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BMS COUNTV GIEZTTE,
PUBLISHED EVEKY WEDNESDAY AT
IIOMER, - - - GEORGIA.
HAMES Sc HILL.
SUBSCRIPTION:
One year - - - SI.OO
Six months - - - - .50
Entered at the Postoffice at Homer,
Oa ., as second-class mail matter.
Communications of any character,
whether on business or for publication,
should be addressed to
GAZETTE.
Homer, Ga., Wednesday, Aug. 26.
Dallas Texas has had a very destruc
tive five.
The redistricting congressional com
mittee has made its report and the
ninth district is left unchanged.
Hon. 1,. F. Livingston was re-elected
president of the State Alliance at the
meeting in Atlanta last week.
The drainage act for this county
only lacks the grvernor’s signature to
become a law. It has passed the
house and senate.
The next meeting of the State Alli
ance will be held in Gainesville. We
congratulate our sister city', and will
do all in our power to help her make
a grand success.
Brother T. Larry Gantt has severed
his connection with The Southern
Alliance Farmer, and will start anew
paper in Atlanta to be called The
Free Lance. Wo wish him success.
A movement is on foot in South
Carolina to form a farmers trust for
the purpose of holding from market
at least one third of the cotton crop
for this year, thereby reducing the
production and forcing better prices.
In a few days all the head offices
of the Richmond and Danville Termi
nal railroad company will be removed
from Washington, 1). C. to Atlanta.
This will make Atlanta the head cen
ter of this powerful corporation.
A farmer who has good land and
wont work it, deserves to go hungry.
A country that has opportunities and
wont improve them is entitled a
back seat. A community that wont
have a good school deserves to be
inhabited with ignorance, and a nation
that votes for dishonest men know
ingly deserves oppression.
A bold robbery was committed on
the Central railroad last Thursday
night about eight o’clock, near Col
liers, a flag station about thirty miles
from Macon. The train slowed up at
that station to let a passenger get oil'
whet, three masked men entered the
express ear, and after leaving the
station some distance, demanded the
key of the messenger and went
through the safe.
In the time of Pliarao when Moses
told the children of Israel that the
Lord had sent him to take them out
of bondage a great many of them said:
“You can’t do it. Pharao lias got the
people under his control and he’s
going to keep us. Besides, wo are
doing well enough anyway.” We
hear people say the same things now.
“The moneyed men have got our
noses to the grindstone and they are
going to keep us there." You forget,
brother, that we’ve got a God, and
a Moses too, and we are going out of
bondage and we’re going to take you
with us.
KviJ That Good May Come.
The question of licensing the liquor
traffic involves a moral element which
cannot be eliminated. That the liquor
traffic is evil is settled by the assent
of the whole Christian church of to
day, of all temperance workers, and
of all philanthropists. There is prob
ably no one point more universally
admitted by all good men every
where. Then can it be right to
license wrong?
It would seem that there could be
but one answer, and that a universal
negative. Yet men of the highest
moral character and of undoubted
Christ iau principle do somehow get
an affirmative answer, so that they
claim the right to license this wrong.
How is this done? They say, in sub
stance: We believe the liquor traffic
to be evil and wrong. We are sorry
to have it licensed. But the results
of licensing are good. To restrict
the liquor traffic is a good thing, and
high license restricts it. Therefore
we favor licensing the evil in order
to accomplish the good.
Now, let us suppose for the sake
of argument, that high license does
accomplish all the good that is claim
ed for it. The question still recurs
and imperatively demands an answer,
Is it right? If it is not right, no man
may do it for any advantage. If it is
not right, any seemingly good result
wi .1 prove a delation. The right to
do one evil for the sake of a good re
sult can ouly be maintained on the
general principle that it is right to
“do evil that good may come.”
AH sound moral philosophy empha
sizes the scriptural condemnation
(Rom. iii, 8) of those acting on such
a principle. Right and wrong cannot
be measured in terms of advantage
and disadvantage. The wrong of a
lie is not remotely touched by the re
sults of the lie. The wrong of treach
ery, cruelty or fraud is just as wrong
before we know what the results are
as it is afterward. If a thing is trench
erous, fraudulent, cruel, we know
it is wrong ami we do not need to
know how it turns out. If the doer
of the wrong were to die on the in
stant of doing it, before it had effect
ed any human being but himself, he
might die perfectly sure that he had
done wrong. Were it not so, we
could never judge our own conduct
until all the results were in, and one
would have to wait to see how his
conduct worked before he could know
whether he was a saint or a villain.
But conscience is instantaneous,
branding wrong as wrong on the do
ing, and there is no power in the
most ayparently prosperous results
to obliterate one line of the condem
ns ion.
Besides, the principle of doing evil
that good may come makes the doer
of the evil the sole judge as to the
sufficiency of the need to counterbal
ance it; and in tbis estimate selfish
motives always weigh heavily. In
fact, into this estimate may be almost
condensed the sum total of human
temptation. Propably no man ever
does wrong merely for the sake of
doing wrong. It is always for some
good that is to come out of this inci
dental evil. By the incidental evil
of stealing he can gain the good of so
much comfort. He can even give so
much to churches and Sunday-schools.
By the incidental evil of a lie he can
gain the great good of security and
reputation. And why may it not lie
that in planning for his fellow man,'
when the absolute right of stamping
out evil is unpopular and costs very
dear, that it may come as a tempta
tion to a good man to do the inci
dental evil of license for the sake of
accomplishing the difficult good in an
easier way? It is to be remembered,
too, that in all such cases the evil is
certain, the good problematical; the
evil is present, the good is future;
the evil is done, the good is hoped
for. He who does evil that good
may come is only sure of one point,
viz., that he has done evil. The good
he hopes for may come; the evil he
has done is sure. We maintain that
these considerations ought to be final.
The liquor traffic is evil and wrong.
To license evil is evil; to license
wrong is wrong. There is no justi
fication for doing evil that good may
come. Questions of advantage and
disadvantage have no place in the
discussion. No advantages can be
great enough to justify wrong doing.
When, as the great Methodist chuieh
has declared, the liquor traffic “can
never be licensed without sin,” no
Cnristian man may do the sin for the
sake of any promised good. God is
not impoverished as the need sinful
expedients to help out righteousness.
It is for us to do the right. He will
take care of the outcome.—The
Voice.
Harmony Grove.
The speaking at this place last
Friday was a success, if a large crowd
an attentive and sober audience and
logical, forcible and reasoning speak
ers constitute a success.
The people came from every direc
tion and in every style of travel. By
ten o’clock the people had gathered
in the pine grove hack of the Baptist
church where a stand had been erect
ed and seats conveniently arranged
hv the committee of arrangement
from Jackson county Alliance, who
had spared no pains to make every
thing as comfortable as the circum
stances would admit.
The first speaker who addressed
the people, Colonel J. L. Chupp, of
Lithonia, Ga., spoke an hour and
twenty minutes upon the financial
situation and the objects of the Alli
ance, ils failures, mistakes and succes
ses, and a more quiet, attentive
audience never listened to a speaker
that length of time. One gentleman
in the crowd broke the stillness for a
moment by asking a question which
was promptly answered, satisfactorily
we would suppose, as the questioner
was silent.
Mr. Chupp stated in the course of
his remarks, what every Allianceman
knows and is willing to confess, that
the Alliance has made mistakes.
When the order w T as first started the
originators believed that our mer
chants and lawyers were to blame
for all the ills the people suffered, and
naturally enough the order arraigned
itself in possitive opposition to those
two classes, charging them with every
conceivable wickedness and laying at
tbeir door all the poverty and wretch-
edness of our people. Asa natural
consequence these people became in
dignant, and who could blame them?
The order determined to let these
people alone, stay at home and work.
But after time and investigation they
find that these classes are in the mill
and being ground too, and, of course,
are sorry, and are ready to make
acknowledgments and ask forgiveness.
The next speaker was congressman
elect Moses, of Coweta county, who
discussed more at length the tariff
question, but, like the first speaker,
spoke liberally of the condition of our
people. He stated, as we all know to
be facts, that the people were told
to go home, put in six days work a
week, and quit spending so much,
and you’ll soon have money plenty.
Some man in the community who his
fifteen or twenty thousand dollars
say; “Do like I done; I’ve got plenty
and I got it by hard work. If every
body’d do like I done they’d have
plenty too.” And the people went to
work and the consequences are ve
have a surplus of two million bales of
cotton, ar.d billions of bushels of
grain that we, apparently, have no
use for. The southern countaf is
flooded with cotton, and' the manufac
turers’ warehouses are full to over
flowing with goods, the merchants’
stores are full, and there’s bo market.
The great west is full of unsold grain
of every character.
Now, some sav the fool farmer has
worked too much. But there is lot
a yard of goods too much nor a poimd
of cotton too much if the people liad
the clothes they need. Neither is
there one bushel of grain that could
not be profitably utilized if the people
had justice. Why should not the
great west which cannot grow cotton
supply this country with bread which
cannot successfully raiso grain f
The speaker reviewed at some
length the tariff question, and showed
very forcibly the hardships that it
entailed upon the people—what dis
advantages to the many and what
advantages to the tew it worked.
A cloud came up and the rain dis
persed the crowd for a time and he
did not say as much as he would, but
suffice to say he gave the people to
understand that he knew what he was
talking about.
After the rain was over and the
crowd reassembled Col. C. C. Post
addressed the people, and being a
thorough Allianceinan, logical reason
er and speaker he interested his audi
ence, notwithstanding the fact that
they had listened to lwo other speak
ers, both of whom spoke at length.
All the speakers were just as gen
erous toward the opponents of the
reform movements as could be. They
offered to divide time, but no one
accepted the offer.
If the opponents of the Alliance
would open their hearts and let God
in they surely would be convinced
that the order is not so mean as they
think.
Alien Ownership of Laiul.
One of the evils which the Farm
ers Alliance demands shall be stopped
is alien ownership of land. The
Ocala demands were not silent upon
this subject. The fourth demand
read as follows:
“We demand the passage of laws
prohibiting alien ownership of land,
and that Congress take prompt action
to devise some plan to obtain all
lands now owned by aliens and for
eign syndicates, and that all lands
now held by railroads and other cor
porations in excess of such as is actu
ally used and needed by them be re
claimed by the government, and held
for actual setlers only.”
This demand has no uncertain tone,
and is far-reaching m its effect. The
whole discussion upon the subject
might be cut off by the simple asser
tion that the reason for making this
demapd is because it is just and right.
Two governments cannot be supreme
in the same place at the same time,
and for the government to allow an
other to own its land, allows it to
control its people and subordinate
the former government entirely to
the latter. No question about this
proposition. It is an absolute fact,
because those who own the lands own
also the people who live upou them.
It is a violation of rights for which
there is no excuse, and one for which
it is very hard to find the causes that
led to its first introduction. It was
not so in the beginning, not for a
number of years after the institution
of this government, but when Eng
lishmen desired to get a foothold on
American soil so as to enslave Amer
ican people they changed the law's of
England so tl at Americans could
hold land there, and then pointing
to that, which gave their tools in con
gress the pretext for passing the same
law. By allowing aliens to own the
lands of the country the way is open
for them to own the whole country.
The deed to a tract of land carries
with it all the improvements and
everything of the kind uDon it with
out their being described or in any
way referred to. It is, however, a
necessary condition of the iniquitous
financial system. The fact is, the two
go hand in hand; one is the servant
of the other, and each w'orks in har
mony. When British gold bought
our national councils and inaugurated
a finoncial system in the interest of
the money lenders of Great Britain,
it opened a way to conquer America,
not indeed by force of arms, but by
means of the power of money to op
press which could only be mode ef-
fective by the purchase of the lands
of the country. If a foreign country,
through its citizens, may own one
ac re of land, there is no reason why
it shouldn't own a thousand; and if a
thousand, a million, and so on, until
it may own every foot of the whole
country; in which event an Ameri
can government would immediately
be come an absurdity, an impossibil
ity: The interest on foreign invest
ments in America, according to the
estimates made by Norvin Green,
president of the Western Union Tel
egraph Company, six years ago, can
not now be less than $150,000,000
annually. When the government of
the United States, acting under the
dictates of the exploiters of Wall
street, decided to contract the volume
of money so as to make it too small
to do the legitimate business of the
country with anything like a fair ex
pense, it placed a premium upon for
eign investments and gave British
gold a chance to come in here and
earn more than it could at home.
This opened a way for futher con
traction in the interest of the exploit
er, and to the benefit of the British
investor, until the British investments,
instead of being an addition to the
original volume of money, simply
formed a substitution for a part of it,
and the contraction still
rendered forfeiture upon small loans
absolutely necessary upon the part of
the producer, and is rapidly tending
to promote the British conquest of
America. A most glaring and out
rageous conspiracy upon the rights
of the people is now being attempted
in the state of Texas. The legisla
ture hist winter passed a law prohib
iting alien ownership of land. It
soeins that it was done in such a short
space of time that the agents of the
foreigh money lenders did not have
time to rally and defeat the measure,
but they are now bringing pressure
to bear through the newspapers,
through the loan agencies, and in
every possible way they can, to have
the government call an extra session
of the legislature to repeal the law
against alien ownership of land, for
fear that foreign money lenders will
call for settlement as their paper ma
tures and remove their money from
the state. A British loan agent in
Austin offers a free insult to the peo
ple of the state by issuing a circular
letter in which he makes a threat to
withdraw all the British money in the
state, and has the impudence to talk
about favors and indulgence, and all
that sort of thing. The people bava
been educated very, much in the last
live years. They see by the example
of Kansas and other states that per
sons who lend money, do not do it
for the sake of philanthrophy; they
do it for the gain there is in it. It is
business, straight business, made pos
sible by the vicious financial system
of this government, and whenever
a state can make it impossible it
forces on the federal government the
dnty of rising responsibilities upon it
and meeting the issue of furnishing
the people with sufficient money to
do the business of the country, and
the sooner that is done the better. If
by some means the government would
increase the volume of money in cir
culation 25 per cent each year for the
next five years, the premium would
then be on investment instead of be
ing upon hoarding, and money would
be seeking investment everywhere,
and as the volume increased the pur
chasing power of a dollar would be
come less; consequently the premium
would be toward labor, and the effect
wonld be to run evey foreign doUar
out of the country without any injury
whatever to the people, and there
would be no effect upon business ex
cept a good one by encouraging all
kinds of effort and all kinds of invest
ment. Now, in the absence of such
a wise provision by the government,
it can to a certain extent be forced
upon it by these laws by prohibiting
alien ownership of land. No better
way seems at present available to do
an act of strict justice and right, and
at the same time to force the govern
ment to perfoi m its duty in the pre
mises, than to stick to these wise
laws prohibiting alien ownership of
land. It, is hoped, that in the event
the governor of Texas shall so far
yield to the importunities of these
Shylocks as to call a special session
of the legislature to consider an act
that is wisely passed, that the legis
lature will rise up in its dignity and
refuse to reconsider the laws it has
made in the interest of the people
and change them to the interest of
the Shylocks—National Economist.
The Ocala Platform.
The following is a copy of the
Ocala platform, and we see nothing in
it we cannot endorse. Read it:
“1 a. We demand the abolition of
national banks.
b. We demand that the government
shall establish sub-treasuries or depos
itories in the several states, which
shall loan money direct to the people
at a low rate of interest, not to exceed
two per cent per annum, on non
perishable farm products, and also
upon real estate, with proper limita
tions upon the quantity of land and
amount of money.
c. We demand that the amount of
the circulation medium be speedily
increased to not le6s than fifty dollars
per capita.
2. We demand that congress shall
pass such laws as will effectually pre
vent the dealing in futures of aH
agricultural and mechanical produc
tions; providing a stringent system
of procedure in trials that will secure
the prompt conviction, and imposing
such penalties as shall secure the
$2,000 In ©old
GIVEN AWAY BY
N. E. Cor. 9th and Walnut, Cincinnati, O.
ESTABLISHED 18S2.
#I,OOO IN OOLD to Scholars in
book-keeping,
To the Students passing the Best Examination in Book-keeping, Arith
metic and Penmanship Class limited to fifteen.
60 Dollars in Gold will be given to - - First
30 “ “ “ Second
20 “ “ “ - Third
#I,OOO ll> GOLD to Scholars in
SHOKT-HAND.
To the Students making the Best Speed in Sixty days in Short-hand,
Class limited to fifteen.
50 Dollars in Gold will be given to - - First
30 “ “ “ - - Second
20 “ “ “ - Third
We will continue these prizes to each one of the Glasses until the
$2,000 IN GOLD
I
has been given away.
DAY AND NIGHT CLASSES NOW IN SESSION. 11-25
most perfect compliance with the law.
3. We condemn the silver bill re
cently passed by congress, and de
mand in lieu thereof the free and un
limited coinage of silver.
4. We demand the passage of laws
prohibiting alien ownership of land,
and that congress Dike prompt action
to devise some plan to obtain all
lands now owned by aliens and for
eign syndicates; and that all lands
now held by railroads be reclaimed by
the government and held for actual
settlers only.
5. Believing in the doctrine of
equal rights to all and special privi
leges to none, we demand—
a. That our national legislation
shall be so framed in tbe future as
not to build up one industry at the
expense of another.
b. W e further demand a removal
of the existing heavy tariff tax from
the necessaries of life, that the poor
of our land must have.
c. We further demand a just and
equitable system of graduated tax on
incomes.
and. We believe that the money of
the country should be kept as much
as possible in the hands of the peo
ple, and hence we demand that all
national and state revenues shall be
limited to the necessary expenses of
the government economically and
honestly administered.
6. We demand the most rigid hon
est and just state and national gov
ernmental control and supervision of
the means of public communication
and transportation, and if this con
trol and supervision does not remove
the abuse now existing, we demand
the government Ownership of such
means of communication and trans
portation.
7. We demand that the congress
of the United States submit an
amendment to the constitution pro
viding for the election of the United
States senators by direct vote of the
people of each state.”
Dentinln.
Dr. C. A. Ryder,
GAINESVILLE, GEORGIA.
Office over Barnes, Evans fc Co’s.
Store. I- 1 -92
fMtcyert.
G. W. Brown
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
MAYSVILLE, - - - GEORGIA
Will do a general practice. Collecting
and Divorce cases a specialty.
Pil. EDWARDS
Attorney n-t Law
HOMER, GEORGIA.
Money to loan on three per cent,
commission, and payments made by
installments.
A. C. MOSS,
Attorney at I^aw
IIOMER, GEORGIA.