Newspaper Page Text
Banks County Gazette.
VOL 2.—NO. 23.
Tle Alliance From a Lawyer’s
Standpoint.
When it is considered that the
alliance move is so general through
out the country; when the interest,
as manifested upon all occasions of
public gatherings, which the masses
are taking in public questions: when
one contemplates the number and
heated debates between Democratic
leaders and Alliance leaders in the
south; and like discussions between
Republican leaders and AUiancemen
at the north, it is not to bo wondered
that the ordinary mind asks itself
“what’s to pay!” “what’s up ?” and
begins to look around for the cause,
and like the young soldier that fell at
Bull Run, we naturally enquire “What
is all this for?” An examination of
the grievances of the alliance organi
zations follows. “What are they?’
The main and most important one
is “More Money”; the next is near of
kin to it, the “abolition of the nation
al banks,” that the money cannot be
controlled, and its volume contracted
so easily.
2nd, The establishment of sub
treasuries that the money may get
into the hands of the people when
once issued.
Let us examine them. And first
“more money.” Do not the Demo
crats advocate free coinage of silver ?
Does not the Atlanta Constitution de
clare for state banks, is not the cry
on all sides that more money is de
manded to the business of the coun
try. Does not even Republican Ben
say his present or future policy will
be the free coinage of all American
silver? Where then is the difference
in these two old parties? and, where
js the fighting ground against the
Alliance, and how can any fellow
swell up and say to the Alliance you
will ruin the old party —the grand old
party ?
3d, The national banks as they
now exist are a war measure. It was
supjtosed that they would insure a
steady currency by contracting and
expanding the volume as the country’s
demands required. They do indeed
contract hut never expand. Mr. John
son, of Birmingham, a bank president,
stated not long since, that not a sin
gle hank had issued as much money
as it was authorized. Why was this ?
Don’t the people need it? When
was money tighter than it has been
the past six months?
Yes, they say, we know all that.
But the party —the party —you will
ruin the party. Well, suppose it is
ruined. Are we made for the party ?
Or was the party rather made by us
and for us?
The sub treasury. Oh! that is the
biggest mistake in the world, it will
not do. Perhaps not. Honest men
thought it would not do for Demo
crats to indorse Greely for president-
But it was done all the same, and it
wa* admitted by all to be a big mis
take. That however, did not kill the
party and one would think if it could
stand that it could stand most any
thing. But they say the sub-treasurv
is unconstitutional. Who wants to
ruin the government and destroy our
constitutional liberty by enacting un
constitutional laws? If that was new
it might be serious. But a civil rights
bill was passed once and it was ad
judged unconstitutional, but did it
ruin the government? If the recon
struction times, pregnant with uncon
stitutional laws has blown over gone,
and the government still stands and
the constitution still quoted as being
the organic law of the land, we ought
to feel composed enough to at least
discuss it. Is it unconstitutional ? If
it is it ought not to be enacted. But
would not the judiciary be called to
pass upon it before it went into oper
ation, and if decided to be unconsti
tutional would not that end its execu
tion:? For who is so silly as to sup
pose that any law that is going to
revolutionize the financial condition
of this great republic, and that will in
the doing of it curtail the powers,
•privileges and profits of Wall street
that will not be put to extreme legal
tests before its operation is allowed.
Is not the real truth that politicians
and money changers arc frightened
for fear that some sort of a measure
as the sub-treosury plan will be en
acted and that the court will adjudge
it constitutional? What have they
to fear from a void law—a law uncon
stitutional, null and void—rarely hurts
anything.
But is it unconstitutional? If so
cannot a similar bill be framed that is
not so ? For it is relief the people
seek and not the particular form in
which it comes.
National banks are granted t© be
constitutional. A fellow buys, say
fifty thousand dollars worth of United
States bonds, and he goes home and
issues thirty thousand dollars. The
fifty thousand dollars he paid for the
bonds is burnt up and he issues thirty
thousand instead of fifty as he could
do. He does this because the twenty
thousand kept out of circulation
makes money scarce and raises the
price. See!
If the government can lend its
credit to national banks to oppress
the people—constitutionally—can’t it
lend it to the people to keep t:.em
from being oppressed ? Sauce for
the goose ought to be sauce for the
gander. See!
In the olden times kings used to
carry witty cranks around with them
to amuse them—called the “kinjr’s
fool.” Now the people arc doing so
much reading and thinking, all the
masses are so much better posted
than the average lawyer or politician
that when one of them gets up to
speak on the subtreasury and other
demands that he only amuses with
out informing the crowd. He is
merely to the people what the crank
is to the king—the “fool.”—M. M. S.
in People’s Party Paper, Atlanta.
Voters of Foreign Itirth.
A government is either the master
or the servant of the people A mon
archical government is one in which a
few dominate the masses. A repub
lican government is a government of
and by the majority. In one case the
intelligent few govern the ignorant
many. In the other the intelligent
masses are the source and support of
the government. Despotism and
popular education are opposites. One
destroys the other as certainly as
light dispels darkness. Maintain a
public school on each inhabited town
ship of the Russian Empire for twenty
years and the people will govern
themselves. The term “limited rnon-
archy” means a government under
which popular education lias reached
the primary stage. The non-sectarian
free school needs hut a few genera
tions in which to change a despotic
government into a limited monarchy.
Education means intelligence; en
lightenment means self-government,
and self-government means a govern
ment by and for the people. In all
such governments each citizen must
have a voice, and the voice of the
majority is the law of the whole.
This voice is suffrage.
The exercise of the elective fran
chise is no more a privilege than the
right to use it is a gift. It is a duty
—as much of a duty as serving on a
jury—and the summons to the ballot
box ought to he as mandatory, and as
promptly obeyed, as the summons to
the jury-box. From the intelligent
juror we have a right to —ought to
expect honest government. Of the
12,000,000 citizens who have a voice
in this government, 4,000,000 cannot
write their names, 3,000,000 cannot
read the ballots they vote, and nearly
2,000,000 caunot speak, read or write
the language of the country. If abili
ty for self-government is an out
growth and result of the intelligence
derived from popular education, 33
per cent of those invested with the
elective franchise are without the
capacity for its intelligent use.
We are overestimating and over
taxing the power of the schoolhouse.
The engulfing stream pouring in upon
us from foreign countries is too
strong, too muddy and too old for
education and enlightenment. If we
could close the floodgates and dam off
the turbid, ever-swelling stream, popu
lar education would, in two or three
generations, lift us out of and above
HOMER, BANKS COUNTY, GEORGIA, WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 14, 181)1.
the slough of ignorance in which we
are now floundering. Five years nor
a lifetime, will not make good and
loyal citizens of a heavy per cent of
the class of immigrants now flocking
to the United States. Our only safe
and sure remedy lies in the uncondi
tional repeal of the naturalization
laws. Wo must not disfranchise any
one, nor must we break faith with
those having the promise of enfran
chisement. But we have the right to
say, and the maintenance of the re
public depends upon our saying it,
that after a given date persons born
on foreign soil and not then within
the territory of the United Statesi
shall not become citizens of the
United States.
The immigration from all sources
into this country does not now fall
below 800,000 per year. Of these
comers more than 65 per cent are
males over 21 years of age, more than
two-thirds of whom are illiterate and
speak only a foreigji language. A
residence of five years makes them
citizens, if they so elect. In sixteen
states of this union one year’s resi
dence and a declaration of intention,
which may never go further than a
declaration gives to aliens nearly all
the privileges of citizens, including
the right to vote at all elections.
Such suffrage as this is a perpetual
menace to the republic. We must re
strict immigration and withhold natu
ralization until we have educated and
elevated those who now exercise or
in fairaoss must be admitted to the
exercise of the elective franchise.
We are also learning that naturali
zation does not naturalize. The oath
of allegiance does not make loyal
citizens of one-half of those who take
it. The Samoan controversy demon
strated that a heavy per cent of our
German-born citizens so deeply sym
pathized with Germany that they
could not be loyal to the government
of the United States, and within a
short period events in the states of
Pennsylvania and Louisiana have fur
nished most conclusive evidence that
in case of war with their respective
countries, 90 per cent of the nations
of Italy and Austro-Hungary who
have taken the oath of nllegience to
this government would violate their
obligation with as little concern as
they had when they assumed it.
The Prohibition party might do a
good thing for the country and them
selves by indorsing tbe Ocala plat
form. Seeing the demands of the
Prohibition party and the demands of
the Farmers’ Alliance and Industrial
Union are so near the same, it cer
tainly looks like folly to divide the
people into two political parties when
much more could be gained by all
working together as one party. The
Prohibition party expects nothing
from either of the old parties, while
the rank and tile of the organized
laborers express dissatisfaction with
the prospects of getting legislation
through either of the old parties that
will give them the necessary relief
and express themselves as intending
to stand squarely on the Ocala plat
form and vote for no man or party
who does not fully indorse the same.
Demorest Times.
Then let the People’s party intro
duce the prohibition plank in its
platform and both reform parties can
rest assured of success.
Ail Educational Test.
The theory of democratic govern
ment is that all the citizens govern.
The instrument of govenment is the
ballot. Each ballot represents the
convictions of one citizen. All the
ballots represent the great people.
This is individualism in government,
and it is the highest possible concep
tion of human government. But the
most ardent advocates of democracy
could not believe such a system of
government possible among a bar
barous or semi-civilized people. Why?
For the potent reason that such a
government must be of a grade with
the people. Herbert Spencer wrote
a great truth when he penned these
words: “You cannot get golden bal
lots out of leaden sentiments.” An
ignorant and vicious electorate will
make a government of the same sort.
This needs no argument. The negro
governments in the South during re
construction, and the municipal gov
ernments of our great cities, are pain
ful illustrations of this great underly
ing truth.
The recent attempts, here and there,
to case the public pains growing out
of a low and vicious electorate, are
mere mush-poultice politics. They
ignore the potent truth that charac
ter in the voter is necessary to char
acter in the government; that no
solid superstructure can be reared on
a foundation of sand. Ballot reform
ought to deal not so much with how
the people shall vote as with who
shall vote.
Undoubtedly all classes interested
in bad government ought to he ex
cluded from the electorate A small
beginning in this direction has been
made in many quarters, but it is only
a beginning. The greatest peril to
democratic government in America
is the illiterate vote, not only because
it is illiterate, but because it is large
ly vicious also. There are certainly
many true, good men, who are illiter
ate, hut they are exceptions. Low
character, poverty and vice nestle in
the lap of ignorance. To eliminate
illiteracy from the government is to
unload the chief weight that bears
down the ship of state close upon the
rocks of destruction. A borough of
illiterate voters is a paradise for the
political boss. Asa matter of fact,
no man who is unable to read can vote,
for he does not know whether it is
an election ticket or a circus ticket
he is putting into the box. He must
have a boss, and the man who will
cater most to his low instincts will be
his boss. It turns out, therefore,
that while an honest, truthful man
will have one vote, the demagouge
will have many, for, in fact, ho votes
all his ignorant following. A case in
point: In a certain election in Missis
sippi, the ignorant negroes were
massed on one side by four bosses,
two black and two whites. It was
evident that the bosses would succeed,
and put over the community an in
tolerable government. A sum of
money was raised, and the bosses
bought. They, in turn, on the day
of election, gave democratic tickets
to all their followers with instructions
to let no one see them. This was
done, and, to the amazement of the
the republican candidates, the demo
cratic ticket was elected. In this
case four corrupt bosses, who made
politics a trade, carried the election.
Unless a man can read his ticket he
cannot, in any proper sense, vote at
all.
The time of trial for our govern
ment is coming. The great West
will soon be fully settled. The great
cities will continue to grow and gain
more and more influence on our na
tional life. Property Is accumulat
ing, in the hands of the few. Plutoc
racy and aristocracy on one side, and
poverty and communism on the other
side, will wage a bitter war. Only
the conservatism of intelligence can
save us from destruction. True bal
lot reform must go to the root of the
matter, and demand that the voter
shall he able to cast an intelligent
ballet. This will uot cure all the
troubles, but it will rid us of the
greater part of them.—The Voice.
The Ideal Home.
We may build a house, enter it and
call it home; but unless it is the place
of all others for soul culture and men
tal growth, if seems almost sacrile
gious to give it that endearing name.
An ideal home may be in an unpre
teliding cottage as well as in a palace.
In either caso love must be the pivot
on which the intricate machinery of
home dutios turns. If we desire a
good model home, we must be willing
to work for i'.—with brain and heart
as well as hands.
Children should receive their first
lessons of usefulness around the fam
ily heirth-stone. Very early should
they be taught that their own desires
may be made subservient to the com
fort of the family,—*Wc?e " this rule
generally followed, there would he
fewer selfish exactions, and the home
life would he largely filled with gen
erevs, disinterested deeds.
If more time and pains wore taken
to make homes worthy of the name—
the wrong-doings of sons and daugh
ters would not so often plant thorns
in the pillows of their parents during
their declining years.
Though the mother should take a
certain portion of her time for social
duties, as a rule she should be found
at home to welcome husband and
children when they return from the
cares and lessons of the day. Every
thing seems dreary and cheerless
when mother is away. There are no
sweet smiles and loving words of
welcome; no one to inquire about the
successes and failures of the work
undertaken. The remembrance of a
loving word or smile will often glad
den the whole day. Mother-tact will
do much toward inventing ways and
means to interest the little flock
growiug up aiound her; but to have
a real home, the father must contrib
ute his part toward making the house
in which his family dwells more than
a mere shelter from the summer’s
heat and the winter’s cold. His leis
ure hous belong to his wife and clili
dren; and no matter how dull the
home life may be, it is his duty to
help share the burdens and cares of
the one he has promised to love,
cherish and protect.
If parents w r ould take more inter
est in the amusements of their chil
dreti, there would be less danger of
them entering forbidden paths of
pleasure when they are called to leave
the home that has sheltered their
childhood. Young people must have
recreation of some kind. It is nat
ural and necessary, and needs much
thought and care.
People sometimes wonder why tho
sons and daughters of religious pa
rents so often go astray. But until
more of the “spirit” and less of the
“letter” of Christianity is manifested
in our home discipline, we must not
expect ideal homes or model children.
As we sow, shall we reap.—Christiaif
Advocate.
A Distinction Without a Differ
ence.
A long communication in a recent
issue of a partisan political paper at
tempts to prove that the government
does not lend the national hanks their
money of circulation under the pres"
ent system. It is admitted that the
government makes the dies, prints
the hills, turns them over to the banks
and guarantees their ultimate re
demption, and to make it perfectly
safe from loss takes a deposit of
bonds from the bank as collateral to
secure the payment of all obligations
by the bank, and as a remuneration
charges the banks one per cent per
annum. If that is not a loan then
the treasury notes proposed to be ad
vanced on the collateral under tbe
sub-treasury plan is not a loan, and
if the one per cent per annum is not
interest the two per cent charges on
the use of the money in the sub
treasury plan is not interest. Verily
this is making a distinction without a
difference. When it comes technical
hair splitting it is possible that
neither is strictly a loan, but. practi
cally, according to good old fanner
horse sense, noth are loans.—National
Economist.
Violations of the Laws of Health.
‘‘What a strange Provhlence that a
mother should be taken in the midst
of life from her children!” Was it
Providence? No! Providence had
assigned her threescore and ten, a
term long enough to rear her chil
dren; but she did not obey the laws
on which life depends, and of course
she lost it. A father, too, is cut off
in the midst of his days. lls is a
useful and distinguished citizen and
eminent in his profession. A general
buzz arises on every side, “What a
striking Providence!” The man has
been in the habit of studying half of
the night; in passing his days in his
office, in the,courts; of eating luxuri
ous dinners, am}/| d/iuking various
SINGLE COPY THREE CENTS,
kinds of wine. He had every day
violated the laws of on which health
depends. Did Providence cut him
off? The evil rarely ends here. The
diseases of the father are often trans
mitted, and a feeble mother rarely
leaves behind her vigorous children.
It has been customary in some of
our cities for young ladies to walk in
thin slioes and delicate stockings in
mid-winter. A healthy blooming
young girl thus dressed in violation
of heaven’s laws, paid the penalty—
a checked circulation, colds, fever,
and death. “What a sad Providence!”
exclaimed her friends. Was it Prov
idence or her own folly? Look at the
mass of diseases that are incurred by
intemperance in eating and drinking,
in study or business; by neglect of
exercise, cleanliness, and pure air;
by indiscreet dressing, tight lacing;
etc. And all is quietly imputed to
Providence! Were the physical laws
strictly observed from generation to
generation, there would bo an end to
the frightful diseases that cut life
short, and of the long list of maladies
that make life a torment or a trial.
It is the opinion of those who best
understand the physical system that
this wonderful machine, the body—•
this “goodly temple”—would gradu
ally decay, and men would die as if
falling asleep.—Sedgwick.
Anything to Defeat Allianceism.
The following is an extract from a
leading editorial in The Chicago
Tribune, one of the strongest repub
lican papers in the country:
“The two old parties will pursue
their own course and the Farmers’
Alliance will pursue its path until
enough of its members recover from
their mid-summer madness, when the
organization will crumhle to pieces,
as the old oath-bound secret know
nothing party did. If it should ap
pear, however, that there was real
danger of the Alliance holding to
gether long enough to do great mis
chief, the Democrats would unite
with the Republicans, from whom
they differ chiefly on the tariff and
oflioes, and the two would tight
against a common enemy.. When
that job was ended the two parties
would separate and resume their dis
pute on the tariff as of old.”
Say, Brother Democrats, how about
that? You brothers who accuse tho
Alliance of being in league with the
Republican party. Are you anything
to defeat tho Alliance and reform ?
A writer from Kansas, in the Inde
pendent, says: “There seems.to be a
conserled movement just now to
revive opposition to prohibition in
our state. This work of revival is,
however, confined tea fow trimming
politicians and to the friends of the
saloon, who have always fought the
only effective method in the destruc
tion of the liquor traffic. Our friends
over the land may rest assured that
there has been no revulsion on the
part of the advocates and friends of
prohibition in Kansas. There cannot
be found a single man of character in
the state who has favored prohibition
who now opposes it. The conversions
have been from the other side. We
have many persons of prominence
who originally opposed the policy who
are now its stanch friends. When
the people of the state as a whole are ■
heard from, the friends of the saloon
will find themselves, as they have for
ten years, in a pitiful minority.”
Let all men who hate the whisky
traffic treat one another with respect..
In determining how to proceed, let.
them deliberate, confer, and compare
notes. When they cannot agree, let
them disagree in kindness of temper.'
If this policy is adopted, we shall by
and by he able to mass our forces, ,
and move with solid front on the en
emy. Any other policy will result iii
confusion, and disaster. That' a
small minority should undertake to.
force their views is not to be thought
of.—Nashville Christian Advocate.
If you would train up a child in
the way in which he should go, you
must go that way yourself. All your
teaching will be of little or no avail,
except in so far as you illustrate it in
\our own conduct. Honesty, truth
fulness, purity diligence, gentleness—
these and the other Christian virtues
are best learned from seeing them
exhibited in actual life.