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Banks County Gazette. VOL. lI.—NO. 45. Greed and Hypocrisy. Every man who has taken the pains to inform himself of the centralizing tendencies of our political institutions, the invincible sway of monopoly’s power, will concur in the opinion that the gravest apprehensions should now be felt for the safety of the republic. Blinded by the containing influ ences of war prejudice, cherishing in our bosoms none but the reflections of that unfortunate heritage, we are sud denly coufnted with the appalling fact that treason and deception have been the predominating passions of our politicians. The usurping tendencies of the Re publican party during the period of its absolute reign is apperent to the mindofe\ery candid man. It has delegated power to private individ uals that have multiplied their wealth to such an extent, that by a stroke of the pen the value of property in the United States is reduced hundreds of millions of dollars. Ex-Secretary Windom, when a member of the sen ate said: “There are in this country four men who, in matter of taxation, possess, and frequently exescise, pow ers, which neither Congress nor any state legislature would dare to exert powers, which if exercised iu Great Britain would shake the throne to the foundation ” Such conditions are attributed to Republican reign and no candid writ er will question the fact that the Re publican party has asserted its power to establish a moneyed aristocracy. The above declaration is mr.de over his own signature and no authority has questioned his integrity in this matter. But behold the hallowed principles of Democracy, ever beaming w ith the pirit of emmic pation, in whose unites tuary a e deposited our libtertics, whom we of the South were taught from infancy to reverence, has at last lifted the veil of hypocrisy and frank ly acknowledges its allegiance to Shy lock’s degree. The recent declara tions of its recognized leaders, Messrs Mills and Carlisle, plainly indicate their utter disregard for the condition of the South and their unqualified surrender of people’s suffrage. The St. Louis Republic quotes Mr. Mills in a recent interview as saying. “The people of the East of all par ties and classes (irmly believe that free coinage would bo disastrous to them. The people of Texas, at least many of .bom, think it would be a great boon to them. In my judgment both opinons are groundless. If we persist in the agitation of the ques tion and demand it in our national convention we will lose in our fall election, all our eastern states and gain none in the West. The result will be the election of a Republican house, senate and president, and the passage of this Force b-11, with the military in control of our election in the South.” Mr. Mills not only ad mits that the people he represent are favorable to free coinage, but uses the assumption that many regard it a boon. Yet with the arrogance of a coxcomb he rises superior within himself to the combined wisdom and intelligence of two and one-half mill ions of people lie represent*. Again he dives into the recesses of time and drags from its hiding’ the bioody shirt, to dangle in the faces of his people that he may coerce them into line to obtain Democratic supremacy. It is presumed the Democratic party is opposed to the Foicc bill, at least we know the Southern wing is. It is likewise true of the People's party, because of the fact it is isolated from the East and courts Southern favor. But it is a notorous fact, that the Re publican party is opposed to it, be cause it has done what no political party in distance has done—put it self on record against it. It was de feated last winter when the Republi cans had a majority in both branches of congress and president to back their, up. Every intelliger t man knows the party in power is held by the coun try responsible for the measures adopted. If the Republican party is responsible for a “billion dollar con gress,’’ it is responsible for the de feat of the Force bill. If the Demo cratic barty is responsible for the defeat of the Force bill, it is also responsible for the “billion dollar congress.” Such bom bastic bosh as Mr. Mills inkulges in was once a winning factor in the pol itics of the South, but not now. Mr. Caslisle is quoted as saying, “I do not think it a good policy for the Democratic party to adopt a free coinage plank for the very reason that there is a division in the party itself upon that question. In fact it is a policy which ought not to be adopted without the gravest consid eration.” In this Mr. Carlisle assumes [ the role of potentiate. Not only has he every evidence that the slate of Kentucky favors free silver, but the state Democratic convention gave its unqualified endorsement to this measure. What means such deliberate be trayal of public confidence? Are these men acting in the capacity of blood hounds for the wild-eyed anarchist of Wall Street? are they conniving to enslave the people who have bestowed upon them the richest jewels that ! crown ti e brow of civil liberty? Or j arc they posing in belief that the peo- I pie of the South will tamely submit |to indignities without a demand for ; redress? The Farmers’ Alliance and the National Union Company. The National Economist, official organ of the Farmer's Alliance and Industrial Union, in an editorial Feb. 20 on “The National Union C 0.,” vir tually declares that the National Ex ecutive Board refuses to assume any responsibility for the company or its connection*. It says the Board at tended the meeting on Staten Island at which the agent of the company met the Stale business agents hut that C. W. Mueune stated at the time “That the Executive Board would not exercise authority to condemn or en dorse any business enterprise that proposed to do business with any Alliance any further than to instantly expose fr. lid or unfair conditions.” We are glad that tho Hoard thus dis tinctly disclaims any endorsement of the company or its plans. President Polk has already done the same. But is not something more than this demanded by the expose made. Is it not the duty of the National Executive board to do something more than assume a merely neutral position ? Why should it disclaim all endorsements of the company, un less it now has reason to suppose that there is something wrong about it ? If the board has reason to suppose that, should it not warn the State Al liance against the company, or at least acquaint the Alliances with the troth about the companiy’s connection with the National Cordage Trust, a connection which Oswald Wilson no longer dares deny? In a cartam sense, perhaps, this is none of our business. If the Farmers Alliance, after acquainted vriih the facts, chooses to make a business deal with the National Cordage Trust, the bargain does not immediate'j affect us. But it is the duty of a jonrnal like The Voice to make known the facts in cases liks this, and protect the public so far as possible from any de ception. That is what we have done. If t e State Alliances choose to enter into any such deal with a great mon opoly, we are determined that they shall do it with their eyes open. Several considerations must, how ever, enter into mind in making such a bargain. One is the secrecy in which the National Union Co- has hidden its connection with the Cor dage Trust. This secrecy is in itself enough t arouse very great suspi cions. If the plans are all right, if the Alliance is to be greatly benefited why has not everything been open and above board instead of carefully concealed until The Voice dragged the facts out into the light of day? Another consideration is this. It is said that the company promises to meet the prices of competitors and in addition to give to Alliancemcn a HOMER, BANKS COUNTY, GEORGIA: MARCH 16, 1892. rebate on their purchases. But if the plans are successful, there will be no competitons. That is the very germ of the scheme. The combination is one to control, not only the sale, but the production of all kinds ef goods the farmers require. The National Cordage Trust already controls the production of all kinds of cordage —jute bagging, binding twine, cord, rope, etc. There can be no competi tion in this line. Now the plan is, after securing the Alliance stores, to deal with hut one house only in each different line of merchandise. That is to say, it will be a combination of trusts. Campetition under such cir cumstances becomes a mere absurdity to just the extent that the plans suc ceed competition will be crushed out; and what is to prevent the company’s then putting the prices up as high as the farmers can stand it ? If it can make the prices as high as it wants to a small rebate is not going to save the farmers from the ruinous results. It instil be remembered that aftei the stores are once secured, the Alliance has but one or two representtatives on the company’s Executive Board, and cannot control its policy in any respect. The whole scheme is a provision for the most gigantic monopoly the world ever saw The Farmers Alli ance was horn for the nurpose of throttling just such commercial in iquities, not for the purpose of aiding and abetting thorn; not of standing with folded arms in a neutral condi tion. We have persistantly refused to beleive that the Alliance leaders have given any Countenance to the company for other than these laudable motives under a misapprehension of the facts. Whatever attacks have been mado on Alliance leaders have been made in other columns than oms. But we submit that neither President Polk nor tha Executive Board has done all tha is demanded until a word of warning has gone out, in official form, to the sub-Alliance of the country. Are we right or wrong? —The Yoice. Starving Russia. Appeal is made to the charitable in this country for food to be sent to the starving peasants of Russii. Severe condemnation is visited upon repre sentatives in congress who voted against the proposition to send a gov ernment vessel freighted with dona tions of private citizens. There is no question as to the exact condition of affairs in Russia. The imagination is appalled at the extent of the suffering that must be endured in spite of the widest possible charity from within or without. Freezing livers will shut out all assistance from millions until springtime comes to thaw the water sourses and corpses, and add the hor rors of pestilence to that of famine. It is as if nearly one half the area of tlio United States was without food supplies and all railway communica tion cut off. The unalleviable suffering that must ensue from these condition* cannot be comprehended. The sit uation there is something to move the sternest hearts and loosen the tighest pursestrings. But the public consci ence will be relieved through the spasmodic charity suggested by the pressing demand for food only if it has been blunted to its full duty by long dalliance with the causes of the suffering. The czar has an army of nearly 900,000 able-bodied men, fed by the government and ready for war. The czar of Russia lias millions in gold piled as a reserve for a possi ble war. The czar of Russia holds his power through the connivance of Christendom. His subjects, through long centuries of practical slavery, have become so sunken in ignorance and hopelessness as to lack the spirit necessary to throw off the horrible yoke placed upo; them. The very name “Siberia” carries with it as greatater | ror to ail classes in Russia as it does j disgust to the better sense of Chris tendom. R jssia’w tyrant is so strong ly intrenched that revolt of his sub jects is impossible. The church of which this monster is the vis- ible head holds his victims under the thraldom of superstitious fear. It may be true that the Russian treasury is nearly bankrupt and that complete relief may not he carried to the people even by the emptying of the czar's strong box. But not even this can be held as an excuse for for eign support of the starving peasants whilo the greater evil remains uticor reeled. Every pound of food sent as a gift to Russia strengthens the chains of innoct nt men and women in the Siberian mines. Christendom iias no moral right to deal in charity while justice is avoided. If there rest upon any conscience command to aid the starving in Russia there is still a stronger command in behalf of the hopeless victims of Russian barbarity in Siberia. Nor is it to be said that ' Russia’s treatment of her subjects is not a matter for foreign interference. This may be preached in the church of whicn the czar is the head and may satisfy consciences that have before found support of crime in holy writ. But it will satisfy the voice crying agaiast an infamy and pointing to the blood of brothers calling from the ground for justice. There were no geographical or political lines content plated iu the lesson as to man’s duty to his brother The Great Teacher of Christendom pointed to the multi tude and said: “Behold my moiher and iny brethren.” All talk of pa triotism and national honor among Christain people is hollow and sense less while the barbarties of Russia go unrebuked and unpunished. True, the Sebsriau infamy does not threaten a pestilence. But there are worse tilings epidemics of death. —Chicago Times. Sorne people have an idea that a reduction in the price of what they buy is the great thing to bo sought after m the reform movement. If these people will only stop and think a moment they will realize that low prices is the one thing they are pro testing against. Low prices f. r pro ducts ortabor means low wages for the producer of that product, whether lie is in the shop, factory or on the farm. Put this in your pipe and smoke it, remembering that the effect which low prices on farm products has on the prosperity of the country is tho same as that of low prices on products of other labor whether in the mine, shop or factory.—National Reformer. A Woman Did It. Doubtless the whole country knows that Kansas has prohibition. A great many, however, do not know how, that state came to get it. They do not know that it was all the work of one little woman. There had been a great deal of agitation of that ques tion in Kansas, and the prohibition sentiment was fast increasing. The liquor men saw the stonn corning and decided that discretion was the better part of valor, and the wisest thing to do, was to get into a place of securi tv. With this end in veiw, and not thinking it possible that the Legisla ture would act on the suggestion, they proposed to liavo that body peti tioned to submit a prohibitory amend rnent to tho state constitution to pop ular vote. The temperance people took up the challenge, and the matter was submit ted to the Legislature. After a three and ys debate, at twelve o’clock one night the vote was taken. The gal leries and every available place were tilled with eager, anxious peopile, waiting for the decision. Mothers were there, who saw in state prohibi tion, the salvation of their boys. Wives were there who had grasped the hope thus held out to them for the salvation of all they loved. The moment arrived and the clerk began, amid the most breathless still ness to call the roll. A hundred pen cils kept the tally, and a thousand hearts beat responsive to the call. Both sides were represented in full force. When the roll was finished, a hush like death foil on both house and throng. The temperance people saw that the measure had been lost, by a majority of just one, and as they saw hope receding, their hearts were full of sorrow. But look! There is in that crowd of witnesses, at least one brave woman. Silently she leaves her place and walks up the aisle, t where a tall noble looking man sits, who had just voted, “ No” on the question. Tak ing his hand in both hers, she said, “Oh husband, for my sake, for our boy's sake, for Kansas’ sake and for humanity’s sake, change your vote.” The deep silence continued, unbroken only bv the pleading accents of the brave little woman, while angels paused in their flight to catch the answer. Only a moment did the husband and father hesitate, when rising to his feet he said with a voice that was heard to the farthest corner of the room: “Mr. Speaker, before the clerk announces the result I desire to change my vote from ‘No’ to Yes’” then the silence was broken ancl cheer after cheer went up for the brave woman and scarcely less brave who gave prohibition to Kansas. That is the way one little woman did it.—Demorest Times. The New York Situ which has nev er been accused of partiality toward tho labor movement, says as the re sult of its investigotions that there are 20,000 girls and women in that city whose wages are too small to support life and who have three courses open to them, viz : a career of vi.-e, charity or starvation. The same paper says there are 60,000 men in that city permanently unemployed. The squalor and misery there, as also in Boston, are frightful. The grand movement towards a higher civilization is as irresistable as an avalanche; you cannot stay it if you would. It will sweep everything before it. Its onward course is the mighty impulse of the humane heart. It is tho electricity in tha storm that will purify the political atmosphere. Don’t seek shelter under a rotton tree that bears no fruit. “Keep in the middle of the road.” You may get drenched in the deluge, but it is better than to be struck with light wing.—The Truth. The fusion of the democratic and the third party to destroy republican ism reminds one of the unholy com pact between Pilate and Herod at the time they became friends.—Light. And what did the fusion of the re publicans and democrats remind you of? That has already taken place— the fusion of the democracy aud the third party has not. What a funny man you are, Mr. Republican Light! —The Truth. Various Sorts. There are a number of people with whom it is almost entirely useless to argue. You may piut a proposition as plain as daylight before them but be yond giving it the negative assent of not denying, or refuting it they will not, alter a particle but go on in their own wrong-headed way just the sain.. There are those who will never listen to any view of a given political ques tion but their own. These people of course, ignorant that their party has over made a misstep or been on the wrong side on anything. Then again there are a number of others who know their party is not exactly what it should be, but hope it will re form and in this hope stick to it. They believe that it is a matter of honor to stick to party and a disgrace to leave it. There is a third class who “go for the stuff” and it’s not a question of party or principle at all with them, but a question of calcula tion as to which side they are likely to make most out of. And this class is very numerous and may be said to be very prominent in both parties. This class it is who furnish the “ma chine” politicians, the heelers, and all the hangers on that make politics stink to-day. It is of very little use SINGLE COPY THREE CENTS. talking to any of the above; they must be reckoned ns the dead-weight to be bntt'ed wiili and beaten. It is only the honest man there is much hope of, but at the same time it is pleasant to know that the honest man is in the majority. When he ceases to be then the country will go to the dogs, and that very rapidly.—Tho Truth. A Sccomllmml Dwtler's RxporifiiCfl. A strange adventure once happened in this way to me: My little son w.-uj sent fora walk to the park, not above a quarter of a mile from our place, iu company with his eldest brother, aged nine. Here they were met by an old woman, who gave the eldest boy a penny to go and fetcli some sweets, saying she would mind baby for him till lie came back. While he was away she stripped him of his clothes and left him crying in the road, where his elder brother found liiui, on his return, with nothing on but Ids little shirt. It, may seem strange, but it is true, that this same woman came and offered to sell me my own child’s clothes. —London Tit-Bits. Children nml Gift*. After all little children do it best. They are the superlative receivers, and it is because they are that we delight to give them things. They are frankly and delightfully appreciative. Obliga tions sit on them as lightly as air. They value their gifts simply by the pleasure they get out of them, and prefer a rag baby to the deed of a brick house. They take a jumping jack from Mary, the laundress, and a jeweled pin from Aunt Melinda Croesus without the least distinction of happy approval. The nearer we get to their guilelessnoss, the nearer we approach perfection in re ceiving.—Scribner’s. Dickon* jih a Grumlfathar. To some men who hare vecu, and hope to vivre encore, tiie unavoidable position of grandfather is fraught with horror. Even Charles Dickens, with all his straightforward common sense, could not bear it. As little reference as possible was made in ids family to the dreadful fact; the word grandfather was utterly tabooed, even by Ids eldl dren’s children, who were instructed to address him as “Weuerables,” a comic conceit which, however, failed to hide the soreness with which the patriarchal condition was borne.—London World. Eight out ten merenants in White Cos., or the state of Arkansas for that matter, could be closed out in twenty four hours if their creditors so desired, but they seem content to continue business on sufferance, and bitterly fight a mersure which would place them on independent footing. Their opposition to the sub-treasury plan is as strange as it is foolish. The same thing may be practically said of Texas and the same astonishment expressed as to the course tho merchants here are taking.—The Arkansss Econo mist. The partisan politicians are watch ing for every sign of weakness in the people’s movement and are ready to exaggerate the most remote sign of division, and if no such sign of division can he found they are equally ready to try to cheer up their em ployers and discourage the reformers by announcing that they have discov ered signs ot dissolution of the reform movement.—Western Economist. If we can only save the the people from destruction and our institutions from annihilation bv coining the pow er, wealth and credit of the nation in to currency, and lending it to the pro ducer to stop the power of the pluto cracy and save the homes of the toil ers from the usurer then I say the government has never done so good a work as that will be since God made the world.—lgnatius Donnelly. Any man who goes into the busi ness of radical, civil or social reform will get more kicks than compliments. If he goes into the business because he expects the compliments, he desrves the kicks.—Atlanta (Ga) Labar Advo cate. To road the Atlanta Journal and the Atlauta Constitution, one would suppose there aro only two men in the United States-, and the name of one is David I>. Hill and that of the other Grover Cleveland.—Demorest Times.