. .With the air around thum vocal with snch peaceful notes as “Scott and scorpions, cannon and' car tridges foi^he rebels,” the commissioners lingered, deluded by fair but false assur ances that they would bo heard, while ac tive military aud naval preparations were secretly began; aye, they remained until the first act of war was committed by the Lincoln government, to-wit, the send ing of an armed floet to provision and re inforce Sumter. This act of aggression and invasion, this attempt to intimidate and to prevent the South from doing what I have endeavored to show she had a clear const! tutional right to do, undoubtedly inaugura tM the war. bv rendering force necessary on our part to repel it; and tbo responsi bility for tho awful consoquenco3 that flow ed from it innst forever rest upon tho au thorities then at Washington, if they had no power under the constitution to coerce or restrain a State in the free exeroise of her inherent and sovereign rights. That they had not this power, many eminent Northern men ngreed and publicly declar ed—notably. Stephen A. Douglas, Seymour and Horace Greeley—all aversejto slavery— the last bitterly hostile to it. This act was soon followed by Lincoln’s proclamation calling for 75,000 troops, and the war, for onr subjugation, was thus begun. Then at the Sonth the wavering became firm and resolute—the divided united and the youth “sprang full etatured in an hourthen it was the great and good Lee, of whom more truly can-it be said than of Ctesar, that he was “the noblest man that ever lived in the tide of times,” who, np to this hoar, had clnng to tho Union he would willingly have died to save, putting aside the great temp tations offered him at Washington, cast his fortunes with his beloved and native South, whose cause he has rendered forever illns- trious by the grandeur of his pure and sim ple character and the superiority of his un affected but sublime genius. And he, tike Washington, was a rebel ; and his, like Washington s, 13 a name tho world will never wiliiugly let die, names which, in themselves, are a history and a consecration, names once so proudly heard “amid the thunder of the captains and the shouting,” now bo happily blend ed together in the classic shades of Lexington. My poor words can add no lustre to the fame of Lee—the detraction of his enemies, if ho has any, cannot dim it— ’tis the common heritage of mankind, who are the better for his having lived among them. Thongh silent that tender, melodi ous voice, though mouldering in the tomb that loved and majestic form, yet through tlie quiet but mighty influence of his life and character, he still speaks to us. Is there one who hears me whoso heart will not beat responsive to the words of tho young Englishman concerning this most ■tainleas of commanders and his causa ? “Oh, realm of tombs! but let it bear This blazon to the end of times; No nation ever rose so white and fair, Nor fell so pure of crimes. No fairer land had a cause so grand, Nor cause a chief tike Lee.” I have not time to speak of the events and incidents of that long and sanguinary war in which our people, with devoted ana heroic enduranoe unsurpassed in ancient or modern times, battled for right ag iinst in vincible odds. Not more nobly did the Athenians go forth to moot the invading hosts of Persia’s king, leaving behind them their loved city, its splendid temples and their aged friends. They, too, liozarded all, and while theirs was the glorious victory of Solamis, ours was the not inglorious surrender at Appomattox—for, as said Lee, iu his over memorable and touching fare well order, “Valor and devotion could ac complish nothing that could compensate for the loss that would attend the continua tion of the contest.” It was a war which fulfilled the gloomy vaticinations of Web ster and Clay—the land was “drenched in fraternal blood,” and, like tbe houses of York and Lancaster, “divided in dire di vision,” and if our Ctesar or Napoleon has not yet conic, the shadow of “the man on horseback” has been seen and felt. “To love these dead,” said our gifted Har ris, "is to lovo the cause for which they died.” This is true. We cannot divide this love. We can neither “hate the one and love tho other,” nor “hold to the one and despise the other.” Rebels and treason, freemen and liberty, these are correlatives. We were the former and deserved the doom of traitors, or the latter, and our cause was just. Can we be base enough to impugn by word or deed the faith in which oar self- sacrificing patriots died ? God grant that I may never see the day when, as a people, we shall have sunk so low. The Federal fovemment in the hour of its most despot- c power, even with a malignant renegade to execute its will, who had m most violent language declared that he intended - to make treason “odions,” dared not arraign our noble and beloved chieftain as a traitor; though to its monumental and everlasting shame he, a feeble, defenseless old man, was bound and shackled, tike a felon, while a prisoner in that rock-ribbed and iron-girdled fortress by the sea. I do not say that the murderers of boor Wirtz were afraid to take the tifeof Davis—I do not believe they were. Aa unscrupulous and cruel as that base minion of King James— the immortally infamous Jeffreys—or those incarnate fiends of the Reign of Terror— Robespierre, Danton, Marat and Barer®-- they hungered and thirsted for his blood, ana would h|ve shsd it had they had tbe least oolor of law for so doing. Wtil pay cap doubt this who remembers how, through su borned and perjured witnesses, they eoaght to fasten on him the charge, known to "be a* false aa it was detestable, of complicity in the assassination of Lin sola; or Ipmp they tempted the unfortunate Wirt* to bfe last boar with promises of life, if he bat implicate Davis in the alleged cruelties of AnaereonviU* ? Oh, noble German, monstrous fiend thy pegsenfens called thee, not even far thy life woalast thou stain thy soul with the foul lie! That great ana Christian ruler, who had preudly com manded our soidiert in the hour of victory for their “hsmanity to the' wounded and to the prisoners as the Stand crowning gfecyog- tbeir valor" was incapable of orime. Bait they did fear to bring the great cause of the Sooth before a judicial tribunal—to the verdict of all times and countries—by try ing him, its recognised and honored Mild, upon that bill ot indictment for treason. - Though tbe illustrious defendant was ever ready for trial—the indictment was finally quashed, but on no application of his. Let us of the South never cease to honor and re spect the memory of those who had the magnanimity to beoome the sureties for his appearanoe, even though among them ware Greeley and Qerritt Smith, for to'them are mainly due his release from bondage and the prolongation of his life; long enough, thank Heaven, to write the history of the rise and fall of the Confederacy, which I expect to read with a reverence for its teachings less only than I have for Jus sa cred oracles. To his detainers I say: “Howl; bat you never aan more him, So silent and calm and strong, Here will his people love him,— Yonder will God judge his wrong.” In his grand latter to this association, on the occasion of laying the corner stone of the monument/'erected in honor of the men of Bibb county, and all who gave their lives to the South to establish the inde- S indence of the Confederate States,” Mr. avis most truly said that oar Confederate dead “need neither orator nor bard to com mend their deeds to the present generation of thoir countrymeu.” Is it true also of us, their survivors, that emalone of their vir tues and example, we are zealously guard ing the rich inheritance of their fame, that we may transmit it undishonored to those who are to come after us? This, comrades, is oar sacred trust, confided to no especial hands, bulof which each should feel himself to be the responsible custo dian, Millions upon millions of money flaw annually from onr oommon treasury intensions to those who in the late war followed the Blare aud stripes. Poets, orators and historians, have vied with eaoh other in panegyrizing their achievements. Lotus say naught against this, tis their right, from which I would not derogate one jot or tittle. Rewards and praise, how ever, to be just must be commensurate with merit. Henoe 1 think no slight honor is conceded to the prowesr of our soldiers, by tho manner in which the services of their late antagonists have been reoognized and rewarded, considering too the fact that during the war from first to last, L\G00,00U men were en rolled in the Foderal army, not more than 600,000 in the Confederate, and that at ite close upwards of 1,000,000 stood upon the muster rolls of the former, scarce 150,000 upon those of the latter. Let th6m exalt the valor and deeds of their troops as muoh as they will, we have no reason to bo ashamed of onr doad heroes, and should neither suffer our interest in their memo rial honors to grow cold and indifferent, nor ourselves to lack the manliness to speak their praises or to defend their cause. When overborne by numbers, we could no longer maintain it by arms, we abandoned that resort forever and the spirit of Bollona low no longer excites onr souls. “ Pike ,nd gun” ana "mrauioie artillery" ao not, however, docide every controversy, nor do “fire, sword and desolation,” al ways produce “a godly reformation.” But by other means, byothorways, I feel as sured will oome the final triumph of our principles, when the cause of the Booth shall be the cause of the whole country, ana this will be the victory that shall ovaroome centralism, even the victory of State sov ereignty and constitutional liberty. Thongh Fate denied the victor’s crown To those who boro the Houthern cross, Is there no birth for all this pain ? Is there no gain for all this loss ? God never gave man the right To perish in a high emprise, But somewhere in the future lives * The purchase of the sacrifice.” The addrees of Mr. Saulsbury was deliv ered in a most excellent manner, and the oyator was warmly congratulated by tho veterans and ladies. Tho second Georgia battalion then de ployed in front of the soldiers’ graves, and fired a salute for the dead. This ended the ceremonies'of the day at the cemetery’. A second salute waa fired in front of tbe monument by the battalion upon its return to the city. OrgunlullM mt the Executive Cwu< miltee of the Meuetery Ceufereuce. A*io York Herald. Paris, April 23, 1881.—-The organizing committee of the Monetary Conference met to-day in the State apartments of the ministry of foreign affaire. Delegates from fourteen powers were present. France was represented by M. Cemuschi, tho United States by Mr. Horton, Germany by Herr Thilman, Russia by M. de Tho;- mer, Spain by Senor Moret Prendergast, Portugal by Senhor Mendes Leal, Den mark by M. Devv, Belgium by M. Firmer, Italy by Signor Luzzati, Greece byM. Braiias Armici, Holland by HeerVrolik and Switzerland by M. Kern. Austria and Hungary by the consent of thocom- mitteo were each represented—the one by Herr Yon Kiebahr, tbe other by M. de Hcgedus. Norway and Sweden were represented by MM. Brock and Foreel. England is unrepre sented. Tbe proceedings were not of a very interesting character. M. Cernuschi was proposed as chairman by M. Kem. The motion was seconded by Signor Luz- zati, hut M. Cernuschi decliued the hon- Heer Vrolik was eventually elected on motion of M. Cernuschi, seconded by Mr. Horton. Heer Vrolik is a veteran bimetallist, and was formerly Prime Min ister of Holland. He was a member of tbe monetary conferences of 1868 and 1878. After debate it was agreed that a list of questions proposed by the delegates for discussion should be drawn up and submitted to the committee by M. Cernu schi. On motion of Mr. Horton the meet ing adjourned. What a Farmer Lives For.—The eccentric Lorenzo Dow described in one of his characteristic sermons the life of tbe farmer who is owned by bis farm, and the paragraph, resurrected, is again going the rounds of the press. It is good enough to deserve a new life once in every ten years: “The average Western fanner toils hard, early and late, often depriving himself of nestled rest and sleep—for what? To raise com. For what ? To feed hogs. For what ? To get money with which to buy more laud. For what? To raise more cun. For what ? To feed more hegs. For what ? To buy more land. And what does he want with more land? Why, he wishes to raise more corn—to feed moro hogs—to buy mere land—to raise moro corn—to feed more hogs—to buy more land—and in this circle he moves until the Almighty stops his hoggish proceed ings.” It is auerted that nearly 315,000,000 ia invested in oleomargarine factories, end that they bavo added nearly $4 to tbe vaU as of every ox killed.