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invite them to come and then begin to an noy them by a whole series of political j disabilities, which are assumed to be os-! sential to a defence against them. Indeed, ■ the inference of the Know Nothing creed, on both the issues it. has raised, is a logfeal and a practical blunder from its own premises. It assumes in the strongest sense of an exis ting fact, not as a logical inference from the Catholic creed, the absolute incompatibility of the Catholic Church and the free institu tions of this country. This is its premise ; inference is, to render the individual Cath- | olic ineligible to office ; the true inference from the premise as they construe it is. that the Catholic Church ought not to be tolera- j ted at all. On the other issue, the premise is. that the foreign in our popula tion is dangerous to the government; the inference is, the reduction of a part of the j rights of citizenship—the ineligibility to j office, in the foreigners already here, anil an j extension of the term of naturalization. The ! true inference is, the prohibition of all emi gration for the future, and the avoidance of every thing that would,exasperate the for. #ign element, already in the miust of us ; the careful observance Os everything which would tend to strengthen their attachment to the Institutions of the country. These are the results which logically issue from the premises of the Know Nothing creed, and which they are logically required to as sume. But they dare not do it: the measures they propose to adopt—the exclusion from office —is ridiculously incomplete as a practical expedient; it is a most impotent and lame conclusion, as a logical iufeience. It is ab solutely necessary, either to cease this poli tical crusade against large masses of our people, or to make it effectual tg-acoomplish, not only the ends is holds in View, but to prevent the incident evils the effort at reform has created in its progress. Nothing short of a far more effective diminution of the com mon rights of citizenship than has yet dar ed to assume the shape of a public proposi tion, will meet the ends which the American party are seeking to accomplish. It is ab -Burt to admit large classes of men to all the common rights of citizenship, except one, they should be deprived of all. If it is j right to allow them to vote it is right to al- ! low them to be voted for ; tlie one right is almost, if not altogether, the correlative of the other. Any argument which would prove a man disqualified for office, would prove him disqualified to vote There may be special reasons why particular offices, in volving the representation of the national character, as well as the national policy, should be exclusively occupied by native born citizens; but this is very different in nature, and proceeds upon a wholly differ ent principle of political wisdom, from the universal declaration of ineligibility to all office, among large masses of citizens. That eligibility attaches as an incident, or in heres among the mass of the common rights ! of citizenship ; and it is absurd to admit the ‘ citizenship in general, and this single : capacity which it involves. This principle of action involves tho explanation of the dif ficulty raised by the writer in the Critic for ‘ May, in relation to the eligibility of the Chi nese or a Mahammcdan. This question will be settled by the settlement- of a previous question, and that is, whether large masses of such persons, Pagans and Polygamists, are to be admitted at all to the permamert ; and general particfpation in the rights of j citizenship in a Christian country. It is on this question, the great Mormon issue, now ripening for trial, will be deter mined in a few years. Conceding this is- ■ sue as determined in the affirmative, all mi- ! nor questions, such as eligibility of office, I and propriety of voting such persons into of fice are settled ; it is absurd to question the ordinary propriety ©fallowing by vote what ! is allowable by law. The whole question, ; as a general proposition, is determined by the permanent admission of large masses of per sons in view to the common rights of citizen- j ship. It is one thing to allow specific pri- ! vileges to individual foreigners residing on ‘ our soil, for specific purposes; but it is alto- ’ gether another, to disfranchise in parts, and by a principle designed to the permanent, immense masses of men already permanent ly a part of the population, and so reengnis- ; ed. We insist, therefore, that the whole | movement must retrace its progress, or go j forwajd; it is unwise in the extreme to leave all their power for mischief in their bands, resulting in their simple existence in the country as a part of its population, and in part from the privileges which are still to be left them— and then exasperate them to use it, by attempting to reduce their full political equality with citizens of oilier birth aud religious opinions. We object, in the last place, and with deep severity of conviction, to the principles, of organization adopted by the American or Know-Nothing party, nud to some of the particular features which they have embo died in their order. If ever any principle was at war with the very foundation of the Amorican Republic, it is the principle of a secret, oath bound organization of political parties. It is unnecessary, dangerous, hostile to the fundamental maxims of republican lib- 1 erty, and, in its existing aspect, demoralizing | in a high degree. It strikes a blow at that 1 great fundamental maxim of the government —tho intelligence of the people—an essen tial element of republican liberty. What matters it, how much intelligence the people may have if political men will conceal from them the elements upon which to employ that intelligence, in the foundation of an opinion and tho adoption of a poUcy. The duties of a man are correlative. If it is tho duty of the people to require knowledge of any party claiming their suffrage’s, be fore they endorse them, it is the duty of that party to give it. No p irty lias the right to retire into the dark, bind itself to secrecy under oath, uufold whst they please and conceal what they please from the peo ple ; nor have the people the shadow of a moral right to give their sanction to that, of the propriety of which they are not inform ed. Moreover, this principle of organization will prove utterly subversive of the Consti tution of the United States, by placing the legislation of Congress in the hands of an ir responsible association of its members ; in a body totally unknown to the Coiistitutifh, distinct from Congress itself, existing with in but independent of, ami independent of all responsibility to, any public or recogui- Wd law. Tbo Congressional Council, itself at war with the Constitution, will be under tbe control of the National Couucil ; aud ! the result will be, that the Congress of the j United States will beeome, under the full : ! success of Know-Nothing principles, a mere ‘ ! registry of decrees to a body in the heart of the country, unknown to the Constitution— j existing, no one can tell where —aiming at, I no one can tell what. It is a principle of party organization, which by demanding the unlimited submission of the minority to the majority annihilates the balance-power of a Parliamentary opposition, and all the ad vantages that belong to it. It extinguish ! cs the personal independence of the voter, [destroys the jurisdiction of conscience over | the politica l conduct, and makes it a condi. j tion to the preservation .of his integrity, if a voter should happen to scruple a measure or a man proposed by the Order., that he ab solutely abandon the party altogether. Lastly: - if this principle of secresy and j obligation under oath is legitimate for one [ party, it is legitimate for all ; every party | may adopt it.; the it Sag Nicht’’ clubs of the ! foreigners of the West are wholly justified ; and the whole political destines of the coun try may be controlled by secret, oath-bound organizations—a hybrid mixture of Masonry | and a political caucus, with all good in ei- I ther spoiled by the conjunction. Can any i man in tills nation contemplate such a pros ! peat —the legitimate result of the principle {of organization adopted by the Know Noth ing party, without emotions of alarm amount ing to terror ? It is a principle, legitimate in a condition of society w'nero the lives of men are dependent upon the fidelity of their political associates; it is utterly abominable in any other. Yet the accomplished writer in the Cl itic, for May, would place such a principle, in point of political morality, on the same footing with the vote by ballot! We have only to add, that if the Nation ality, the Federal Union and the Protestant Civilization of this country, are dependent upon the conservatism of this new political combination, its past acts indicate most fear fully that gloomy times are ahead. THE STANDARD: WILLIAM T. WOFFORD, ? VT) r Tf) r>. THOMAS A. BURKE, $ BJJUUJSO. CASSVIT.LE, GEO. * THURSDAY MORNING: JULY 5, 1855. FOR GOVERNOR, ~ HEKSCHEL Y. JOHNSON, OF BALDWIN. FOR CONGRESS. { HOX. JOOT H. LUMPKIN, OF FLOYD. The Standard for Fifty Cents. We propose to furnish the Standard, for th e Campaign extending to about- the first of No” j roinber, for the leiw ft'diff of fifty cents, to be j paid, in all eases, in advance. 1 State Temperance Convention. ! This body will meet in Marrietta on next Wednesday, thclttli inst. The annual address , will be delivered mi Tuesday, by Rev. Dr. Fel ton, of this count v. j —— I j To enable the hands in our office to enjoy , . the Fourth of -July, w? issue the paper this week, j one day in advance. We are compelled to omit our usual I chapter of the Three Golden Jinks this week, in ■ •’ consequence of the non-arrival of paper intend- ; i ed for the book edition. State Teachers’ Association. j We.are-rcquested to state that the Georgia i State Teachers’ Association will meet pursuant to adjournment, in Macon, on Wednesday the j Bth of An gust next, at 0 o’clock, A. M. All 1 teachers in the State arc requested to attend. The Weather—Crop u It is raining while we write, and there is every prospect of good seasons. The farmers in this and adjoining counties, have been suffering somewhat for want of rain, though wc have never seen crops look so well. This rain will , put everything in the best growing condition, and place crops in lowlands almost beyond pos sibility of a failure. Valley No. 49, I. 0. 0. F. The following are the officers for the term ‘ | commencing, on the first Friday in July: Thomas A. Bcrkk, P. (J. Wm. A. Romms, N. O. John Q. A. Norjhs, V. G. Samcei, Lew, P. S. & S. il. McMekray, Treasurer. We publish in another column, a comimiuica ; tion from “ A .Subscriber,” announcing the I mimes of Messrs.'Solomon and Johnson, as can didates for the legislature. Os consc it is not | to he supposed that wc endorse their nominn- j ! tion, ns we shall do all we can for the regular ; nominees of the democratic party. We however, ! agree with our correspondent ns to their capaci- 1 ty and honesty. j BSSTThe Athens Banner comes to us fliis j I week wearing'n new and b°autiful dress. The 1 Bonn* r is an excellent paper—strong and zeal- , ; ous in its advocacy of Democratic principles, and firm and inflexible in its opposition to the | J political heresies of the day—and we nreindeed : pleased at this evidence of Us prosperity. Long 1 may it live to battle for Democracy and the , , Constitution. | So says the West Point Beacon and wo say ditto. With such a paper as the Banner and ! ~ph n ‘to as tho Hon. Howbll Cobb, the j Democracy of tho glorious old Sixth urc in- 1 ; vincible. , The Prospect in Georgia. From every quarter, wo learn that tho pros- ‘ | pacts of the Democracy in Georgia arc brighl ’ cning. A distinguished gentleman remarked to | ns a few days ago, in Atlanta, that there could j be no doubt of the re-election of Governor John son by a large majority. In middle and lower Georgia, “Ham” is turning decidedly pale I around the mouth, ninny lodges having been disbanded and where this has not boen tho case i hundreds of members leaving in disgust. In the I Sixth District bis ranks are being thinned out every day, by the convincing eloquence of Kx- Governor Cobb, while “ little lilick” is playing i smash with him iu the Eighth. The nomination of Judge Andrews was a stroke of policy, hut jit won't work, gentleman. Your candidate may be willing to'prove mreaut to his party, for the sake of an office in perspective, but he will not ; be able to carry any true Democrats'with him, ,j while the mutterings of discontent arc already hoard among the Whigs at having a Democrat fqrced on them, when it is so well known that j four-fifths of the new party were old Whigs.— Let the Democrats of Georgia go to work with a will, ami Sam will be beaten so badly in Geor i gin, that his friends won’t be able to get up a decent funeral. So mote it be. “We predict that bv the Ist Monday of Octo ber if the American Party is time t<> ! itself, the aggregate'of votes w hich if can poll, on that day,* , will not fall much short of 7,000! Let every ! one of ‘ Sam’s’ hoys, thfcn pull off his coat, roil j up his sleeves and go to work, and they will be o\irs beyond peradveuture.” —Georgia Citizen. J Just the way the Virginia papers talked about Sam’s prospects in that State, friend Andrews, but the thing did’nt work to suit them. The people told a different tale, and we predict the same result, in Georgia. “ Sam’s boys” had i better pull off their coats and roll up their j sleeves, because they’ve got an awful hard road to travel. The Macon Know Nothing Conven . tion. The grand council of Know Kothings of this State, held a Convention at Macon last week, and nominated the lion. Garnett Andrews, of Wilke* county, as their candidate for Governor. The Convention passed Resolutions approving of the platform established by the Philadelphia Convention, adopted the Georgia platform of 1850, sympathised with the Columbus moVc ; ment and made quite a savage attack upon the j administration of Gen. Pierce, at which he no | doubt will feel greatly troubled. How this new | party, composed of Whigs, Democrats, Fire j caters, Disunionists, Temperance men and Li ; quor men can claim consistency in adopting the j Philadelphia platform, and at the same time, approving of the Columbus movement, we are utterly finable to discover; but suppose that the heads of councils who have set the sails so in geniously to catch eveity breeze, can explain everything satisfactorily to the initiated. The Convention, we arc informed, was composed of about two hundred and fifty delegates from every section of she State, and that too, upon a short no tice of only fifteen days. Truly the organiza tion must be very efficient and perfect, entirely too much so to have much republicanism about it. The great body of the members certainly can have but little voice in these hastily gotten up Conventions. But it makes no difference how many of the voters of Georgia had a voice in placing Judge Andrews in nomination for Governor, he is now the candidate of the Know Nothings, and every men who belongs to them must vote for him, get permission from his coun cil to withdraw from the organization, or com mit pm jury. Now that the candidates of the different parties have been placed before the people, let them take the stump and discuss the principles of their respective parties. Ignoring the Slavery Question. In a late number of the Rome Southerner we find an article headed with the following quota tion from the Washington Union : “There can be no such thing as National parties, except, upon the basis of an entire ex clusion of ihe subject (of slavery) from their political creeds “no party, embracing mem bers at the North and the South, can be nation al or harmonious in the organization which docs not exclude the question of slavery from its creed.” We agree with pur brother Myeiis, that “no national party can exist, in the present condi-! tion of politics in this country, that ignores the slavery question”—“that nothing but uncom promising hostility to the Abolitionists, rate and ultra, and their constant defeat, can preserve the Union.” All this we believe, and much more, and we felt sure that the National Know Nothing convention at Philadelphia would find qjl their efforts to get up a platform in ref erence to the subject of slavery which would ] please Wilson, Gardner and the horde of open and avowed abolitionists, there in council as sembled, a failure, because their only hope was cither to ignore the subject entirely or drive off the entire North. This convention was forced upon us by our knowledge of the material of that Convention. What hopes Southern Know Nothings overbad effacing able to reconcile mat ters with such hot headed fanatics as Wilson and his creed, we never could imagine. But we are off the subject. We intended to say shat our friend of Southerner has unintentioifal ly wc have no doubt, done.the Union injustice.’ We hace ’no recollection of ever having seen the editorial from which the quotation is made and wc hope the editor will take another and do- i ser look and see if ha is not mistaken. Such doctrines are not. usually found in the Union now arc they the doctrines of the party. Wc know that the Union lyi.H ever taken a bold stand on the slavery question, and in a number of tha* paper now before us, we find a long and able article in reply to the Charleston’ Mercury, in which ground is taken directly opposite to that attributed to it by. the Southerner. , The Mercury, a leading disffiion journal in South Carolina in replying ty a article of tho Union, took the ground thaL alfforties at the North were corrupt—” that tfaijSe was no coin man platform on this subject (slavery) upon which the North'and H.mit.li couidaigxef and act in good faith”—lJiat “ the tkinoctylict party, the last to surrender in ffie North, hadlaHen be fore the Overwhelming force oftwptpsfiycry.’'— Now, every one at dll conversiifif*with the po litical the country tor yeaTs paid, knows this'bu be absurd and -sTdicTihiuS. The- Northern domouracy l|uvc stood,and are as rcady_ to do so to day jrEftfn in Boston, the very hot bed of abolition ‘fanaticism a noble band of whose love for their country find tho priciples of the National Dem ocratic Party was stronger than their sectional feeling, lately hold au enthusiastic meeting in honor of the victory of Henry A. Wise, m- Vir ginia, at which resolutions strongly conserva tive and eminently national wore passed. . | 11 ore is what the Union says iu reference to a j common platform in answer to the Mercury, and j we commend it to our readers, as thoroughly i sound and Democratic: “But the Mercury is not only not’ frank iu I this matter, but it also misrepresents ouryourse , when it says that we haveTperslstently blinded our eyes to the trqth so often asserted by it and others, that there was no common platform on | tho subject of slavery on which tho North and j South could agree and net togother in good j faith, lint that now we slowly and pain \f idly adm it the truth of its assertion. We have | neither slowly nor quickly, painfully nor joyful j ly, made any such admission. On tho contrary^ I we deny the truth of its assertion ns persistent ly and as confidently now as we have done at all time*. We affirm now, ns wo have al ways done, that (hero is a common platform on tho aubjeot of slavery on which tho-North ■ and the .South can stand and act together. That ‘ common pin (Torn rests upon tho recognition of the obligations and compromises spocitled iu tho constitution in regard to slavery, and the total (denial of any power by Congress to interfere i with the subject iii any tither respect. It is tho platform of congressional non-intervention on : which tho Wilmot proviso was resisted—on which the adjustment of 1850 was effected—on j which the Missouri Compromise tvas repealed, and the organization of Kansas and Nebraska 1 was provided for, and on which the democratic party will again unite and preverve the against fanaticism, whether it comes from the (South or the North. On each one of these great trials of national devotion individuals who had claimed fellowship with the democratic party departed from the true faith, but the backbone of the party has remained as firm as over. The Mercury may take comfort in these disasters which now and then reduce the true nationabdu mocracy to a minority in Northern Slates, and in dulge the hope that its favorite theory as to the inpr.ieticability of a sound. National Democratic i party is established and that the millenium of dis- 1 j union is about to begin but the sequel will prove • that the Mercury is doomed to further disap- ! point,ment. The democratic party has tempo-, rarily lust some of its strength in the North, but i its vitality and its recuperative “energies are un j impaired. It stands now as it has clone from : ! the beginning—the guardian genius of the con-’ I stitution and the Union, and, under a kind ; ’ providence, it will save both from harm, whetli- j I er the danger approaches from the North or the i | South. If the Mercury was inspired with more attachment to the constitution and the Union than it habitually cherishes, it would be less apt to grrivoait wrong conclusions. Instead of seeing in the history of the past twenty years evidence of the incapacity of ihe northern and I southern democracy to unite upon a common i national platform, it would see on every trial to which the strength of the confederacy has been subjected a body hf sound, reliable nor thern democrats bravely breasting the storm of fanaticism, and periling everything like politi i cal promotion for the safety of southern inter ests. If the Mercury could hear the voices of , those true northern democrats, whilst thus no j hly resisting the assaults of northern disunion- J ists, it would hear something like this: “Wo can meet and vanquish northern disunionism when it comes single-handed, but when it comes single-handed, but when southern dis unionisrn comes to its relief through such chan nels as the Charleston Mercury, we are annoy ed with a fire in the rear more destructive “ban that in front.” We can tell the Mercury that it cannot entertain a worse opinion of the sound ness and fidelity of northern democrats than they do of such advocates of southern interests as the Mercury. They may be beaten by* com-’ binations and treachery at home, aided by the fire iu the rear aimed by southern disunionists, but they never surrender their devotion to the constitution and the Union. What if they have been reduced to minorities in the late northern elections: do they strike the democratic flag and despair of recovering their lost ground ?—■ The Mercury has long since set them the exam ple of hauling down the democratic flag and despairing of the future. Not so with the no ble-hearted democrats of the North. Already are they buoyant with fresh courage, and eager to follow their time-honored standard to the next conflict. They are ready to unite on a common national platform with the democracy of the South, and they are resolved by the un ion to achieve a common national triumph in fhi contest of 1856. They will stand and act together then on the platform of 1852, and the result, will add another proof that the safety of the federal Union is in the union of the national democracy.” Since the foregoing was in type, wc have pro cured the editorial of the Union from which the objectionable extract is made. The Union sim ply assumes that there can be no agreement on the abstract subject of slavery—that the i Northern man with his prejudices against the institution cannot be made to look upon it in the same light as the Southern man who has been educated to regard it as a moral ami-legal in stitution, and that all discussion on the subject, is without effect, except to strengthen the origi nal convictions of the contending parties.— Therefore, says the Union : “ We think it may be safely assumed that an ageeement of opinion on the subject between northern and southern meu is an impossibility; and in looking at the dangers involved in the question, and in seeking for the means of avoid ing those dangers, it is justifiable to act upon the assuption that nil hope of ever effecting such agreement is impossible. “If we are right in assuming that (lie North and the South can never hfrmonizc on the ab stract subject of slavery, it follows that there can be no such things as national parties except upon the basis of an entire exclusion of the sub ject from their political creeds. ” “No mathematical proposition is more true than that tbe only basis of party organization is an agreement amongst those wliq (filter into it i upon the subjects which they recognize as be longing to its creed. * * * These I truths will command ready assent, and they de i monstrate the proposition that, no party einbra. j cing members at the North and the South can j he national or harmonious in its organization ! which does not exclude the question of slavery I from its creed. If northern men insist upon | their party creed the doctrine that slavery is a j moral or political evil, tlu-y raise an insuperable j barrier against a harmonious association with i southern men. In like manner, if southern men j insist iin making it a part of their party creed j that slavery is morally and politically right, ! they thereby cut off northern men from,political , association with them. The necessary result is, i that, without toleration of differences of npiu ■ ion as to the abstract question of slavery, parties are necessarily sectional, amkeannot possibly be i national-.” : Our renders will readily perceive that the j Union means, simply that the North and South j can never harfinmize on the abstract question of I ’slityery, and that no national party can be form | ed, which fequircs such an agreement. In other \ words wcAucvcr expect Northern men to re gard sluyeryffu the same light (hat we dq—ns a i murid, social or political blessing—a benefit to both master.and slave. Wc have no right to | requ're such a tiling, 1 Even native-born South erners differ on the subject, although we have ! no'doubtf a large majority of them are agreed | that slavery is both morally and politically right. But if wc differ among ourselves, how can wo 1 expect Northern men to agree with us in all re spects l 1 in the language of the Constitutiona list—“All that the South asks, or has u right to ask of Northern men, is to respect the rights .guaranteed to her by the Constitution. They (arc at liberty to hold then what abstract opin ions they choose on the subject,” rREPAIUCn FOR THE CASSVIM.B STANDARD. Science made Easy, Ou Common TiiinosSchcntipu’ vu.v Explained. n HEAT. We continue, this week, the subject of llcat. We have already spoken of the sun ns the pri mary source of heat, of caloric ami of Electrici ty, as tho second source of heat. Cnntin ting 1 this bianch of the subject, wo commence this week with Lightning.-* Lightning is accumulated electri city discharged from tho clouds. There arc three causes which produce this electricity iu the clouds: the evaporation from the earth’s j surface, the chemical changes which tuko place j ( ou the earth’s surface, and currents of air of unequal temperature, which excite electricity by ‘friction, as they come in contact with each other. When a cloud overcharged Avith electric fluid, approaches another which is vndsreharyul, the 1 fluid rushes from tho former into tho latter, un- i til both are equally charged. Sometimes matin-} tains, trees ami .%eples will discharge the light,- j rung from near, and the electric | clouds. Lightning clouds are of various heights from the earth, some of them actually touching it yrith one of their edges, while others are as high as four or five miles above it. Those from which electricity is discharged during a thunder storm are, however, rarely more than seven hundred yards above the surface of the earth. On a fair day, the clouds arc often four or five miles above our heads, but their ayeray; height 1 is from one and a half to two miles. Lightning is sometimes forked because the lightning-cloud is at a great and the ; electrical current is diverted into a zig-zag cou -sc | by the powerful resistance of the air, the enr | rent flying frontside to side in order to pass I where there is least resistance. Sometimes, in : very severe storms, the flash will divide into ! two or more parts, and there as many flashes of forked lightning seen at the same j time. \\ hen the cloud is near the earth and the 1 current meets with but little resistance, it is not divided, and the flash is straight. Sheet light ning is either the reflection of distant flashes not distinctly visible, or else .several flashes intermingled. ,Sometimes the flashes assumes a globular form, which is the most dangerous form of lightning. A flash of lightning is generally followed by a pouring rain, because the flash produces a change in the physical condition of the air, ren ! dering it unable to hold as much water in solu j tion as it could before; consequently, a part is t P iven in heavy rain. It is generally follow : ed by a gust of wind, because the physical con dition of the air is disturbed by the passage of j the lightning, and wind is the res of .the dis ; turbunce. In summer, lightning m frequently I by thunder, because the clouds are j j so far distant the sound of the thunder is lost before it reaches the ear. Sometimes the earth is overcharged with electric fluid and returns some of it to the clouds; this is called the “re-’ turning stroke.” There is more lightning j n ! Summer and Autumn, than in Spring and Win. tei, because the heat in the two former seasons : produces great evaporation, and the conversion of water into vapor always develops electricity. | There are two kinds of elcctricitv, positive i aild MWtbf. The flash always proceeds from ] a P HS 'Uvc body; that is one overcharged with j electric fluid. A\ hen the clouds are iu a positive •state of electricity, the lightning passes from j thfcn to ,ho earth; when they are in a negative i state, it passes from tho earth to them. Yhev j J are said to bon? a positive state when they con- I 111111 more of the electric fluid than usual, and in j a negative state when they contain less than i usual. FOR THE CABSVILLE STANDARD. Cassvilie, Julv 2; 1855. j Mr. T. A. Burke , I Dear Sir;— l understand that Mr. William [ Solomon and Abda Johnson, Esq., have declared I themselves candidates to represent Cass county | <is icprcfsentativcs in the next Legislature. As | a private citizen, I am glad to see such men ; coming out. They are honest—they are capa i hie—and would be an honor to the county of i Uass, if elected; and as an humble voter, I ear ! neatly recommend them to men of all parties j for their suffrages. Will you insert this in your j next pa - er, and oblige, Very respectfully, A SUSCRIBER. — From (lie Columbus Times j G ov. Johnson on the Georgia Flat form. Executive Chamber, ) Milledgeville, Geo , June 21st, 1855. \ Dear Sir : In your note of the lOih insf., i s ou icier me to the following language con | tilineJ in ‘".V letter to Maj. Howard,'to wit : i *i suppose Kansas with such a Constitution j should be rejected, as she probably will, and j ,lu should be made to tho non slnve j bolding States to return members to the fol lowing Congress, who will vote for her ad mission, wliut hope should wo then have of a successful appeal, if we shall have dissolved our party alliance with them. Absolutely uone. lou say that iny .. opponents con tend that in this paragraph I show a dispo sition to dully with the North, instead of faiilj and squarely meeting the issue made j by the 4th Resolution of the Georgia Plat j form. Ilcnce, nto place the question be yond all cavil,” you request me .. to indi cate # the course I would pursue as Governor ot Georgia, if Congress should reject Kan sas, because of the existence of slavery therein ” I comply cheerfully with your re quest. I wish to be understood upon this subject 1 intend to be. Though I think my letter, coustrued as a whole, oqglit to sut- I itfy the most hypercritical, yet 1 will say, j ‘■hat I shall never n dally with the North up | on any question Involving tho rights of the | South no never, never. But to the point, i of your inquiry. ; The 4th Resolution of the Georgia Plat i form contemplates dissolution, upon the hap j pening of certain contingencies The rejec ; tion ol n Kansas, because of the existence of slavery therein,” would he one of those con tingencies. ‘I lie separation of Georgia from tho confederacy must be the act of tho Sov ereignty. As the Executive of the State, the 4th Resolution clothes me with no pow er to proclaim such separation. Nor am 1 j vested with it by our constitutional prowl - j sion. Therefore, if Kansas should thus i be rejected, 1 would feel bound to take such : steps us would.clioit the action of the sov- j ! eroignty of the state, in execution of the- ; Georgia Platform. Indeed,-! shall bring 1 the whole subject before the next Legislature, and commend to them to provide lor the calling of a State Convention, in the event ! of such rejection, to determine the time ; and mode of the disruption of every tio that binds her to the Union.” Whether elected ‘ or not, this much I shall do, in my message j to the Uenoral Assembly ; and if elected, | and the emergency shall arise during my Ex ’ eoutive term, I shall unhesitatingly as above indicated. Tho Georgia Platform is the I voice of the sovereignty of the State. It , emanated from tho samo source that framed i the Constitution. It is equal to that instru- j uicnt in solemnity and validity ; aud as Ex- ; ccutive of the State, I am as much hound by it as by tho constitution itself. So l cou- ! strue my obligation as & States Rights, man, ! and so would I render to it the most iinplic* j it, prompt and energotio obedicuco. Your Ob’t Serv’t. HERSCIIEL V. JOHNSON. ) Con. TANARUS, Lomax, Columbus, Geo. Louisana and Georgia. At the recent Dcmocratio State Couvon- I ; tjou of Louisana, hold at Baton Rouge, the j j following ticket for the state offioors was nominated with general approval : For Governor, R. C. VViokliffe; Liouten- 1 nut Governor, C. II Moutou; Secretary of the i j State, A. S. Herron; Treasurer. C. E. Gren- j loaux; Auditor, Samuol F. Marks; Superin tendent of Public Education, Samuel Beard; Attorney General, E. W. Moiso. The New Orleans Bulletin (Whig) says * this is most indubitably a stroug ticket,” : But the inost gratifying part of the proceed- i ing was the adoption of the << Georgia Plat- { form,” which, though we have more than once published, deserves to be repeated in connection with this important sanction It reads thus : n That the State of Georgia, in the judg ment of this Convention, will and* ought to resist, even a last resort) to a disruption , of every* tie which binds her to the Union, ! any action of Congress upon the subject of slavery in the District of Columbia, or in places subject to the jurisdict ion of Congress incompatible with the safety, domestic tran quility, the rights and honor of the slave holding States ; or any act suppressing the j slave trade between the States; or any re- ! fusal to admit as a State any territory here after applying, because of the exigency of slavery therein ; or any act prohibiting the introduction of slaves into the Territories of Utah and New Mexico ; or any act repealing or materially modifying the laws in force 1 for the recovery of fugitive slaves.’’ Upon this point the Commercial Bulletin remarks: ( (i This is a rational, national, conserva tive profession of faith, which every good citizen can subscribe to, and the party that docs not adopt it in its details, as wcil as in the aggregate, cannot expect to be sustained j by Southern votes. From the Federal Union. Know Nothing Platform Explained. AND ITS HIEROGLYPHICS DECIPHERED. j 1. Resolved, That there is a God ! 2. Resolved, That we should love our | country. 3 Resolved, We are for the Union first— j and every thing else afterwards. 4. Resolved, As we liav>j justly been sus pected heretofore of faithlessness to the Con- j stitution, we must hereafter obey the C'onsti- j tution. 5. Resolved, That any honest immigrant —who is not too poor—and who can prove that he loves liberty and hates oppression— j will be received and protectedan a friendly way. (5. Resolved, That the Naturalization j Laws—must be altogether modified as to prevent any foreign born citizen from ev er voting in this country—we suppose ) 7. Resovied, That we are opposed to the corrupt means used by any other party but ourselves—and that we are disgusted by the wild bunt after office manifested by any one who don't belong to our Order, and further, over the left , that no one ought to hold office —hut it should be offered to every Know i Nothing. 8. Resolved, That no Roman Catholic—or ; any one born, educated and trained out of 1 these United States, shall ever have any of fice in the countiy, aud that we are apposed j to ay one religions sect getting the ascen dency over any other except the llomam : Catholics ; and we don't care how much they are persecuted. 9. Resolved, That we arc opposed to any ! hut pure Know Nothings being sent to Con- j gross. 10. Resolved, That the Excutive patron age must he entirely restricted to Know Nothings. 11. Resolved, That the youth of thceoun j try shall only be educated pi State, schools, i further— Resolved, That the ILble is a good book. 12. Resolved, That the South are in favor of their own rights. 13 Resolved. That weir.ust arbitrate diffi- 1 cultics with weak nations— aud whip strong on< s. 14. Resolved, That our members are at ‘ liberty to tell what every body knows, and i keep dark every thing else. Foreigners. j Now wc affirm, says the I’ichmond Enqut. i rer, speaking of tho prevalent abuse of fur- J eigners by the new secret party, that the in j dictment against foreign-horn Americans is a gross and infamous libel ; and we challenge | proof of the degrading accusations cm which ’ they are arraigned before the world Are ; they a besotted, ignorant, vulgar crew, as painted by Know Nothing scribblers? For j answer, we point to Agassiz, Lieber, and | other distinguished savants and literati of j foreign birth, who contribute their science and their genius to the glory of America. | Arc they lazy vagabonds, without stake in the community ? The intelligent, industri ous and thrifty merchants, of foreign-birth, in our own cities may answer the interroga tory. Have they exhibited incapacity or in* fidelity in discharging the duties of citizen ship ? Have they been lukewarm and treach erous in the hour of trial ? In reply to this j question, and in genoral nttcstatioh of the character of our foreign-born fellow-citizens, we will adduce the authority of one whom ; the Know Nothing Whig pros will not un- I ‘dertake to discredit. Hear what Winfield j ! Scott, the late candidate of the Know No thing Wliig party for the Presidency, affirms of the patriotism and character of our for eign born population : i> Vou have been pleased, sir, to allude to our adopted citizens. I cau say that the Irish, tho Germans, the Swiss, the French, the Brittons, and other adopted citizens, fought in the same rank, uuder the same colors, side by side with native Americans, (exhibiting like courage and efficiency, uni- I ting at every Victory in the same enthusiast ! tie shouts in honor of our flag and our coun try. From Vera Cruz to tho capital of j Mexico, there was a generous rivalry in he. J 1 ruic daring and brilliant achievements. Let j thoso who witnessed that earoer of valor and | patriotism say, if they can, wh%t race, no- j cording to numbers, contributed most to the j general success and glory of the campaign jin the many hard fought battles, there was I no room for invidious distinction. Allprov ; fit themselves the faithful sous of our he i loved country, and no spectator could fail j to dismiss any imaginary prejudice he might 1 havo entertained ns to the comparative iner j its of Americans by birth and Americans by j adoption.” And mark, this language was spoken, not | in tho progress of the canvass, when it might have been the utterance of interested motive and biased judgment; but before General Scott was a candidate for the Presidency, and is therefore tho honest aud deliberate i oonviotion of his mind. It was spoken at Elizabethtown, New Jcraoy, immediately af ter his return from Mexico, in reply to a deputation from the Common Council of Now York. * It is stated by the Magazine Fraucais, I that tho newfashion of ladies’ bonnets are i even smaller than those of last spring, but | it is difficult to sec bow that can be j 1 -b’ ....V,’ a. The Masschusetts Democracy iw j on their Armor ’ Tl > er e is a point in the descent of polffi degradation from which a reaction niugttk rhice. Massachusetts has reached the de ] ; and the reaction is sure to follow, Kn ’ nothingism and abolitionism combined I°*’ had their day, and every pntid citizen ot2 ■State now feels that the pl*gu e . tpot of £ famy stamped upon her character must 1 wiped out. The work begins with thesJj but untcrrified*bnnd of the democrats I comc forwar(l antl their positions on ifc! I following bold and patriotic resolutJ adopted at a meeting of the Granite Club |in Boston, on the evening of Jnne 1 V | c °Py ,lj at sterling champion of nation! al dcmocray, tho Boston Tost : - Meetixg of Granite Clc b No. ] The call for a meeting of the Granite Clii - List evening was well responded to; thehflj connected with the democratic reading-room was well filled —Joseph Smith, Esq , (], j cbftir. Ihe best spirit pervaded the meet ing, and the fiisi meeting under such favor | able circumstances was hailed as an nu', ury [of anew awakening of party interest ° ‘ “ eM7 A u ’ise, of Virgin^ unanimously elected an honorary niemhc, „f I the club. j .. A coinmitte .consisting of Messrs. | Ul.eever, Levi Prescot, and Jeremiah Col. j burn, appointed to report resolutions for it e I conslderat'ou of the meeting, who j that purpose. “ Muring the absence of the commitfe* | James Whiting, esq., who had ju st return^ | fVt,ni Virginia, was called upon, and respni j edin a bri ef and happy speech. i c which h gave nn animated account of what Le Lnj seen of the struggle in Virginia, where the j 11,1,1 Henry A W ise had so gloriously tri. uuiphed over all the combinations and p r . | tie# that had been brought to bear gaiW | him lie called upon the party to strive t j purify the party of all isms, and establic I it once inorempon the old straight demoent 1 track. lie avowed him e;f ipposed tort, j pressive and exclusive legislation, whici would make oue man suffer for the pf cn of another, and restrict the liberty of cot science. n The cemnaitte on resolutions barn* * turned, Mr Cheever, the chairman, sul ed the following series : < Resolved , That the true America pai ty in this land is the democratic psrij for it adopts as its own the principles of th D claration of Independence ; and the ha of its political action is the Grand fitih ! rights doctrine of its immortal paper, tint j the members of this confederacy are ..mu . and Independent States.” Hn d as sw o:dained our and ccnicniel • our U.vio.v i. i Resolved, That the great admicistrvl | t!v e measures of our country, under j it has grown from infancy to manhood, foil j iicakuess to power, until it has become tletl { best country God has given to man, ml ; of democratic origin, aud hear the inJeiitifH stamp and impress of the democratic party^H . < Resolved, That, in free countrits. [.in lit tea l action relates to the whole jeopt.H | is of universal concern, and therefore I be public ; and is so vital a principle a H j be part and parcel of the common law jour political.existence; nnl that any pi j ty working by secret action midaumrttH jto be American, libels a great and pvitH j name, which, in the words onV.\>iii.vt,nJ.H | belongs to the people of their n a ; ias.uci-M j PACiTV. I ! *• • Resolved , That the adininistr.itioi A Bros;dent Pierce—by its u:,t!im:liit>g i port of the lienor of the nation in niiiuiuq ! ing the rights of American citizens at k® [and abroad — by its equal repaid for the ii-l ! tensts of all parts of our Firm- ly its sd | herenue to the fundamental priiiciplififl j religious and political freedom fur whi:bty| i fathers fought and conquered in tkreri*| tkm—and by its firm support of tin I tution and laws of the land—is cmiucril j deserving the confidence and support of f| i ry true and patriotic citizen. n i Resolved, That the gallant warn*| ! by the Virginia democracy ou tint publican feathre of secret political j and the British tory doctrines of | proscription and intolerance, and its “'>■ j and New Orleans triumph, present I for congratulation to all the friends \ Union of these States, of the supremKjj , tho federal constitution, and of the ! rt * ■ vation.of those principles of gorerl i administration inaugurated by Tln'inss•‘j , ferson, restored and illustrated by Jackson, and faithfully adhered toh] ; ideal Pierce. 1 j n • Resolved, That the thanks of thf tiou are due to Henry A Wise for hi# i noble, uneomproming war against the ; row hersics, the cowardly a postin')’ l " e *■ ’ principled subterfuges, of the cneni t- 8 democratic party in the Old Domini 00 '“J ; that the glorious triumph which h< s cr ’ j | ed his labors will confer lasting hoots “fM j his name. * • Resolved, The the fact j know nothings in their own words iginiil.to wit, n nearly the whole t ! composed of democrats tcilhdrtM j against them, presents a proud i for such democrats to follow s ! betrayed into bad company, and is 1 | evideuco that no consistent deuuA rsi ‘act witli the secret, oath-bond, i° lll J I order. ... Resolved, That tho jennet any illiberal laws, hilt by 1 control private conduct so fi' r tt,! 18 |ry for the protection of the rig l ' ls £ whole. i. < Resolved, That the lute ‘ m legislature of this State inflicted d'd tho Commonwealth by its hors ; by its unconstitutional s ”‘ private educational and other by its bold hostility to laws and j of these States ; and by its lation as seen in its liquor ln' r ’ tho words of a distinguished out with the violation of P’ lie at the very foundation and of free government; am * words of the same authority. 1 and taken as un establish* 1 B would not leave a dollar o. P r,ir0 e . l ]or n in the Stato, of any description, ‘ sonal, safe from the rapacity or A cisrn of any dominant luction >“ ineyt.” . of B : .< Resolved, That in this cn B history of the State St is incum ry true friend of his country, e ’ jB patriot, and evory mao, to men and paties by things, and BO -