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- i» kii orfu briagag forward for t be first IN<S. A. DOUGLAS, shown 70a that I had good eri* lieving that the resolutions ted Imi Springfield. Mr. Lincoln ouaht to better; but Dot a word • said abeut I on the subject, whilst I, notwitbstani cumetances, am accused of forgery. Now, I will show yon that if 1 bqvi take as to the place where these rest adopted—and when I get down to 1 will investigate the matter and see w I hare—that the principles they es adopted as the Black Republican plat white”], in the rations counties and al Districts throughout the North en< in 1854. This platform was adopted in -nearly *- 'hat gave a Black Republican Wejor- ialature in thatyaar, and beans a to Mr. Deoio, who sat on thrnad ' nows as well as say creed of the Black Be- . I would be willing r any other honest man will how read the reso- _ ford conrention on the which nominated 1 Wash*, 'on elected him on the fol- ™ Resolved, That the continued and increasing ag gressions of slavery in oar country are destruc tive of the best rights of a fine people, and that such aggressions cannot be soooesnlly resisted without the united political action of all good men. Resolved, That the eitiaena of the United Slates hold in their hands peacefol, constitutional and ef ficient remedy against the encroachments of the slave power, the ballot-box, and, if that remedy ia boldly and wisely applied, the principles of liber ty and eternal justice will be establiwed. ’ f Resolved, That we accept this issue forced upon ns by the slave power, ana, in defense of freedom, will co-operate and be known as BepnMicsss, pledged to the accomplishment of the following purposes: To bring the Administration of the Govern ment back to the cod Sul of first principles; to re store Kansas and Nebraska to the position of free Territories; to repeal and entirely abrogate the fugitive slave law; to restrict slavery to thoee States in which it exists; to prohibit the admission of any more slave States into the Union ; to ex- elnde slavery from all the Territories over, which the General Government ten exclusive jurisdic tion, and to resist the aegeteliou of aay more Ter- -ritories unless the introduction of slavery therein forever shall have been prohibited. Resolved, That in furtherance of these princi ples we will ess such constitutional and lawful means as shall seem beet adapted to their accom plishment, and that we will -upport no man for office under the' General or State Government who is not positively oommittad to the support of these principles, sod whose persons! character snd con duct is not a guaranty that he is reliable, and shall what he will veto for. Hie smwct in, ia foet. no answer at alb Why cannot he apeak ont aadsay wbat he is for, and what he willdo ? la regard to there being an more Save States, he ia not pledged to that He would ant like, he agys, to be pat in a position where be would teen to vote one way or another upon that question I ptsr yon, do not pot him in a position that would embaiaas him so much. Gentlemen, if be goes to the Smote, he may be pat in that position, mad then which way will he vote ? [A voice—“How will yon vote ?"] Hr. Dongles—I will note for the sdmiminn of jart inch a State as by the formef tbetrCoaatfto- tion the people show they want; if they want slavery, they shall have it; if they prohibit slave- ryitAali be prohibited. They can form their in- tun. He caste an impntetion upon the Supreme Court of the United States, by supposing that they would violate the Constitution of the United State*. I tell him that such a thing is not pomible. It would be an act of moral treason that no man on the bench'could ever descend to. Mr. Lincoln l-white, ity for the i—w [ Doin'. near Deacon Braes,] who 1 living man that it was the publican party at that “ to call Denio as a wito belonging to that part lations adopted at the One of the first revelations of the pint, was the speech of Judge Buyer, of Georgia, at Knoxville, as reported in the Whig of that place. “He mid. that during the Presidential contest, Governor Wise ted eddraemd letters to all the southern Governors—and that the one to the Gov ernor of Flotidahad been shown him—in which. Wise said that he had an army in reedieese to pre vent Fremont from tekiag his sent, if elected, and asmag^the co-operation of those to whom te The following is another of the revohtiiou let ters of Mr. Wiss: - *Berne'Mu Events erospptesetel^/UMeh te- ive, of coarse, of all old party designs id than are peculiar reasons why neb a it should be undertaken bow and hem. requisite population for a member of Congress. Mr. Trumbull would not consent, under any cir cumstances, to lets State, free or stove, come into the Union, until it ted the requisite population. As Mr. Trumbull is in the field, fighting for Mr. Lincoln. 1 would like to have Mr. Lincoln answer bis own question, ond tell me whether he is fight ing Trumbull ou that issue or not. But I will an- if(r hw question. In reference to .Kansas, it is him; that foe bargain was thptLfnc have ted Shields’ place, and Trunbull waited for mine, bat that TniwUnll control of n few Abolitionised Dflupc vented them from voting for LineolaJ him within a few votesof an election/ oesdsd in forcing toe party to drop Hi Trumbull. Well, Trumbnll having 4 coin, hia Wendt made a fuss, and 5fci than and Lincoln quiet, the party!** come forward, in advance, at thecas* tins, sad make a pledge that they 1 Lincoln and nobody else. Lincoln c silenced in Snyblher way. / Now, these are a great'manvTOfck B< yon who doaffi know thia thinaSs dp white,” avid great clamor.] j^Kto that while Mr. Lincoln antes wilt pnshit forward tiftit shell beeonmatite towjTal ins>I the States—old well as new. North There yes Bad that Mr. Nmeoln toys down the doctrine that this Union canP 0 * *wdnro divided ss oer fathers made it, with in* sad stov* States. or else toe Unite cannot coalM* to exist -It being his opinion that to admit any more slave States, to, continue to divide this Union into free and stove States, will dissolve it. I .want, to know of Mr. Uoeoln whether te will vote for the admission of another stove Slate. He tells yon the Union cannot exist unless foe States are all free or si I slave: he tells yon font he enough to interrupt him. Bull knqsv \ is pinch ing yon. 1 am clinching Lifoohw^ ‘-Mind you are scared to death vfor JWtsrl hare aeon this • thing before. ffis 5 j*. seen men make appointments for joM discussions, and the moment their man has hfl heard, try to in- terrnpt and prevent a fair tearing of the other side. I have seen your mote before, and defy your wrath. [Tremendous applause. | My friends, do not cheer, for I need my Whole time. The ob ject of the opposition is to otcupy my attention in Vder to present me from af?iag the whole evi dence, and tailing this double dealing on the Black Republican party. As I have before said, tevejoy demanded a declination of principles on the part of the Black Republicans of the Legisla ture before going into to election for United States Senator. He oHwed the following pream ble ami resolutions, which*! hold in my .hand: Whereas, human aiavei? ia a violation of the principles of natural utt revealed rights; snd whereas; the fatten of-,toe revolution, folly im bued with the spirit of these principle*, declared freedom to be (ha inalienable birthright of all in too prindptoe aid the doc Bights Democracy rests toe b the Union or ont of it.” - fhm the FufsiA (Ala.) <a “ Could we all think and IS te rests identical and our occi might adopt a common goveri meat to either; bat as we are 1 it becomes ns to prepare for drawal from the alliance whi oa together; sad we ho^th allegiance and ties. it we cordially invite.personsof all'; Bwgrm sisve ; no mm jam mne a> is opposed to making them all stove, and hence te to for making them all free, in ordgr tout tod' Union may exist; and yet he will aox say that lie will not vote against toother slave State, knowing that the Union most be dissolved if be votes fbrik I ask you if took to fair dealing ? The true intent and inevitable conclnaion to be drawn from his first Springfield speech is, that be in sppossd to toe admission of any more stoveStateeunder any circumstance. It he is so opposed, why net any so * If be believes this Union cannot endure di vided into tree and slave States, that they most all become free in order to save toe Union, he te booed as an honest man, to vote against any move stove States If be believes it, he is bound to do it Show me that it is my duty, in order to save the Union to do a particular act, and I will do it if toe Constitution does not prohibit it lam not forth* dissolution of toe Union under any rirmmntei css. 1 will pursue no course of mpterl ttet ' WiB Carolina; James H. AdamsTGovernor of Sooth nemliro jjff T’Jnhssnn Governor of Georgia; J aouaC .Broom, Governor of Blonds; John A. Wjaeton,dteintor of Alabama; John J. McRae, Governor of. Mississippi; Robert Wickliffe, Jr., Governor at Louisians; Edmond M. Pease, Gov ernor of Ton; Bliss N. Conway, Governor of Arkansas, and Andre* Johnson, Governor of ffe have before spoken of the ConstitnhOS'dft the fomed “southern lasgne.” Its extract abovd shows tost Mr. Yaxcar and Company will not wait for an overt act by a Republican President, and we give now his first revolutionary step as stated in toe Patriot, and also in the Memphis (Term.) Appeal: u We next trace the course of William L. Yan cey, of Ala., who is now too recognised leader in toe secession movements in the Chsrlieten sad Baltimore iMmoermtic conventions, which eventua ted in too nomination of Mr. Breckinridge for tbs Presidency. Though a disergaaiser m 1848, and a disunionist in 1850-’51, we begin oar 'notations from his outgivings with the 10th of May, 1858, as it wss only then that he began to prepare ac tively to consummate the aim which bad a partial fruition at Baltimore. On that day, the southern convention met in the city of Montgomery. It the opening of that convention, he delivered an address of welcome to the delegates, of which the subjoined is an extract: “ ‘1 must be allowed, at least ou my own behalf, to welcome you, too.tas but the foreshadowing of that far more important body; important as yon evidently will be, tost if injustice snd wrong shall continue to rule the hour and conncils of the dominant section of the country, most, ere long, assemble upon southern soil for the purpose of de vising some measure by which not only yonr in dustrial, bat yonr social and political relations shall be placed upon toe basis of an independent sovereignty, which will have within itself n unity of climate, n unity of soil, a.unity of production, and n unity of social relations; tout on ity which stone can be the basis of n successful sad perma nent Government’ ” After this came the SuoeBm letter, which we have published, and after that, Mr. Yaxcst pro ceeded at once to the consummation of the plot Mr. Rcrriir consented to it, and the Montgomery Advertiser recommended it On toe 10th of July following, at KMfofchnrch, (what sacrilege!) in Montgomery county, after an inflammatory speech, ho proceeded to form the “ League,” of which the following is the Constitu- farther. Any one of yon sJtefraay to nsoa twelve yearn tough, and most not grow any I 'to prevent his gpn*tb, put n ho irtip him to his nyniint rise. I milt? Either toe hoop most br tutor, or foe child must die. 8 tbjs greet nation. With our 1 Rowing with a rapidity oaknot |Lof the globe, with the tide c former political parties whatever in favor of the : object expressed in the above resolutions to anile with as in carrying them into effect Well, yon think that in n very good platform, (to yon not ? If yon do, If yon approve it now, anA think it is all right, yon will not join wito thorn men who asy that I libel yoa by calling these ytejt principles, will yon >■ Now, Mr. Lincoln engfe, plains; Mr. Linfoln charges that I did youjlfd faiia. injustice by sayfog that this was thepIsfoWIn of yonr party. I am told that Wash borne mans a speech in Galena last night, in which he abased me awfully for bringing to light thu platforST on which he was elected to Congress. He thought that yon had forgotten it, as he and Mr. Lincoln desires to. He did not denybnt that yen had adopted it, and that he had si^foSttood to and was jmeh; and whereas, the preamble to toe Conatitu- RtoteteghcUnitedStates avers tout that inatru- SSllraf:rdarfwwi to eeUblish justice, snd secure VnBBn of liberty to ourselves and our poa- whereas, in furtherance of the above principles,' slavery was forever prohibited in the old North-treat Territory, and mote recently in all that territory lying West and North of the State of Missouri, by the act of the Federal Govern ment ; and whereas, the repeal °f the prohibition last referred to, was contrary to the wishes of the people of Illinois, a violation of an implied com pact, long deemed sacred by the citizens of the Bat I am gli in yonr About ing that it is opinion. world rests upon toe perpetuity of tote Union. The down trodden and oppressed people who are ■offering under European despotism nil look with hope and anxiety to the American Union as the only resting place and permanent home of free dom and self-government. Mr. Lincoln says that he believes that this Union cannot continue to endure with slave States in it? and yet he will not tell yon distinctly whether he will vote for or against the admission of any more slave States, bnt says he would not like to be put to the test. I do do not think he will be put to the test. I do not think that the people of Illinois desire a man to represent them who wonld not like to be put to the test on the performance of a high constitutional duty. I will retire in shame from the Senate of toe United States when I am not willing to be pat to the test in the performance of my duty. I have been pat to severe teste. I have stood by my principles in foir weather and in fool, in toe sunshine ana in the rain. I have defended Isas than the ■ mg in toe op— their destinta4H|} a great reluct*jy^H|||| men hide theiujHHH the end of theV|x^H of the woods. Wbetfl solved into its north® now incongruously fl spoils, then the Sontffn defense of her rights 'M the State Rights men® From the Spirit CT. “The North and £*u things and differing at} for •heir benefit, and a. moti government. Th( cording to the entablisl the final expounders at by its provisions slaver keeping. Yet thereto rledge the truth, and Lfong as possible. By foe may look to be out bnocratic party is re- H southern elements, B>r the sake of the Keel into lint for the utositions occupied by In the adoption of toil?iBSnSv«r*y6ii ~ no'f ~oaIy declared that you would resist the admission of any more slave States, and work for the repeal of the fugitive slave law, but you pledged yourselves not to vote for any man for State or Federal of fices who was not committed to these principles. You were thus committed. Similar resolutions to those were adopted in your county convention here, and now with your admissions that they are your platform and embody your sentiments now as they did then, what do you think of Mr. Lin coln, yonr candidate for the United States Senate, who is attempting to dodge the responsibility of this platform, because it was not adopted in the right apot? I thought that it was adopted in Springfield, but it tarns ont that it waa not; that it was adopted at Rockford, and in the varioas counties which comprise this Congressional Dte-> trict. When I get into the next district, I will show that this same platform wan adopted there, and so on through toe State, until I noil ton re sponsibility of it upon the back of toe Black Re publican party throughout the State. A voice—“ Couldn’t you modify and call it brown ?” Mr. Douglas—Not a bit. I thought that yon wore becoming a little brown when your members in Congresss vdled for the Crittenden-Montgomery bill, but since youKave backed ont from that posi tion and gone back to Abolitionism, yon are black and not brown. Gentlemen, I hare shown yon what yonr plats form was in 1854. Yon still adhere to it. The same platform was adopted by nearly all the conn- ties where the Black Bepnblican party had a ma jority in 1854. I wish now to call year attention to the action of yonr Representatives in toe Le gislature when they assembled together at Spring- field. In the first place, you moat remember that this was toe organisation of n new party. It is so declared in the resolutions themselves, which any that you are going to dissolve all old P*rtyti«b and call the new party Republican. The old Whig party was to have its throat cat from ear to ear, and the Democratic party was to be annihilated, snd blotted ont of existence, whilst inlienoftocse parties the Black Republican party was to be organ ised on tola Abolition platform. Yen know who the chief leaden were in breaking op and destroying these two great parties. Lincoln ou the oes head, and Trumbull on the other, being disappointed politicians, and having retired or been tmven to obscurity by an outraged community because of ^^^^^^^HPHPverthis question. I would like ^^PlPl^^isown medicine. If he differs with Trumbull, let him answer his argument against the admission of Oregon, instead of poking ques tions at me. , .. .. The next question propounded to me by Mr. Lin coln is, esn the people of a Territory in any law ful way, against the wishes of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from their limits prior to the formation of a State Constitution ? I answer emphatically, as Mr. Lincoln has heard me ads wit* hundred t.mes from every stump in Uli- giaU, (hat to my opinion toe people of a Territory SM& March, 185S. luth agreeing abont sums hoot others, made a Union ijjfonstilotion for their eot»- ir Supreme Court, who, at- _ shed creed of the Nbsjh^ris FtSat Constitution, sa>-«»t ry ia protected to the wr\ r portion of toe North de- \ openly, while the remainder \ What remains, then, bat to against mq , and I hove defended tout same great principle when southern sentiment came down like an avalanche upon me. I was not afraid of any teat they pat to me. 1 knew I was right—I knew my principles were sound—I knew that toe people would see m the end that I ted donee right, and I knew that the God of Heaven would smile upon me if I wss faithful to toe performance of my duty. Mr. Lincoln makes a, charge of corruption against the Supreme Court of the United States, and to Presidents of the United States, and at tempts to bolster it np by saying that I did the same against the Washington Union. Suppose I did make that charge of corruption against the Washington Unton, when it was true, does that justify him in making n false charge against me and others ? That ia the question 1 would pnt. He says that at toe time the Nebraska bill was intro- daced, and before it was pissed, there was a con spiracy between the Judges of the Supreme Court, President Pierce, President Buchanan and myself by that bill, and toe decision of the eonrt to break down the barrier and establish slavery all over toe Union. Doeahe not know that that charge is his torically false as against President Buchanan ? He From the Charleston Mercury, Mug, 1859. “A revolution is, therefore, inevitable. Sob- mission or resistance will alike establish it. The old Union—the Union of the Constitution, of eqnat rights between sovereign States—is ahplisbed. It is gone forever; strangled by consolidation, and now the instrument of centralism, to establish sa irresponsible despotism of the North over the South. To break up the present Union and estab lish another ofthe South alone, is 50 greater revo lution than thntwhich how exists. In bet, it will be a lesser change. Let the straggle come when it may, the Sooth, to achieve her safety, will have to trample down a Union party to the track of her political emancipation.” The above extract from the Washington corres pondent of the Charleston Mercury, so clearly fore shadows the very events which have since tran spired, tost the conclusion is almost irresistible that there yui junta of these disnnioaista to toe city of Washington, who had, at that early day, ar ranged the entire coarse tobe pursued. Thenews- jzspwjg were promptly snd vigorously seconded by Wo will continue this subject in our next, A and hoao to convince every citteen of Georgia ® that Mr. Basesixridok is hot the tool in the hands B of banded “Leaguers” against the Union. ■ ; We will convince them so that they would be ■ obliged to render n verdict against them from a ” jury box, and we know that they will, render the same verdict at the polls under the convictions of right, tost they would in eonrt under onto. We will sow, no briefly ss possible, put together the remaining evidence, which proves that too party ft rated so suddenly snd ceaselessly in too South, is not only sectional, bnt disunion. Let ite leaders apsak first. On too 18th April, 1859, Jndge H. S. Bnaxar. a very prominent mni in North flimtesipp., te n Sou ter to the editor of too Grenada Loecmettae, mja: With a full knowledge of nil these beta, I apt peal to erery fair minded man in the Sooth* if it h not time to cease this idle talk, and let oor de mand be made known in Ian nag* that cannot be misunderstood, demanding CongraMtonal legis lation for too protection or slnveo in too Ternto- rieaas being tenateon with toe plainest princi ples of justice, equal rights, common asnoo, and the mandates of the Constitution. This being refused as our common right nndor toe comport in toe Union, then let as seek eqaoh- ty onteide of the compact of toe Union, where toe tews of God, the rights of man, and toe feoffac* of Mis men eounsetus unerringly toot we should (C Andtering, as I do, bnt toe faintest hope that tote hi sits site demand will bo granted, nsyltel justly conclude that it is fotile to fix our hopoo ^ upon Oongw tor protection and aid? Imre/ too«ml«wt to the asaaas witoteonr reach, to toot and legally, have'a right to entertain those opin ions, and of course will vote for Mr. Lincoln. I have a word to say on Mr. Lincoln’s answer to the interrogatories contained in my speech at Ot tawa, and which he has pretended to reply to here to-day. Mr. Lincoln makes a great parade of the fact that I quoted a platform aa having been adopt ed by the Black Republican party at Springfield in 1854, which, it turns ont, waa adopted at another place. Mr. Lincoln loses sight of tbe thing itself |Q nsefaoioe Avar fkn mifftftkft _ ’ * the place where it was done. He thinks that that n 1o4tn»m man nnf mHnntdtel Ml (hfl riffht (< OIVtft ” in his ecstacies over the mistake I made in stating j; l: 1 “ * ** *' ' plattorm was not adopted on the right “spot’' When I pnt the direct questions to Mr. Lincoln to ascertain whether he now steads pledged to that creed—to the unconditional repeal of toe fu gitive steve law, a refusal to admit any more slave States into the Union, even if the people want them, a determination to apply the Wilmot Provi so, not only to all the territory we now hare, bnt all that we soar hereafter eeqaire, te retimed to answer, and hia followers my, in excuse, that toe resolutions upon which I hosed my interrogatories were not adopted at the “right spot.” Lincoln and his political {needs are great on “roots.” In Con gress, ns a Representative of this State; he declar ed too Mexican war to be nnjnat and jnfemoas, end wonld not support it, or acknowledge his own country to be right in toe 000teat, because he said that American blood was not shed on American soil, te toe "right wok” And now he cannot an swer the questions i pnt to him at Ottawa, because too resolutions 1 rend were not adopted at the “right apok” It maybe possible that I was led into aa error ns to toe spot on which the resolu tions I then read were proclaimed, hot I was not, and am notin error as to the feet of their forming the bonis of the creed of too Republican party, when that party was first organised. I will state to yon the evidence I ted, and upon which I re lied for my statement that the renoletione in ques tion were udotesd at Spriafiald on toe 5to of Oc tober, 1854. Although I waa aware that such res olutioas ted teen prosed in (hie district,and near ly all toe northsra Congwroonnl Districts and eoonty conventions, I had not noticed whether or not they bad been adopted by -ay State conven tion. In 1854, a debate areas te Congress be tween Major Thomas L. Harris, at the Bprinfield district, aad Mr. Norton, of the Joliet district, on political matter* connected with ear State, in the comes of white, Mgjw Hams quoted those reso- mmediately preceding the elector of Senator. ' declared first that the Wilmot Proviso most iplied to all territory North of 34* 80'. Se- —u be applied to all territory Thirdly, that it most be ap- slave Tern lory or a free Terri- *1*&^roy ^foomplete under the Nebraska Mcoln deems my answer satis- H putice the charge which he tea introduced in relation id Hr. Chase’s I thought that I had chased that •BienamhM out of Mr. Lincoln’s brain at Ot tawa: bnt it Booms tost it still haunts his imsgina- ilom’and te ia not yet rotisfied. I had supposed Kite would be ashamed to press that question ■toss. Ka is a lawyer, aad has been a member Hpangreea, and has occupied bis tune snd arana- ^BroSr telling yon about parliamentary pro- He ought to have known better than to hit miserable impositions upon audience. The Nebraska bill pro- condly, that it must be applied to all territory Sooth of 86° 80'. Thirdly, that it must be ap plied to all the Territory now owned by tte United States; and finally, that it must be applied to all territory hereafter to be acquired by the United States. The next resolution declares that no more slave States shall be admitted into this Union un der soy circumstances whatever, no matter whether they are formed out of territory now own ed by us or that we may hereafter acquire, by trea ty, by Cougreoa, or ie manner whatever. The next resolution demands the unconditional repent of the fugitive slave tew, although its unconditional no- peal would leave no provision for carrying ont that clause of toe Coestitation of the UoitedStstan which guarantiee the detrrodcrof fugitives. If they could not get an unconditional repeal, they ■hall be formed by the ie State; and tte League ■hall be formed by toe I elect n president, vice- ■sorer, and ante other useful; and the officers one year, and until their n elected. tie ascertained that three an organised, the presi- rity or them, shall agree or the organization of s irgamsed, it shall direct neetings. shall be ascertained that are been organised, toe majority of them, shall taeeforthe organization teem States, and, when it the time aad place of gne may send aa many select to the assembly of rote shall be counted in of its members. ■ray seod as assay repre- set to the council of the Mkry, should extend to nil rightful kegiatatioa consistent with the organic Etestitntion of the United States. It ■tuny exception as to slave ry, bat give (rttet it wee possible for Congress to rot violating the Constitution to the Legtalatare. wito no exception or limi ts mMeet of slavery at nil. The tan- Mt bill which I have quoted, gave the m(l the foil authority over the subject affirmatively and negatively, to intro- grindeH, so'far as toe Constitution of States would permit. What more fearogireby his amendment? Note- Ired Us amendment for the identical white Mr. Uueotn tensing it, to ena gaesin the country to try aad deoeivu lAmoat was to this offset It provided 1 fetal ore should have the power to ex- re: one. Gen. Pros eaggroted, why art ifer to fafrodnoa ro won ns exclude F’ wte. toeyterethepowm already in wAteHHi Honrohwtweeigs