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. i yet undergone. Unceasing efforts are ;
.•••fc’.ng to excite hostile and sectional feel- !
• niainst we were prophetically 1
avii 1 t>y Mi father of his country ; and if !
rc successful, tiie days of this Con- j
n ar” r oinhered. The continued as
■ por. the South, upon its character,
.utional rights and its institutions,
,e .systematic perseverance and the
t .c-v spirit with which these are pursued. 1
v. >ey warn the Democratic party of j
the l.gar. should also incite it to united
ami ‘■ ‘rous action. They warn it. h>o, the 1
tunc l.ns come when all other differences
which may have divided it should give way
to tic 1 duty of defending the Constitution,
and when that great party, coeval with the
g- * eminent, should l>e united as. one man
for the accomplishment of the work to which
it is now called, and before it is too late.—
1 is the American party, for it has neither
r ational prejudices nor sectional preferen
ces. and its care and its efforts extend wher- ‘
ever the Constitution and its country ex
tends, and with equal regard to the rights
r.nd interests of all. I believe the fate of
this great republic is now in its bauds, and,
f o believing, l earnestly hope that its action
will be firm, prompt and united, yielding
not one hair's breadth of its time honored
principles, and resisting to the last the dan
gerous efforts with which we are menaced;
and, if so, the victory of the Constitution, I
doubt not, will be achieved.
I am, sir, respectfully, your oVt. serv't,
Lewis Cass.
From, the Wilkes Republican..
WASHINGTON,GA., SEPT. 4, ’S.V
At a meeting of the Dickinson Council No.
79. held this day, the following resolutions
were adopted:
Whereas, wo are opposed to secret oath
hound political organizations, believing them
contrary to the genius of our republican in
stitutions, it is. therefore,
Resolved, fly Dickinson Council No. 7fl,
that our worthy President be instructed to
return the charter of this Council ts>. the
President of the Htato Council.
The otlier resolutions are omitted at the
request of the mover —Ed Rep. •
Another One Tumbled to Pieces
To-day the K N s. of Waynesboro’ sent back
their charter to Win. Hone of Savannah.
Thus has died Council No 141, killed by the
Constitution, or rather the want of one.
Havana Plan Lottery.
The Capital Prizes drawn at Concert Hall,
in Macon, (Ja., on the 3d of September, in
the Jasper County Academy Lottery, were
distributed ns follows :
No 2473, $12,000 in Macon, tin ; No.
1817, SO,OOO in Cleveland, Ohio ; No. 2921,
$3,000 in Lynchburg, V ; No, 003, $1,200
Brooklyn, N Y; No 4772, $l,lOO in Vicks-!
burg, Miss.
The thanks of tho Widow and Fatherless, ,
besides a pecuniary reward, will be #iven to !
any person who will inform Col. 11. F As
tn.p, (by letter, directed to Crichton's store,
l;ru us wick county. Virginia,) of the pi-open
person and Post Office in Georgia, to which
to direct a letter, to gain information con- !
cerning the estate ofc-Drury Ilarpcr, dec’d,
late of Georgia, and formerly of Virginia.
Congress can exercise no authority which is !
not given by the great charter that brought I
it into existence. Let any man put hie fin- I
ger upon *he clause of that instrument, which
confers this power of internal interference, 1
and I will abandon tlie principle, long as it
Las been cherished by me. And that is
many years, as will appear by reference lo
the Globe of March 31, 1832, which contains
an article written by me. and entitled A
Review of the Opinion of the Supreme Court
in the Cherokee Case.” In that article, I
observe that the clause of the Constitution
authorizing Congress “to dispose of, and
make all needful rules and regulations rer
specting the torritor/ or other property of
the United States, refers to the territorial
rights, and grants no jurisdiction over per
sons.” • Among other things 1 say : * The
power to dispose of, and make needful rules
arid regulations respecting the territory or
other property of the United States, and the
power to cxercis • general jurisdiction over
persons upon it. me essentially different and
independent. The former is general, and is
given in the clause referred to ; the latter is
special, and is found in another clause, and
is confined to the federal tract, (the District
of Columbia,) and to places purchased by
consent of the Legislature of the State
in which the same shall be, for the erection
of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock yards,
and other needful buildings.” This is the
same doctrine subsequently advocated, and
more fully developed in my Nicholson letter.
I repeat that this power of internal legisla
tion cannot be found in the Constitution, nnd
vain have been the efforts, by pressing into
its service a thousand and one expressions in
that instrument, to prove it to be there; a
diversity of reference which, of itself, fur
nishes a strong presumption against the
authority, even if there were no other
grounds of objection
Judge McLean, of the Supreme Court of
the United States, in some considerations
published by him upon this subject, and to
which I have elsewhere referred, well re
marked, that “there is no specific power in
the Constitution which authorizes the organ
ization of Territorial governments.” He
adds: *.lf(his p>ower be implied from the
specific power to regulate the disposition of
the public lands, it must, under the above
xule, be limited to means suitable to the ends
in view. 1. Congress go beyond this in the
organization of a Territorial government,
they act without limitation, and may estab
lish a monarchy Admit that they may or
ganize a government which shall protect the
lands purchased, and provide for the ndm'n-
Ltrat-icn of justice among the settlers, it
does by no means follow that they may
e- tablisli slavery,” Judge McLean here
brings the Constitution of the United States
to the support of the good old revolutionary
doctrine, that the light to establish colonies
or territories docs not carry with it the just
i iwer to interfere with and regulate llio
domestic concerns of the people who inhabit
them. lie pronounces slavery to be one of
these concerns saying that * It-is a munici
pal relation <>f limited extent, and of an
tonally limited origin. It is a domestic re
lation, over which the Federal Government
can cxerci°<s no control.”
I have known the time when the Damo
eratic parly-was called upon by higher con
siderations to adhere, faithfully nnd zealous
ly, lo their organization nnd their principles
than they are at this daj’. Our confedera
tion is passing through the most severe trial
! Another Letter from President Long
; street—To the Methodist Know-No
thing Preachers.
j When 1 closed my last address -to yon, 1
was speaking of your professed love of the
i person, nnd opposition to the religion of the
i Catholic. Now it so happens that all your
J opposition is to the person, and nono of it to
i the religion of the Catholic. Your whole
- aim is to deprive him of office. How can
keeping him out of office affect his religion ?
jlt is opposition, in any one, dangerous and
i unprovoked ; in you ( preachers ,) ignoble
j and ungenerous. You know that your allies
;of the world care nothing about religion ;
that theft- hostility is directed exclusively
i against the members of that church. That
many of them are intemperate, thoughtless,
I indiscreet, desperate That eneournged by
j your countenance, and inflamed by your
i speeches, they will regard Catholics as the
i enemies of tbo country ; as hypocrites and
knaves ; and they will treat them accord
i ‘ugly. They will assail their pcrsons.de
j stroy their property, desecrate their church
es and rot) them of their civil privileges
I generally. This has been dune, to some ex
; tent, already ; nnd it will grow worse with
every accession to yonr strength. The
Catholics cannot bear this long. They will
become desperate, arm in self defence, and
all who love justice and hate oppression,
will join them. These will he denounced by
your clan, ns traitors to their country, and
its religion, and slaves of the Pope. They
will become enraged at such imputations
only for espousing the cause of the innocent,
and hurl back the charges Hot blood will
soon produce blows, and blows merciless civil
war. This is to be the end of your love for
Catholics, and hatred of their religion, if
history be worth anything. Are these things
only possible j What are thon all the offices
of the world, compared to such consequences?
Have you not had signs terrific already,
that they are not only possible but almost
certain, if you keep up your organization ?
Como out of it then, if you would be wise,
and run r.o risks. You cannot surely be so
weak as to suppose A’ou can crush Roman
ism by Know Nothing agencies; but you
have almost ruined Methodism by them al
ready. You are bated by thousands who
once respected you; and whether they be
good or bad, l protest against your working
these agencies against them. Your duty
calls you to other and better work. Hear
the venerated Wesley upon this head;
Preaching on tho text, Mark IX,oB-9 (“ we
j saw ono casting out devils in thy name, and
: we forbade, because be followeth not us.—
j Ami Josus said, forbid them not.” Mr.
, Wesley proceed? upon the principle, that all
sin is tho work of the devil in the hearts of
men ; and that all who are instrumental in
changing and purifying the heart, maybe
said to cast out devils, and should not be
forbidden in their work. He says, “Suppose
then a man have no intercourse with us, sup
\ pose he he net of our parly, suppose hesep
! orates from our church, yea, nnd widely
j differs from us, both in judgment, practice
| and affection ; yet if we see even this man
casting out devils, Jesus saith, “forbid him
not.” What if I were to see a Papist, an
Arian, a Socinian, casting out devils? If I
did, I con'd not forbid even him, without
convicting myself of bigotry. Yea, if it
could be supposed that I should see a Jew.
a Deist, or a Turk doing the same, were I
j to forbid him directly or indirectly , I should
|be no better than a bigot still.” “There arc
j ninny ways of doing this. You indirectly
! forbid him, if you either wholly deny, or
j despise and make little account of the work
• whicli God has wrought b.y his hands.”—
i “When you discourage him in his work, by
raising objections against it, or frightening
him with consequences which very possibly
will never be.” “ When you show an un
: kindness towards him , either in language
\or behavior. And much more when you
| speak of him to others either in an unkind
jor contemptuous manner. When you cn
, deavor to represent him to any in an odious
or despicable light.” Think not that the
bigotry of another is. any excuse for you.—
j If Wesley was alive, what would he think of
your midnight plots and open tirades against
Papists ? Mi, read his Letter to a Ro
man Catholic, (Vol. v p. 7G1,) and ask
yourselves as you read it, “did Wesley ever
expect his followers to treat Catholics as I
jam treating them How meek and Hea
: venly tho spirit J How tender the language,
how touching in sentiment! After enumer
ating certain articles of the Protestant faith,
; and vindicating them from the work of God,
lie concludes in this language, much abridg- |
ed and much diluted by the abridgment: !
“Are we not thus far ngreed ? Lotus
thank God for this, and receive it as a fresh
: token of bis love. But if God still }ovetb us,
wo ought also to love one another.” “Oh
brethren, let us not fall out by the way. I
hope to see you in heaven.” “In the name,
then, and in the strength of God, let us re
i solve. First, not to hurt one another ; to do
, nothing unkind or unfriendly to each other;
uotbiug which we would not have done to
i ourselves.”
“Let us resolve secondly, God being our
helper, to speak nothing harsh or unkind
l of each other. The sure way to avoid this is ‘
to say all the good wc can, both of and to
one another —to use only the language of
love ; to speak with all softness and tender
ness ”
• -Let us, thirdly, resolve toll arbor no u- ,
kiud thought, no unfriendly temper towards
each oilier.”
j wLct us. fourthly, endeavor to lwlp each i
I otlier cm in whatever wc are agreed leads to j
j the kingdom So far as wc can. let us al- j
i ways rejoice to strengthen each other’s bauds
lin God.” I could quota much more from Mr.
i Wesley's works to the same effect.
1 But a letter of his bus boon going the
rounds of the newspapers, which tho Kuow i
J Nothings obviously think gives the sanction j
lof that good man to their inovomeut. Not
so. Mr. Wesley was not the man to write
iwjowusteutly, as their version of this letter
makes him write. That letter was writteu
to show that Prctcstnuts would uot bo safe
j from oppression under Catholic government, j
jNo doubt of it in the world. Nor would
| Catholics be safe under Methodist govern- ‘
, meat, as your plots againysi. them tiow, most
! clearly demonstrate. Xh* truth is, no reli
gious sect is to be trusted with tho reins of !
\ government. And if l were to take the ‘
stump against you, l would say to tho lion- j
, cst yeomanry of the country, “good people, ;
if you think that your liberties will be any j
safer iu the bauds of Methodist than Catho
lics, you are mistakeu.” And, ia proof of
tliis assertion, I would point to the outrages
of the Methodist majority in 1844, ‘which
split our church. I would add, in humilia
tion, but in candor, <*you have ten thousand
times more to fear just at this time, from
Methodists than Catholics; simply because
tho first are more numerous than tho last,
because the first are actually in’ the field
for office, tvhile the last are not; because the*
first, by reason of their numbers, are the
pets of the strongest political combinations
that ever was formed in this country—secret
and oath hound at that. And if you will
take an old man’s advice, when churches get
to'quarreling,’niin"politicians call on you to
do justice between them, I would advise
you to deal with them all, as the Indian
magistrate did with the parties to a prose
cution before him, for fighting, lie ordered
the combatants to receive fifteen lashes, for
a breach of order ; and the prosecutor to re
ceive thirty, .because if it haden’t been for
him, the court would not have been bothered
with the ease.” This is the way I would
talk to the people, in homely phrase, but
sterling truth.
History no case so strong to my
purpose, as that which produced the letter
just mentioned. In the reign of William
111, of England, a statute was passed which
inflicted punishment “on Popish priests or
Jesuits who should teach or officiate in
the services of that Church ; which acts were
felony in foreigners , and high treason in
the natives of the kingdom The forfeitures
of Popish heirs who hnd received their edu
cation abroad, and whose estates went to the
next Protestant heir. The power given to
the son or other near relation, being a Pro
testant, to take possession of the father or
other relation's estate during the life of the
proprietor. And the depriving of Papists of
the power of acquiring any legal property
by purchase-” Do the records of human
legislation present any greater monstrosity
than this act, with its horrible parade of
forfeitures, disabilities and penalties upon a
man, for no higher offence than teaching and
preaching in his own church on British soil ?
After the Catholics had groaned under it
for about sixty-seven years, they meekly
petitioned for a repeal of the act. To the
honor of the Parliament of eighteen George
111, it was repealed without a dissenting
voice. And now all Protestant England was
in an uproar. Associations were formed to
procure a restoration of the statutes of Wil.
bam. Petitions poursd into Parliament,
and beset the throne, ala abolitionism, fill
ed with awful forebodings of the speedy rise
and triumph of Catholicism; and still more
awful forebodings of its consequences to Pro
testantism. Even good old John Wesley
caught the spirit of the times, and wrote that
letter, ( but he did not join any of their as
j satiations) from which it appears he thought
I if the Catholics got into power they would
abuse Protestants. What abuse they could
have heaped upon them greater than they
heaped on Catholics, short of cutting their
throats, I cannot conceivo. Well, time has
proved that all their fears were groundless.
Catholics went on quietly and orderly, tho’
they still lay under heavy disabilities In
1820 most of these disabilities were removed,
i Another Protestant uproar, of course ; but
still Catholics are not within a thousand
leagues of dominion in England. Now, with
these facts before our eyes, what nre we to
! think of the pretended panic which has been
I suddenly conjured up in this country against
Catholics; and the abominable agencies
i which are put in operation to curtail their
| rights ?
Think you that if Wesley was alive he
would justify you iu yoking yourselves to
political parties for any purpose? Never;
as I can prove to you from his own words.
Party spirit rau high in England in 1774.
In that year he writes to his people as fol
lows: i Y r ou were never in your lives in so
critical a situation as you are at this time It
is your part to be peace makers, to be lov
ing and tender to ail, but to adict yourselves
to no party. In spite of all solicitations of \
rough or snootli words, say not one word ;
against one or the other side. Keep your
selves pure; do all you can to help and soft
©n all; but beware how you adopt another's j
.jars ” iMark all those who would set one j
of you against another- Some such will j
never be wanting. But give them no coun- |
tcnance ; rather ferret them out, and drag j
THEM INTO OPEN DAY.’ WaS Uot tile 111:111 (
inspired for the use of this day and genera
tion ! “But arc you not iu the same cate- j
gory with us.” No more than he was lie
! advises you not to go into party alliances ;
! and I advise you to. come out of them. But
strange as it may seem, according to Wesley,
I might preach against your Order, while
you may uot preach iu favor of it. Iu his
remarks upon the question, “llow ear it is
THE DUTY OK A CHRISTIAN MINISTER TO
preach politics, he admits that when the
ruler of a people is spoken evil of, without
any color of reason, and) when odium is cast
on him by that means, <.e ought to preach
politics; we ought publicly to confute those
unjust ccnsurcrs.” Now the ruler of this
nation is spoken evil of by your party con
tinually, and therefore, in the judgment of j
Wesley, 1 might stand up in the pulpit and
. defend him. I shall uot avail myself of the
privileges, but as it comes right in the way.
j l will say, if the South.is uot satisfied with
: the present Chief Magistrate of the nation,
i she deserves to have a Seward put in his ‘
, place.
Thank God no religious sect can tyrannise
over another in this country, so long as they
| all respect the Federal Constitution. Until
! we seo then, the Catholics treating that in
strument will* disrespect, it is madness to
I entertain fears of thorn; and worse than, tund- j
ness to form combinations against thorn.— j
But how shall wo characterize combinations
agaiust them, when they are numerically
I disabled from taking the reins of tho goveru
; ment iu their hands, if they were disposed
Ito do it; and when they havo not yet mani
fested tho slightest disposition tu do so, if
they could? It is moustrous! And who .
are your confederates? Why your “higher j
law ’ gentry, who would shout hallelujahs,
I if your slaves should become your masters
| 0
I to-morrow. Theso have nearly gained the
j control of the government already. They
rose to power by their hostility to you.—
LLioy are moving to the capitol iu solid phal
j iuax, with the battle cry on their lips, “Down
J w n.’.H Slavery !” And now when you must
j be united 01 ruincd-*-whca you. need help
; from every quarter to oppose them; you are |
, co operating with them, and making cucmios i
|of your Catholic friends at home! Worse
still! By doing iu. a wrong, unchristian* I
unrepublican way, what, if done rightly,
would have been harmlegp; you liayo set
one half of our people against the other, in
! bitter, and 1 fear implacable hostility. May
| God help us ! Bttt lam digressing.
You are of pa id of the spread of Roman
ism. Well, until themarks of the brickbats
arc effaced from your own dliapels, I should
suppose you would not forget that persecu
tion is thOr, worst agency in the
wrKrio prevent its spread. It is.-like hy
&og&\ ton balloon; it 1> oth expands and elc
votes it. 3m the pr'ests of the Catholic
church in the Union would not have inspired
amofig'Protestants, in twenty years, the re
spect for it that Know Nothingism has in
spired in one- Mr. Wesley speaks in point
to the case. Hear him ; “I preached at the
new chapel, on Luke ix 55, (Ye know not
what manner of spirit ye are of) and showed
that, supposing the Papists to be heretics,
wicked men, enemies to us and to our church
and nation ; yot we ought not to persecute,
to kill, hurt, or grieve them ; but barely to
prevent their doing harm,’’ (vol. iv. p. 630 )
Wljat harm nre they doing you ? So much j
for your mode of resisting Popery. Now >
for Mr. Wesley's mode and mine :
In his address, entitled A shout Method |
of Converting am, the, Roman Catho- |
flics of the Kingdom or Ireland, he says ,
“It is a melancholy’ consideration to those i
who love the Protestant interest, that so
small a part of this nation is yet reformed
from Popery. They cannot observe, without
a very sensible concern, that in many parts
of tho Kingdom, there are still ten
nay fifteen, perhaps upwards of twenty Pa
pists to one Protestant. Nor can they see
any prospects of its being otherwise not
withstanding all the metheds which have
been used, while many Protestants nre se
duced from it ” Then enumerating discour
agements which had paralyzed Protestant
efforts, &c., &c., he proceeds: “But what
way can the clergy take with any probabil
ity of success ? There is one way, and one
way only ; one that will (iiot probably ) but
infallibly succeed. If this way be taken,
I AM WILLING TO STAKE MY LIFE UPON
the success of it. And it is a plain and
simple wav ; such as may be taken by any
man, though but of small capacity. For it
requires no peculiar depth of understanding,
n > extraordinary height of learning; but
only a share of sense, and an honest, upright
heart.” “It was observed that the grand
difficulty of the work lies in the strong at
tachment of the Papists to their clergy.—
Here, therefore, we are to begin ; we are to
stiike at the root, and if this bigotry be not
removed, whatever error or superstition is
built upon it will, of course, fall to the
ground.”
“Now, this may effectually be done thus :
The Papists themselves allow that one set of
clergy were holier, wiser than their own,
namely, the Apostles. They allow these
both to have lived and preached better than
present clergy, even of the Roman church.”
“Here, thcrefo“e, is the short and sure
method. Let all the clergy of the church
of Ireland only live like the Apostles and
preach like the Apostles, and the thing is
done.”
There is plan; which was to
make one Protestant succeed against twenty
Catholics; how much more certain to suc
ceed in a country where there are twenty
Protestauts to one Catholic ! Now, ns tho’
God would remove every shadow of apology
from you, for your confederation with the
sons of darkness to accomplish this end, you
are living witnesses that so far as this plan
has been tried, it has succeeded. When you
were little, humble, penniless, illiterate,
but rich in faith, honest and upright in
heart,’ self-sacrificing, patient in labor and
abounding in love—when you dived like the
Apostles, and preached like the Apostles,’
(for all your learning was from them) you
gained over to your church more Irish and
German Catholics, in one year, than the Ro
mish church ever gained members from yours
in twenty. You should, therefore, rejoice,
;if all immigrants were Catholics ; for the
I Protestants are safe at home, and you have
the means of converting all who come. But
what would Mr. Wesley say to you, if he
j was alive and saw you not only engaged in
! uucliristiau warfare against Catholics, but
! actually striking at them through the Cou-
J stitution of your country ? Suppose their
j religion does spread, with the unexampled
j rapidity with which yours has, who has a
I right to object? Will you forbid men to
■ choose their own religion ? In all the essen
tials’ of Christianity, do they not agree with
you ? Wesley thought so, and 1 think so.
Do they differ from you wider in faith than
your Unitarian confederates? Have any
people on earth surpassed them as seriuon
izers, tried by any test that you may choose ?
Bossuet, Mascarou, Flccliier, Bourdalouc,
! Feuelon., Massilon, ltavignan, Lacordaire,
Beautain—these are Catholic preachers.—
Were they ever surpassed ? Will they ever
be? Will some of them over be equalled ?
Has Christianity ever had abler champions
i than she has found in. Catholics ? Asa lec
j turer upon tho evidences of Christianity, I
I owe Cardinal Wiseinau a debt 1 can never
j repay. What I should have done without
him in this age of scientific infidelity, 1 do
not know. I have been a pretty severe stu
dent for near forty years, and a laborious,
if not profound thinker for a long time ; but
i when I compare myself in intellectual stat
ure with that man, I shrink in my own, esti
mation to-the insignificance of a mite. Ho
will never hear of me, of course, but if ho
could, it would gratify him to know that
away here in the wild woods of the west,
where, eighteen years ago, the wigwam stood,
and the Indian s council fires blazed, his
leuturos have reached and blessed. Would
thnt 1 were as able an advocato of the rights
’ of his church, as lie is of the truths of ehirist-
I ianity.
I It is the roligiou of such men that yen;
j would atop tho spread of, not by exposing !
j its fallacies, but by midnight plots ! Where
| would you have been if this mode of dealing j
had been adopted against your people, fifty
! years ago.
[TO IIE CONCLUDED NEXT W EEU,}
For tho Standard.
More Withdrawals.,
Fairmount, Gordon Cos., Sept 2, ’6Sv
Kda. Standard: We wish you to publish
in your paper that wo have been members of
tho Know Nothing or American Lodge, but
have withdrawn from that body and want j
[ the world, to know that we have done so in
| good faith.. We expect to livo aud die dem
ocrats. RILEY GENTRY.
LANUON GENTRY.
THE STANDARD.
lmi7iYTi~E
THOMAS A. BURKE, sra5 ra " AUI “ 5,
CASSVIIjIjE, geo.
THURSDAY MORNING :
SEPTEMBER 13, 1855.
FOR GOVERNOR,
! HERSCHEL Y. JOHNSON,
OF P.ALDWI V.
FOR CONGRESS.
| Ist Hist.., JAS. L. SEWARD of Thomas.
! 2mT “ M. J. CRAWFORD of Muscogee i
I Set “ .TAMES M, SMITH of Upson.
| 4th “ H. WARNER of Meriwether,
j sth “ JOHN 11. LUMPKIN of Floyd.
! 6th “ HOWELL COBB of Clarke
7th “ LINTON STEPHENS, Hancock.
! Bth “ A. 11. STEPHENS of Taliaferro.
FOR SENATOR,
HAWKINS jF. PRICE,
FOR REPRESENTATIVES,
ALFRED M. LINN,
Z. G. TURNER.
Col. Thomas IV. Thomas, of Elbert,
i has been appointed Judge of the Northern
1 Circuit, vice Ron. Garnett Andrews, resign- j
ed.
ftS* We regret to hear of the death of
Hon. W. B W. Dent, member of Congress
from the 4th District, which occured at New
nau, Friday last.
Governor Johnson and the Algerine
Documents.
We published last week the letter of Judge ■
Summers, in relation to the charge made by
the Atlanta Discipline, that Gov. Johnson |
had refused to pay Mr. Dodd for printing a
lot of Algerine documents which he had or
dered That letter was sufficient to convince ;
! any one not wilfully blind to the truth of!
the utter falsity of this charge. The follow- j
j fng fiom the Atlanta Intelligencer, however, j
! sets the matter entirely at rest. What will j
i the Discipline start up next? All of its;
j terrible charges against Governor Johnsonj
jso far, have been met and refuted. For its 1
I own sake we trust it will trump up no more
: such stories. In the language of the Intelli
j gencer i.wc fear, however, there is no ex- I
haustirg the supply.” . But to the extract: j
The following letter from Mr. Do 11, i
; with reference to these Algerine documents, 1
. °
about which the Discipline lias so much
prated, will be received as a complete vindi
cation of Gov. Johnson, from the charge
brought against him in that paper. It is
proper to add that the letter of Mr. Jenkins :
referred to in the following communication, j
was used openly by Gov. Johnson in his j
speeches during the canvass.
Rome, G a., Sept. 3d, 1855.
• * Editor Intelligencer:
j Dear Sir, I notice that the Discipline
; has made some charges against Gov. John- |
son in regard to some extra Southerners,
issued from the Southerner office during the j
canvass for Governor in 1853, while I was |
editor of that paper. My name has been I
given as reference by the editor of the Dis I
cipline. I never authorized him to give such j
reference. It seems that if the editor of the
! Discipline really desired information on the
: subject, he would have endeavored to pro- i
j cure it from me, instead of getting the cer- j
j tificate of Underwood, Starr and Black, as to i
| what they had heard me say, during the i
; last two years. As my name has been free- j
I ly used in the matter, by the Know Nothing
I papers of the State, 1 feel constrained to ,
i make an explanation. When Gov. Johnson
j was at Home in 1853., lie asked me to strike !
i off for circulation several extra Southerners, \
containing Mr. Jenkins’ famous Whig letter ,
‘to the Savannah Republican. I did as be
i requested, and in those extras were inserted j
two or three editorials from Democratic pa- ;
J pers concerning the Algerine Law, and Mr. ,
Jenkins’ connection wiili it Gov. Johnson t
is not responsible for the Algerine portion |
of those extras ; some other person is, if it f
j is important that any one should be respon- j
! sible. 1 never had the remotest idea of sue- j
ing Gov. Jobitsuaupon the account, although j
I it is alleged that 1 * threatened ’ to do so.—
I know that some of the Whigs of this place
; desired that i should do so. One of them a
lawyer, a Know Nothing) proposed to ,
i prosecute the suit free of charge. I have j
been joked a great deal about what the!
! Know Nothings are pleased to term the < Al- j
I gerine Circulars,’ and I may haw, at some i
! time, carelessly said more than I intended
to convey lam satisfied that what 1 did ,
! say lias been given the most Intitudious con- ‘
’ struction. Gov. Johnson did not refuse ’to
pay the account. J presented it to* the Deni- )
ocrutic committee of Floyd county , nmd that :
commit toe paid it. Yours truly,
J. W. Dona*”
Resignation of Judge Andrews.
Judge Andrews (says the Federal I'nioni)
sent in his resignation as Judge of the
Northern Circuit, to the Governor last week,
i 3 1 is a little singular that hu should have i
I withheld his resignation until within a very ,
’ low days of tho session of Taliaferro Superior
I Court. What motivo could have induced 1
liilH to swell a delay ? Was it postponed to
; this late day, on tho eve of tho session of ft j
) Court in his Circuit, Ihmjumso ho knew Gov.
| Johnson was distant from his post several
( hundred miles, aid could not, according to
bis published appointments, reach the Capi
tol, unit id i t was too late to anoint a
successor, thereby causing a failure in- tho
session of Tkliafcrro Superior Court ? Was
| it to produce such a state of things, for tho
sake of political capital, that this resigna
tion was thus delayed ? If Judge Andrews
is free from such unworthy suspicions, lie is
! tho victim of untoward circumstauccs. Per
haps our neighbor can.give some satisfactory
explanation, of this matter, ns it is shrewdly
I suspected ho was with, or vory near Judge
j Amdrews the same week, this letter of rosig
| nation was penned.
Read the following-
We request, the attention of „tho reading
public to the new advertisements in to-day's
issue ; and particularly would wo call the
attention of persons wishing to toy land to
the advertisement of M. A. Leak. Persons
desiring to buy good land, in a healthy sec
tion of Georgia, where they can be fanned by
the cool mountain breezes, and drink pure
and pellucid spring water, n*id raise fine
stock and produce for market, and live upon
the fat of the land, would do well to call on
Mr Leak at an early da}’. lie is determin
ed to sell, and will sell cheap and no mistake.
The New York; Know Nothings-
Below we give the Resolutionc of the New
York Know Nothing State Convention. It
will he seen that they not only fail to en
dorse the late Know Nothing platform
adopted at Philadelphia, hut that they actu
ally make war upon the repeal of the
Missouri compromise, and Nebraska-Kunsas
territorial bills.
Thus has gone the last hope of the Know
Nothings south, to build up a national party.
Their brethren in every Northern and free
State have and will wage war upon the in
stitutions of the South by opposing the
Nebraskn-Kansas bills. Southern Know
Nothings must now oppose these measures,
or admit that their party is sectional, and
against ns upon the slavery question—the
all-absorbing issue now agitating the public
mind.
The Know Nothings of the great State of
New Vork.of whose nationality their breth
ren of the South have so often boasted, have
taken sides with Massachusetts in her uure
lenting war against the Constitutional rights ;
of the South. And in this meeting at their
head was J. W. Barker, the former President
of the national Know Nothings, and these
Resolutions adopted at a Convention over
which h| presided, it is fair to presume, ut
ter his views and sentiments If so, then
lias this pretended national party had ns its
president for the twelve months before
the fifth of last June, a secret enemy of the
South and her institutions ? Can the South
longer doubt that three-fourths of the Know
Nothings in the Union are our worst and
I most dangerous enemies ?
While the Temper ats in no State have
1 made war upon the Nebraska-Kansas b*ll,
1 the Know Nothings in every single Northern
! and free State, openly take sides against it.
We have repeatedly said that the Know
! Nothings could never triumph in the South.
They have carried hut one Southern State,
: and they can expect no other—how can they
when we have such an abundance of proof
that their success is the triumph of the
North over the Constitutional rights of the
South ?
We are surprised to see Southern men so
, blinded by party prejudice as still to adhere
to this dangerous organization, born and
nurtured i the hot bed of abolitionism.—
What can Southern men expect if Know
j Nothingism should triumph ? certainly no
I favor to the South—no, not ever- the securi
ty of her plain constitutional rights.
RESOLUTION’S ON PRINCIPLES.
Resolved, That the national administra
tion, by its general course of official conduct,
I together with nn attempt to destroy the re
pose, harmony, and fraternal relations of
the country in the repeal of the Missouri
Compromise, and the encouragement of ag
gressions upon the government of the terri
torial inhabitants of Kansas, deserves, and
should received, the united condemnation of
the American people, ami that the institu
tion of slavery should derive no extension
from such repeal.
Resolved, That in tho organization of the
American order, the institution of involun
tary servitude was, and now h T regarded as
local, and not national, in its character, a
subject for the toleration of a difference of
’ opinion by the citizens of the northern and
southern States, and ns such has no rightful
place in the platform of tbe national Ameri
can party.
Judge Irwin’s Nomination.
Below we giTe the certificate of Doct. E.
M. Pennington, of Dallas, which shews that
Judge Irwin, with all his pretended no-par
ty-ism, is the regular nominee of a Know
Nothing Caucus Convention. It has been >
nearly six months since he was nominated i
by the K N. party, and it has been kept a j
profound secret, and would have remained j
so, doubtless, until after the election, had
not Doct. Pennington withdrawn from the
order and made the nomination public. In j
the meantime tbe cry has been* that lie was ,
a no party, man, and, old Whig as he has
always been, we are told that, in some places, j
where his former position was not known, j
they have had the boldness to represent to j
the people that he was a Democrat. Any
tliiug to suit the times. But the mask is
now torn away and all understand hisposi- j
tion Remember it. Democrats and Auti-K. j
Nothings. lie is the nominee of the Know
Nothing party. nsd has been for nearly six
months. l*id any of you know it before ?
Vow all knew that the Know Nothings were
sPl>orting him, and doing all iu their power
to defeat Col. Brown, the Democratic and j
j Auli-Kuow Nothing candidate, but did you !
know that Judgo Irwin was nominated by a
Know Nothing Caucus in the month of March
last ? They have protended to make their j
i proceedings public since the meeting of the :
Philadelphia Convention. ltet we find, as
we have suspected all the white, that they
sti!’. l try to keep n dutch ns possible of their
proceedings in the <t<uk.
But to the certificate No maa will ques
tion Duct. Pennington's veracity.
i
(
IXvl.l. AS, I'-A-UaniNG Cos., Ga.,
September fiGi, IBSA J j
I hereby certify that 1 was heretofore a
member of a council of tte order usually
; known ns Know Nothings, nt this place; j
| that 1 was a delegate from this county ton .
Convention of the order, held at Marietta,
during tho last March Thru* of Cobb Supc- !
; rior Court, for tho purpose ot nominating ft
! candidate for Judgo of the Blue llidge Cir
cuit; that I attended that Convention as a
delegate, and that the lion. Duvid hwin
was unanimously nominated tvs the candi
date of that party. 1 make this certificate |
because l have been informed! that the sacs ,
lwis been denied. E. M Pxjmunivbox. I
j To the Voters of Cherokee Georgia. I
Head the communication signed . Cosmop- ■
olito.’ and learn Judge Andrews’ views in ,
referenco to tho State ltoad. They were ne
ver intended for the up-country but we beg
| our friends to •• pass ’em. around..”
A Georgia Book.
Hritnr Verson, or the Dream bv a
Georgian. Augusta, Geo. 1855. ’
! „ We have . Henry Vernon, or tho
Dream,” and a dream indeed has it been to
us, one which proved a . well sp r i n ,, ot
pleasure,’ and now ns we lay it regretfully
j aside ’ its incidents so richly fraught with
j interest, and its teachings so full of purity
still hover around us, and we return strength”
! ened and renewed, to battle with life anfl its
I realities. We took up the book, under most
j unfavorable circumstances. Prejudices
j stron g and dceplj rooted, were to be ovev-
J come - fr'e have long condemned the daily
; manufacture of cotels, whose name is legion,
and are strenuously arrayed against the in
sipid food, which is catered oat hy the many
aspirants for literary fame, ami these wh
for gain, pander to the yitiated tastes of the
romantic miss, and the beardless represen
, tativc of YMi rig America. So popular has
; been this self-feeding novel manufactory,
j tlia * Gie very sight of one sufficed to quench
| our curiosity. Thus steeled and prepared,
’we the perusal of Henry Ver
non.” We can scarcely eaJl it a jetusal
for we .. walked, talked, aated” the parts
assigned to the characters of the book. All
the incidents are well connected, the;
characters so artistically and naturally dis
posed, tbe pleft so harmoniously developed,
that the criticism which. the gifted *.tl**y
so much dreads, =>? which we were, before
hand, so ready and determined to inflict,
proved utterly pointless, feeble and unfound
ed. We will but add that few can read
: - Henry Vernon’ without feelings of satisfac
j tion, profit and pleasure. We have no
! as to its •* kindly reception,” and it* j^ad.
! ers eagerly await .. the kindred visitor,'’
; from the pen of its author of which we hare
the promise.
ron THE STANDARD.
GORDON COUNTY, GEORGIA, > *
September G, 1855. j
Mess. Editors:
I beg to send yon a few lines for the
1 Standard, us it advocates the true Demo
cratic doctrine. 1 have ever been a true
Democrat until I was initiated into a Know
i Nothing Lodge. I was initiated by an oath,
j or a pledge, ns some of them term it, hut,
I sirs, I take this occasion to say it is an oath,
j and one of the ztrongest ever taken by mor
tal man, as I will shew. When a candidate
!is initiated and the pledge administeied, lie
is told to put his left hand on his breast and
raise his right hand towards the God who
rules over and preserves our nation from
evil, while at the same time he pledges him
self to support the party, right or wrong.
Sirs, I now inform the Lodge at Fairmount
that I cannot face tho music, when 1 know
it is wrong. I really believe this Kuow
Nothingism to be wrong, and will tell you
why : it binds me to support men who I be
lieve to be unsound in principle und rottcu
hearted, and I, for one, can not do it. I
like the honest and patriotic flersclitl V.
Johnson and the well tvie-1 statesman, John
11. Lumpkin too wel’ to be led astray hum
them, and 1 call on all true Democrats to
come out of the foul crowd and rally under
the standard of Democracy.
1 hai the promise, Messrs. Editors,
legal discharge whenever 1 became dissatis
fied with the order. 1 ata dissatisfied, and
have said so, but they report thwt the keys
of Lodge No. at Fsurmount are hurt, un
til after the October election, when it wid
be re-opened, but 1 will inform them that
they have not got me locked up in their dark
room If they have lost tbeir keys at Fair
mount, I hope you can and will report to
the good old Democrats that I am done with
the dark lantern crowd.
Yours with respect,
Matthew Mccocks.
FOR THE STANB-VO*,.
Judgs Andrews in Lincoln.
Mr Editor ; The above named geutlenisn
f—the Great, Grand Fluinof Know Nothing
ism in Georgia, paid a hasty visit to Lincoln
on the 14tli inst. As his mode of warfare is
on the principle of busli-Sghtiug, he give*
but a few days notice ®f his appointments—
fearing opposition, and being driven to the
necessity of repudiating free discussion. That
don’t suit him. lie labored here for nearly
, two hours and made one of the poorest,
lamest efforts lever hcaid. He first revitw
!ed the slavery question and said it was tho
most important. Upc> this point bo mixed
I and mystified every thing so much no one
l could scarcely locate him. Next he slimed
over the Catholic question and answered
i tlsc Cuba argument in this way : lie wanted
I Cuba forthe purpose of civilizing and evau
; geliiing its iuhabitawts. If that is his mo
tive, 1 tlnuk k,is chance better for being “P
----! pointed missionary, that being elected Gov
ernor hf Georgia. He boasted; that he w*>
an Episcopalian because Washington piofcs
-1 sed that faith- lie next came to the foreign
question, and forgetting what lie had said
about tho slavery question, he contended
this was the most important. l-Io transcend
ed the limits of the American platform h}’
arguing that emigration should bo stopped r
and contending that if it was not, his child-
I reu after awhile would not be able to buy
. a potato patch. Next lie paid oil’ on the
W. & A. Railroad—made a side wipe at
| Cooper's letter, and contended that if lie did
! uot make the road pay seven per cent., he
l wmthl sett it. lie bogged hard for overseer's
place in Georgia, thought he could make tlis
rood pay.
But now listen te his argument against
the road He asserted that the citizens of
Georgia who paid eighty dollars taxes to tho
| State paid seven eighths of it, or seventy
dollars on account of the State road, thereby
i creating the impression that if the road w
! sold, tho taxes of tho State would be but
’ nominal.
Keep this before the people of upper Geor
gia. Judge Andrews is hostile to the State
road, and if ho and his party get into power
at this election,. tb salo of the road is iuet *
table.
Kuow Nothimgism here is on the wane-' -
true, Sam is looking up, but one thing
know, he is bound to look up ; for he is h-t
of his back and can’t look any other wa-
Keep the ball moving nud wa will bdp J' 11
all wo can i the good cause.
Yours truly, Cosmopolite
i A Mr. Thompson, of Kansas *•*[£
has, it is said, just completed a F* 1 * 10 jV
or wagon, to be propelled by wind, in wh
he proposes, with thirty companions, to •
1 a voyage to tho Rocky Mountains soniot
1 iu J une next.