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THE MACON WEEKLY TELEGRAPH: TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 10,1885—TWELVE PAGES. A VITAL QUESTION. the cities of tiie state placed IN PERIL. Can a City'# Charter be Repealed or Amended l>y Local Option l^gUlu* lion an In the Cwe Stated?—Fact# for Thinking People. Atlanta, Ga., November 2d, 1885.— To the llou. It. 1’. Trippe, ex-justice of tlie Supreme Court, the Hon. George Hill- ver, ex-judge of the Superior Court, and the Hon. W. It. Hammond, judge of the Superior Court of Fulton County—Gentle men: As all of you have publicly announced yourselves, not only ns favoring, but as zealous advocates of “local optidh” legisla tion in the county of Fulton and elsewhere in this State, by authority granted by the Legislature, nt its late session, in the pas sage of what is known as TUE OENEUAL LOCAL OPTION BILL. I hope that each of you will pardon me for addressing you this open letter, for the pur pose of eliciting from you, and each of you, u response Buitcd to the dignity and im portance of the momentous questions now agitating the public mind This agitation has been precipitated by the measure in question, and is pregnant with good or evil to us, aa citizens, and to our posterity. For the first time in the history of Geor gia pulpits havo been turned into platforms for the purpose of agitating the religious element in our population, on one side of a question purely political in its character. To influence votes, one or more of the men who minister in sacred things in this city have proclaimed from their desks, on the holy Sabbath, that no man can ho n Chris tian who does not vote for this measure. This is to be lamented. These men have not had their attention directed to the legal view of tho subject; and jndging each of you by the stamlnrd of public utterances attrib uted to you, I infer that you havo not studied the law of the cose, now at bar, as yon havo beoa accustomed to investigate the law bearing upon the cases of clients entrusted to your core, where only the right of property, or mere dollars and cents, were nt stake. It is as lawyers, theretore, as members of the profession, who have been advanced to high places in the judicial departmontof our State government; os men and who have worn, one who now wears, the %mine, against whoso administration of the law no word of complaint or charge of corruption has ever been uttered in pub lic or in private, that I now address yon. It is no moral or religious question that I would submit to you, but a purely legal and constitutional question, combining, necessarily, both law and polities. “Sovereign Lew. the state's collected will. O'er throne. an<l globe, elate. Sits empress, crowning good, repressing ill”— under onr form of government, resides primarily in the constitution, which each one of yon have taken a dabble oath npon the Holy Evangelists to keep nnd observe, support and defend—on admisaion to the bar and again on your induction into high j udicial office, Both as lawyers and ns ndges, therefore, nreyon under solemn ob- igation to observe, protect and defend tho supreme law. You are not privileged even to wink at its infringement, nor to counsel or advise it to bo violated, for what may seem to bo for the beet of purposes; nor to lend your aid to any party, whether political, mom], religious, or n combination of them nil, that might seek to overthrow or radi cally ebango tho form of government, of which that written constitution is the basis, by the substitution of other methods than those provided therein for making, repeal ing or amending laws for the government of the people. Under our constitution (see art :l, part. 1) “tho legislative power of the State is vested in a General Assembly, which shall consiyt of a Senate and a House of Representatives." Tho people, therefore, when they assembled to form a government for the State of Georgia, in 1788, after the independence of the American colonics had been secured by a seven years' struggle with the mother country, in devising a form of government to take the place of the one just thrown off, saw proper to vest nil legislative power, just where it still re sides, ns above quoted. This original con stitution, also, provides that it may be al tered, or amended, and prescribea the mode ofprccedure. Some alterations have been made from time to time, but this <**"*' JL. clause has not been fnter'^ {nr . . r -qsa to NSMl Ills language into a dif ferent foVnl of expressing exactly the same meaning. As to the ex tent of tho power thus con ferred, it was further provided that, "tho ■General Assembly shall havs power to make all laws and ordinances, which they shall deem necessary and proper, tor tho good of the State, which shall not be repugnant to this constitution." We see, therefore, that these two import- snt provisions in tho constitution of our State are not new; on the contrary, that they have been of force-far near a oentury. Each of you arc as faml'inr with the provi sions of tho State constitution os I am; per haps, more so; and you may h»ve studied it rnoro umlemlamlingly, but the people at Urge do not rend it; it to not made their duty to study it and understand it ss each member of the legs! profession mnst do, if they would become safe coun sellor* to their clients, or well informed judges to administer the Uw. In calling your attention to these partied- lar sections of the constitution, I do so, not only tor the purpose of stating the legal proposition I propose to submit for your consideration, but for the information of the non-professional reader as well. You will all agree with me in the state ment I now make, via.: That all laws made by the legisUtive department of our HtAto government, not in nmflict with the nrovirions of the constitution, are binding on the communities affected by them gen- erallv, or locally, according to the terms of the act; and that oil legisUtive acta, in violation ot tho constitution, are void. You will all agree with me in the next proposition, viz.: That no other power in Urn State con repeal, niter, change or modify anv Uw, resolution, or semblance of s Uw, constitutionally enacted by the General Assembly, with the approval of the execu tive; and thnt said law-making power can not delegate lU authority to make, or repeal, laws which are of force to any other tribu nal, person, or number of peraow. The ns being present nnd actively participating in tho same meeting, you must nil have agreed that it was “right to miss the bill,” as announced by Judge Tripp. If it was right to pass it, the bill is constitutional, and 1 may legitimately infer, without doing pithcr of you injustice, that yon nnd each of you, as lawyers, judges and ex-judges, so affirm. A full bench of three, without one dissenting opinion. Now, while your opinions thus notorious ly and publicly given, before a prohibition audience in mass meeting assembled, nnd broadcast by the city papers on the next day, are not, in a legal sense, judicial opin ions, binding authoritatively on nny one, so as to be enforced; yet those who regard any one or all of you as good Uwyers and j udges of eminent ability will accept your obUtr dictum as “an exposition most sound,’ and be gov erned accordingly in costing their votes in the local election soon to be held. I have studied this bill as carefully ns my feeble nbilitics would permit; and sought to nrrive at tho truth, being guided during my investigations by tho lamp of over thirty years’ experience nt the bar, in dis cussing nnd assmting in the adjustment of intricate legal questions. 1 have studied it, I trust, prayerfully, in view of my account ability to a higher power thnn any earthly court, anil seeking the approval and guidance of One who is purer and better than any of the sons of men. I have studied it, also, as n patriot; as one who loves his country, though soon to leave it— as he trusts—for a better country; and de sires to transmit to his posterity the bless ings of a constitutional government, such ns was transmitted to him by his progeni tors. In considering the act in question; in measuring its structure, scope and purpose, by the rule and square of the constitution, I cannot see that it conforms to some of its most sacred and positive requirements. It may be owing to the incapacity of my mind to grasp a subject apparently so froe from difficulty,to such nlarge majority of the lower House of the General Assem bly, all of whom, had, also, been sworn to support the constitution of this State and of the United States, and to so conduct themselves on all measures and questions which might come before them, as would in their judgment he most condu cive to tho interest nnd prosperity of this State. In their judgment then, the meas ure “was right," or they would not havo passed it. But they had not all studied lilackstone, Kent, Story nnd u host of other great writers on legislation and jurispend- ence,as ench one of you have; and hence, their votes did not shake my judgment in tho least appreciable respect. It was when I saw that each one of yon agreed with that majority in tho House that I was impelled —not to doubt—hut to carefully examine the whole question, de novo. While the bill was pending I presented to the reading nnd thinking public some few constitutional objections to it through the columns of the Atlanta Constitution, ivhich appeared in the daily issne nnder dates of July the 16th, 23d and 31st, respectively. I will not stop to restate those objections. They have never been answered on the floor of the House, or elsewhere; hut I come at once to the one which I wish to submit to your enlightenod judgment and combined wisdom. The bill itself has been published all over the State and is accessible to every reader; hence, I will simply refer to it in general terms. By reference to its caption and the body of the act itself, from section one to the final conclnsion, it does not namo n single incorporated town or city in the State, whose charter it proposes to alter, amend or modify, in nny particular whatever. As it was the purpose of the meeting yon nil attended to inaugur ate a campaign nnd to organize a party, which seeks at tho polls nnd by a popular vote ot the people of Fulton county to re peal Section 27 of the charter of tho city o^ Atlanta, (Chapter 5, Newman's Digest) und substitute therefor the provisions of this bill, I will confine myself to this one, iso lated point of objection. A solemn act of the General Assembly, approved by the Governor and ro-afllrmed by many, very many, succeeding legisla tures in tho way of amending nnd enlarging the corporate powers of the city, has granted it a charter, and, by tho section aforesaid, surrendered to its mayor and genr . council #‘ full power nnd authority regulate tho retail of ardent l,.frits within the corporato limits o* B(l j d (and, by soctions 155 ftnd 15a beyond its limits, overftlALge ^0), “and nt their discretion to issne license to retail or to withhold the some; and to fix the prior! to be paid for license at any sum they, might think proper, not exceeding two thousand dollars.” This power they havo been exer cising for a long series of yean, are still exercising, and will continuo to exercise, or have a right to do so, unless the power to act in the premises is taken away by the re sult of the election which yon proposo to hold. Millions in vnlne depend npon the sacredness of the franchise which the city of Atlanta holds. She has contracted with the State and incurred a heavy liabili ty for property granted to tho State, npon tho faith of her charter. She has issued her municipal bonds for a large amount for tho pay ment oHioth interest and principal of which, in addition to the expenses of her govern ment, her entire revenue is most solemnly pledged. Her property holders and her cit izens bear a heavy burden of taxation to sustain her government and meet its obli gations, of which the people of Fnl- ton county, outside of her corporate limits, bear no port, while the citizens of the city and the property of tho city pay their and its fall share of all county assessments. And now to tho point: First Does the hill in question repeal or amend sections 27, .155 and 156 of the char ter of the city of Atlanta? Second. If repealed or amended by the the result ot the election which is proposed to lie held, does not a majority of the voters depositing their ballots at that election repeal or amend it? . Third. If you answer that it does havo the effect claimed for it by its advocates, —viz: to take away the righta and powers conferred by the sections aforesaid, and instead thereof, fastens npon it the prohi bition of the bill in question—is not this exercising legislative powers? Fourth. If the effect of an affirmative vote in favor of the local option bill, by a majority of the qualified voters of Fulton county casting their ballots “sgainst the sale," at the election which has been or dered by the ordinary, is not to repeal the section of the city charter referred to will ihe mayor, etc., savannau, - *«, *■" tor “' “ d “ " 0t ’ .1.0 doubtlessly admit to be true fifth. If ;the result of an election be aou will also doimiiK. |> aorno. AO , in , t th ‘ u u " does it not repeal, alter, the well fRUlJLh<‘dpr>n>o-ii chfnge or modify the charter of the dir of law, pr- j ;, l0 *b uution, Attonta, doe* not the excitement Ul-feel- ,rentf0 one" orconfu- contention and money spent-whlch necessarily r ' Pj' 1 | ’ ‘ ld i L . l)l0 r , «nlt it has and will occasion-makr. it a very ax- sion worse confound d wouldM £ ", food Alld further aa a corrolary XIEthe above and. foregoing, If thaOjJJ^ IO wo aimui «»u i^tsue-u, — — Assemble can grant authority to a majority Wc will not enter into a dollar and cent calculation to show how much revenue is annually derived from this power to regu late the retail of ardent spirits within the corporate limits of said city; but in order to state our next proposition it is necessary to make a brief reference to it os a sonreo of income. When the Legislature authorized tho municipal authorities of Atlanta to issue its bonds, which have keen negotiated, this source of revenue existed; was included in the es.'.inates nnd calculations made but the city agents then in office to guard its financial interests, in order to the ascer tainment of its ability to meet promptly tho interest and principal of the liability she proposed to assume.. The whole mat ter was canvassed and talked over by the tax-payers and capitalists, more especially in reference to subscriptions to build rail roads to bring her trade and facilitate her commerce. Waterworks for family com fort, spouting hydrants to subdue confla grations; to establish a system of publio schools, to educate her children and encourage population, and to contribute some $300,000 or more to wards furnishing the State with a Capitol building, in which are kept its archives, ex ecutive offices and halls of legislation. The State, also, by a constitutional provision (art. 7, see. 0, par. 1) enters into n contract with the city, for its own pecuniary bene fit, that it might receive from the city a donation of property “for locating and building a permanent cupitol,” on which snch a building is now being erected. You, nnd each of yon, knew these facts; you know them to he facts when you figured in that meeting; hut did you, and each of you, consider them in making np the judg ment which his Honor, Judge Trippe, so confidently pronounced? I trow not. Now, in view of these facts as stated, is there not (continuing the series of ques tions), sixth: A contract expressed or im plied between the State of Georgia and the city of Atlanta, that she would not deprive the city of nny source of income already granted to it by its original or amended charter, until tho liabilities incurred in and by its two distinct contracts with the State, in its sover eign capacity, were fully discharged? If not a contract express or implied, Buch as the courts of the United Stages have juris diction (npon a proper made cose), to pre vent a State from impairing or destroying its obligation, would it not be an act of bad faith on tho part of her legislators un paralleled in the history of onr honored commonwealth? Sixth. Is not the State bound, under the contract with the holders of Atlanta's bonds, authorized by her to be issued, not to take away any of the privileges then vested inker mayor and general council, as enumcr, ated in chapter five of Newman's Digest- until those bonds and others issued in re newal thereof are paid? And would not an act of her General Assembly, otherwise properly framed and passed for that pur pose, be a law impairing tho obligation of contracts within the true intent and mean ing of article 1, section 10, paragraph 1, of tho constitution of tho United States, and therefore void? You will all, doubtless,candidly admit, os even the unprofessional reader can deter mine, that the act in question not only does not repeal the charter of this city, or any other incorporated city or town in the State; but, also, that it docs not repeal, change, or amend any law in tho code, reg ulating or providing for licensing the traffic in ardent spirits and taxing the same. I confidently assert that the act in ques tion may bo of file, and every other local act passed by tho General Assembly lately in session, or its predecessors, providing for au election by “the qualified voters,” as the one wo sre now consulering does, might have been of file in tbo office of Secretary 0f ■ State, - until the paper upo“ which it is written mourners :o dust; And that it would lack then, as it does now, as much of having the vindicative force of a rule of action prescribed by tho supreme power of a State, as the body of a mummy which has occupied a sarcophagus in one ol tho pyramids of Egypt for two tlwawinds years, lacks of having life a“i vi;„jity. An none but God cun , mt nfo into the latter, KO nut tho law-niuking power of the State can put life into a statute. Some time* it to happens thnt one of our reviewing courts find that tho court below made a right decision, but gave a wrong reason for it. l’ermit me respectfnlly to suggest that his Honor, Judge Trippe, not only gave a wrong jndguent npon the case st bar, but a wrong reason for it also. Let us briefly refer to his reasons.* “Anil said thnt it would have been a denial of the peo ple's rights, If the Legislature had not passed t (tho bill), because the people all over the State called for it." We will not join issue upon the statement of facta, as we might successfully maintain, but, for tho purpose of demonstrat ing our proposition, admit it to be true. “The people oil over the State" have no right to meddle with the municipal affairs of any of oar cities. The people in an organized community speak only through the mouthpiece of their government. The ample of the municipality of Atlanta cer- ainly have not, so far, spoken. They have not called for the privilege of associating with their own population the voters of Fnlton county outside of their corporate limits, for the purpose of robbing their gov ernment of any of its chartered rights. The mayor and general conncil petitioned the General Assembly st its late ses sion to pass one or more hills, en larging their powers and privileges; but they <ud not ask for any measure restrict ing their power*. They asked the privi lege of leaning more bonds, but they did not ask to be shorn ot any of their strength to bear the additional burden their issue would impose. What are your “charters and your city's freedom worth, 1 ' if the Legislature of the State can, at its pleasure, hand them over to the tender mercies of an irresponsible mob at the polls? Whither are we drifting? How soon will the ship ot State be among ths breakers, it the cable is cut which binds her fast to the anchor of the consti tution? Are “the people” more enlightened and virtuous now than they were when the pa triots and statesmen of (evolutionary mem ory, for themaelvea and their poaterity, di vested themselves of legislative power and veatad it in a body of superior intelligence und worth, to be choaen by themselves in a mode prescribed, and imposed npon that body when chosen and solemnly sworn, tho duty of making just and equitable laws for the government of the State! What is property worth in yonr cities; nay, more, in yonr State? Who will invest in it, end who will buy your bonds or obli gations to pay money, when all property and all values may be destroyed in any lo cality by the (pee dixit of a majority at the ballot box whom local optionists would moke legislators! If they have a right to demand of ths General Aaoembly legisUtive powers to abolish ths traffic in liquors, and virtually to confiscate the property of per sona engaged in that traffic—they have Ihe 11,. ru.ut* 1 .i!!- I f , 1 1 j u j ,, Hilly • r an l Hammond or.' reported | n to be helil for that pnipose? invoked and granted, for the protection of religious worship, it never was expected bv the framers of the statute that buildings erected to the worship of Almighty God would ever be turned into fanatical ranting places and political club rooms; nor. thnt men wearing the livery of heaven, and professing to he ministers of the gospel of Jesus Christ, would ever join hands and lock shields with political demagogues and fanatical, infidel cranks, in an assault upon thnt constitution which alono authorized the protection they craved, and the freedom of worship which was granted to them nnd to all men of 0 ery religions belief nnd abode of opinion; nor was it expected that men holding, or who had • hejd, judicial offico under thnt' constitution and tho form of government which it established ahd was intended to perpetuate, should counsel or odvUe them, that such methods were right; or aid, assist, or encourage them in the prosecution of such a revolutionary nnd dangerous purpose. “The people 1 ' have no right to demand anything not guaranteed to them by the constitution of the State or of the United States. Ench individual has a right to de mand protection to life, liberty nnd property, because it says that is the paramountdnty of the government, it was intended to establish. Each individual bos the right to demand that he shall not be deprived of life, liborty or property, except by duo process of law. because it says be shall not be. Each individual has the right to demand that the legislative, judicial and executive power shall forever remain separate and distinct, because that instrument says they shall be. I have a right to demand that the laws by which I nin to be governed shall be pnssed and put in force by “the Legisla tive power. You have no right to demand that “Legislative power” shall be surren dered to an irresponsible rabble nt tho poll ing places in nny county, town or militia district. Each and every incorporated town, city, or company, has a right to demand that “no grant of special privileges, or immuni ties shall be revoked, except in such man ner as work no injustice to tho corporators or creditors of tho incorporation;” because thnt instrument says it shall not be done. Yon propose by tbo election which issoou to be held at the various polling places in Fulton county to repeal three sections in tho charter of the city of Atlanta by a popu lar vote; nt the same time and by tho samo procedure to amend the same, by engraft ing on it and making a part of it, without the consent of the incorporation or a vote of its own citizens exclusively, the prohib iting enactments of this hill. You propuke, still further, to do this by the aid and as sistance of the voters in the town of West End (acts 1878-79; 384;), nnd with' in one and one-fourth miles of its corporate limits; the voters residing within one mile in any direction from Edge- wood Church—except within such part of the corporato limits of tho city of Atlanta ns may bo within that distance from said ckarch; the votora residing within two miles in any direction from Sardis church, or within two miles in any direction from tho village of Adamsvilie in said connty. [See acts of 1876, page 197.] All of which areas ore excepted from tho operation of the bill by the express provisions of section 9. The voters residing in such areas will not be affected by tho law to be made, if made; or by its defeat, if defeated! A foot obviously unknown, and consequently unprovided for by tho General Assembly, when consid ering and acting npon the measure. Tho same anomalous predicament will also bo found to exist in most counties affected by tho act in question. You propose further to hold an election— in tho result of which ths city of Atlanta is almost exclusively interested—by tho ma chinery of this bill, over which tho corpo rate authorities cun exercise no control; the fairness of which in its management and declaration of final result thoy cannot in quire into with any more authority than can the pastor of Eilgewood or Sardis churches or tho humblest voter in the vil lages' of West End and AdamsviUe! May I not emphasize the inquiry, Whith er sre we drifting? What hope is there for onr unfortunate State when such an out rageous scheme as this is commended for S ood men and declared to bo righteous in t>o sight of heaven's King nnd by ministers of the gospel of prohibition of tho Sam Jones variety? (tome tiimium xniltur in vitium. Every man, woman and child in the State is interested deeply, vitally interested, in this question. I hope you nor cither one of you will treat it ss of no importance, as did 1 fear many gentlemen in both Houses of tbo General Assembly. But in view of your responsibility to God and the duty von owe to the State in which all of yon first saw the light, 1 pray yon, give these inquiries nnd opinions—rude and imper fect as 1 know them to be—a calm and pa tient investigation, and an honest, sincere reply. Yours, very respectfully, Samuel D. Ibvin. P. S.~'You will please pardon me for ad dressing yon through the columns of the Macon Tklzosafb instead of the Constitu tion. Our own city paper is now burdened with communications, presenting to the Legislators of the county of Fulton tho fi nancial and other almost local questions growing ont of the proposed amendment to the charter of Atlanta. Borne other cities in the Stats—ono at a time, of coarse st the dictation of some of the revolutionary managers, will be engaged in the death grapple for the maintenance or overthrow of their chartered privileges. As not only the citizens of Atlanta, bat ot the whole State for generations to coma, are in terested in the grave constitutional ques tions which I have presented for your Con sideration, I have chcwen this medium of commaneration, as being nearer the geo graphical centre of onr old commonwealth, as well os of a native population wboee liberties—now threatened so seriously— were purchased for them by the blood and sacrifice of a revolutionary ancestry, just one century ago. It is to reach a larger audience also, than could bo reached in any other way now suggested to my mind. The din of battle now so fiercely raging in oar city distracts attention, disturbs the senses and inflames the passions of the im mediate combatants to snch an extent aa to unfit them for calmly considering the causes which have combined to produce the excite ment which now afflicts and threatens with them consequences of dire import. A presentation of facta end of law appli cable to the unprecedented political pre dicament in which we now find our selves as s people, telegraphed to the eye and through the organ of sight to the senses in the calm, still hoar of retirement, from the white page of a Demo cratic paper published in s conservative city but fonr hoars removed from ns, may touch a silent chord in patriotic breasts which could not be struck from behind the footlights st De Give’s, amid the crash of cymbals and tho delusive melody of Cam paign Glee Clnb arrangements; nor in- da< need by any arguments or presentation History warns nations, States nnd people in vain, unless we profit by its teachings. While the structure of our government was being framed scenes were being enacted in Europe, particularly in Franco, which caused a thrill of horror to vibrate and to reverberate throughout the civilized world, which arrested and commanded the atten tion of the patriot heroes and states men, who were its builders, nnd caused onr constitutional compacts, both State and Federal, to crystallize into their present form. Tho aim and purpose of those pure men was, not only to avoid the unjust and arbitrary decrees of kingcraft on tile one hand, but to shield themselves nnd their posterity from the disastrous con sequences flowing from the unbridled license and terrible ferocity of an unre strained democracy on the other. Palsied he the hand that would mar their work, or tear one pillar from the grand and glorious edifice which they erected. S. D. Inns, TIIE LIQUOR LAW IN BOSTON. A Boston special says: Tho Legislature of 1885 passed a law prohibiting the sole or gift of liquor on election days except by li censed inn-holders to duly registered guests. A few days ago the board of po lice of Boston issued notices to the Kquor dealers thnt the provisions of this law would be rigidly enforced, and ns a conse quence few if any violations linve been noted in this city. The dealer* appear to have recognized tho fact that the notices meant wliat they said, nnd n majority of the liquor stores were entirely closed. A few were open, but no sales were made and they, were destitute of customers. Many liquor sellers carry on a luncheon business, also, and these had their places open, but nothing except solid refreshment could be obtained. The wholesale dealers were open for bus iness ns usuid, the provisions of tho law not extending to thnt class of licenses. The law permift hotel-keepers to sell to guests duly registered, and it was expected thnt there would bo n large opportunity for eva sion of-the spirit of the law at least. For instance, nt the Quincy House over 700 names were registered. Each iierson was then given a card, which admitted him to tho largo barroom, where any' thing could be obtained nt regu lar rates. At the Parker House there was less of this sort of evasion of the law, but a good many persons registered without taking n room. At Youngs Hotel the spirit of the law was strictly observed. No ono could get a drink unless be sctuolly engaged a room, and then it must be sent to the room. The same rule was iu force at the Adorns House, which is nnder the some management as Young's. The penalty for selling or giving away liquor to anyone not a registered guest of the house is $50 for each offense. Consumption Corel. An old physician, retired from practice, having bad placed In bis hands by an Boat India missions* ry the formula of a simple veeetable remedy for the •needy end permanent core of consumption, bron chitis. catarrh, asthma and all thrust ana lung affec tions; also a poslUve and radical cure for nervous debility and all nervous complaints, after bavins tested its wonderful curative powers In thousands of cases, has felt It his dnty to make It known to his fellow sufferers. Actuated by this motive anil a de sire to relieve human suffering, I will send free of charge, to all who desire It this receipe, In German, French and English, with full directions for lire 1 wr ing and using. Kent by mall by addressing with sump, naming this paper, W. A Noyes, 119 Power’s block, Rochester, N. Y. DENTISTRY-DR. 8. B. BARFIELD. No. 90>; Mulberry Street, Mscon. Georgia. Office Hours—9 a. m. to 0 p. m. MY WIFE! My wife has been a great sufferec from catarrh. Several physicians ami various medicines were resorted to, yet ths disease continued unabated, uothing appearing to moke any impression upon it. ller consti tution finally became implicated, the poison being in her hlooil. I secured a bottle of B. B. B. nnd placet! her npon its use, and to our surprise thev improvement began at once, and her recov ery was mpid and complete. No other pre paration ever produced such a wonderfu. change, nnd for all forms of 1,1c>k1 disease L cheerfully recommend B. B. B. as a supe rior blood purifier. R. P. DODGE, Yardmoster Georgia Railroad, Atlanta, Ga. GREAT GRIEF. From the Athena Ga.. Banner*Watchman. Uncle Dick Sanlter Bays; Fifty year* ago I had a running ulcer 011 my leg which re fused to heal under any treatment. In 185$ I went to California and remained eighteen months, and in 1873 I visited Hot Springs. Ark., remaining three months, hut was not cured. Amputation was discussed, but I concluded to make one moreeffort. I com menced taking the B. B. B. Mont six week* ago. The fifty-year-old so'ro on my log in- healing rapidly, and yesterday I walked. alKjut fifteen miles fishing and hunting without any pain, and before using tho B. B. B. I could not walk exceeding half a mile. I sleep soundly for the first time iu many years. To think thnt six bottles bare ilone- mo more good than Hot Springs, eighteen months in California, betides the immense amount of medicines and eight or ten first- class physicians, will convince any man on earth that it is a wonderful blood medicine. It has also cured me of catarrh. MOUTH. PILLS 25 YEARS IN USE. The Greatest Medical Triumph of the Age! SYMPTOMS OF A TORPID LIVER. Loaaofappetite* llowrlscostive* l*aln In the bead* with m dull aeimntlon In the back pnrr. Fain under tlio shoulder- b!adc« Fullneaa nfirr rntlng, with mills inclination to exertion of body or mind, Irritability of temper* Low nplrlta* wlik n frrliiitf ol having neglected lomo duty* Wearlueas* Dlzzlncns* Fluttering nt tho Heart* Dot* before the eyei* Headache oyer the right eye* IlcMtleaaneao* with fitful drenma, Hiehly colored Urine* ami CONSTIPATION."' TCITT’S FILLS aro especially adapted to aach ca«e-», ono tloso effects such a clmnffo of foclingnstoastonisUllio sufferer. They Increase the alppetlte.tnd came tho Ao Tal ‘ body to Take on Flcshgthufi tho ty«tcm 1* nourished, and l>y their Tonic Action on the Digest I ve Organa,Itrjculnr Ntool# aro prod or fd. I*rlfB 115 c. «t 4 Murray Nt.eW.Ye There is a lady living here, Mrs. ,wb» has had catarrh for many ycora. I hnv» known she had it for fifteen or twenty yean* nnd my father onco doctored her, as she was then a tenant of onr place. For tho lost two and a half years she has been bedridden, —the catarrh or cancer (the numerous phy sicians had never decided which) during her two and a half yeare in tho bed, had eaten all tho roof of her month out. She wan so offensive no ono conld stay in the room ; she could not eat anything, bat could swal low soup if it was strained. She gave np to die. Her son bought the B. B. B., and sho used several bottles, which effected an en tire enre. Sho is now well and hearty. £ have not exaggerated ono particle. LUCY STRONG- fri.annAw TUTUS EXTRACT SARSAPARILLA IlenavAta* tliu body, make# healthy tlcfth. strengthen# the weak, repairs the WMfcM or the system with pure blood and hard muscle; tones the nervous system. Invigorates tho brain, an 1 imr-arts Uio vkrar of manhood. 91. KoM by tfnigKists. OFFECT! 44 niurraySt., Now York* THE FAIR, 66 MUBBERRY STREET, Would call attention to new China Caps and Saucers, Mugs, Yases, Marbteo, Have the only 10c. Glass Chicken in Macon. No old goods, always new. Largest assort ment of Notions and Housekeeper*' Goods in tho city. R. F. SMITH, Proprietor, spcMAmAwtf M0XEY LOANED Swift’s Specific Is nature's own ^remedy, made from root* gathered from the foresta of Georgia. Th« method by which it is made waa obtained by a half-breed from tbc Creek Indians; who inhabited^) certain portion of Georgia, which waa communicated to one of the ear ly settler*, and tliu* the formula has been, bandol down to the present day. Tho above, cut represents tho methods of manufacture twenty yean ago, by C. *T. Swift, one ot the present proprietor*. The demand ha* been] gradually increasing until a *100,- 000 laboratory is now necessary to supply the trade. A foreign demand bn* been' created, and enlarged facilities will be neo- essary to meet it. This great Ycgctablo Blood Purifier CUBES Cancer, Catarrh, jSerofhlaXEczema, Dlcere' Rhenmatism, Blood Taint, hereditary or otherwise, /without the use of Mercury or Potash. Books on “Contagious Blood Poison” nnd'on “Blood and Skin Diseases" mailed free. For sale by all druggists. THE.8WIFT SPECIFIC CO!, * Drawer 3, Atlanta, Ga. N. Y., 157 W. 23d St. On improved Fame and JCltj Property. For terms apply to R. F. LAWTON, Banker, &*oud Street. Macod, G%.] »pr4 dAwly ■sine right to abolish the traffic in any other of facts appearing in a local jonmal wlifrb, commodity or thing, that in their judgment during the psat few wentb, bM wen | mmj seem injuriona, or that they n*:»y even claim to be ao; and demagoguct*, both in and ont of the pnlpit, will not be slow in making the demand in their nan .-. When the majeety of the law witai fin*t ctlicit ntlr and ctrsiist* ntly encouraging - ~rii5r % ** the aal hi; an agitation, of vr from an nnconetitn iftlative power bv the Gen .ml the State is the legitimate out' resulting nder of 1 \-.:nblv of Hie above Adjustable Boiler Skate U endorsed bv the fineet expert* and profeaeioraale a* the let. rink akate in the vodd. loldjhy T. A. 33ELIA, Agent for the Monde Roller Skate, also propt tor i t tho t»c BAZAAR AND VARIETY HTOl Dealer In Picture*. Mctare id*. T- }». IM1«, etc. Flneet “1» and 1* The only exciu*ive L Never Known to Fail, The popular Blood Purifier of the day is O. L O. It is the honest “tried and true” Old In dian Core that has stood ths tost of time. It will cure any Blood Disease or Skim Disease arising from impure blood. An excellent tonic and appetizer. Noth ing equals It for female complaints. A, purely vegetable preparation, containing no mercury or other mineral poison. Sold by leading dmi-eist*. THE O. L 0. CO., Perry, Ga. octl (lAm.twlv HOLMES'S SUllt: CUltE Mouth YYiish ami Dentifrice Fleet.. ixt'JI-d, mSwt? T. .1. 1:U.I, Aru- iy Balldibg Macon, < 0ar*« BWdin Throat i ’lean* *a«d and recoi — DOTf/d bv l»r> J 1' K 'V K H Ga. For aal: by all dntw:*( Bled by