Newspaper Page Text
Banks County Gazette.
YOL. III.—NO. 4.
ALIEN ONNERSHIP OF LAND.
STARTLING FACTS THAT
SHOULD AROUSE ALL.
Land Equal to Nine States Given
to Railroads—Sixteen Aristo
crats Own the Homes of
Sixty-five Thousand
American People—Rail Roads
Owned liy Foreign Capital—
The Republic Following in
the Footsteps of Ruin.
Come, reader, let us have a quiet
little chat. We are all interested in
our country’s welfare. Each of us
desires that matters shall he so direct
ed that our homes shall he preserved
inviolate to us and our children for
ever. We read history and we learn
that many of the governments of
earth that have fallen, have gone
down through the concentration of
•wealth. The money power absorbed
the land and property. The many
became the slaves of the few. We
look to Ireland to-day and behold a
wreck. The British money power
owns the land of that once proud peo
plo and those who till it eke out a
miserable existanee under the feet of
lords and nobles of England. Cana
da, Egypt, India and Australia are
awful examples of the greed of the
money power. The ‘'royal” blood,
as it is called, forces tribute out of
these nations. Nor have these m< n
ey kings stopped there. They have
come to America. They own and
control most of our largo insurance
companies, our banks, our breweries,
our distilleries, our telegraph, tele
phones and railroads. They have
controlled our legislation.
Now, reader, put on your thinking
cap and think about this. These
statements are not disputed by any
one. Now we find that the land
given away by congress to the rail
roads is eneugh to make nine states
at large as Ohio. Who owns the rail
roads ? The money power, composed
principally of English lords and
dukes. Now, reader, let us entreat
you one* more to sit down quietly
and to candidly and frankly look this
question squarely in the face. It is
your interest to do so. Let us plead
with you in the name of God and
humanity to not pass this question by
unthinkingly. Nine states, or enough
land to make them, given to money
kings. Then such insurance compa
nies as the Phoenix of London hold
millions in mortgages on American
homes. Then aside from that the
English loan and trust companies are
placing mortgages everywhere on
American property. Then again
much land is owned privately by
English aristocrats. Let us cite yon
to a few of them and tell you how
much American soil they own:
ACRES
Duke of Northumberland 101,460
Duke of Devonshire 148,52*5
Duke of Cleveland 106,600
Sir W. W. Winn 91,652
1 Hike of Bedford 138,303
Earl of Carlisle 78,640
Duke of Rutland 70,030
Lady Willoughly 69,912
Earl of Derby 50,598
Earl of Brownlow 57,771*
Lord Londousboro 52,055
Duke of Portland 56,259
Marques of Aylesbury 55,051
Earl of Xorbrough 54,570
Earl of Cowder 51,539
Earl of Powls 40,004
Total 1,314,047
Here are sixteen aristocrats owning
enough laud to give sixty-five thou
sand American families a home of
over twenty acres each. Instead of
these sixty-five thousand American
families owning their homes they pay
tributo to the nabobs of the old world.
What for? We will let you answer.
These sixteen are only a few of those
who own land, and this one million
three hundred and fourteen thousand
acres is no part of the “nine states”
blocks. Here let us ask how the Eng
lish capitalists got hold of all this
American property? They furnished
us money and credit, principally cred
it. Our law makers sat like a pack
of stupid asses iD congress and instead
of giving the people money they eon
traded and destroyed the people's
money. The English have been in
vesting money and absorbing proper
ty ever since, and notwithstanding
this fact we have less money to day
than we had twenty-five years ago.
These are awful facts!
What are w*e going to do about it?
Shall the soil of this nation go into
the hands of foreign plutocrats ?
There is where it is going.
Did God Almighty ever intend that
American sovereigns should pay tri
bute to English lords ?
Whether he did or not that is what
we are doing.
How can the foreign aristocrats be
prevented from absorbing any more
of our property ?
by laws.
How will you get the laws ?
By electing men to make them.
What party proposes to nominate
such men ? Tbe republican?
No.
The democratic ?
No.
What then?
The people’s party, composed of
the toilers of the American republic.
They are the oidy ones that dare at
tack this great evil. They united at
St. Louis and put the following plank
in their platform:
ft. Th© laud, including all the natural resources
of wealth, is the heritage of all the ]Hsoplo and
should not be monopolized for speculative pur
poses, and alien ownership of land should be
prohibited. All lands now held by railroads and
other corporations, in excess of their actual
needs and all land now owned by aliens should
be reclaimed by the government and held for
actual settlers only.
Now, reader, think this thing over
seriously between now and next No
vember and when election day comes
go into the voting booth and cast
your ballot for freedom of America,
or else for a foreign landed j lutocra
ey, just as you choose.—Kokomo,
(Ind.) Union.
Look at This, Will You.
On March, 14, IS7B, the house of
representatives did a good thing for
the whisky ring.
By previous law, the owners of
distilled spirits already had the privi
lege of building warehouses, storing
their product, getting a certificate of
its deposit from government officers
and of obtaining a credit of one year
in the payment of the tax of ninty
cents per gallon.
This was good, but the whisky ring
wanted “something bettor.”
They got it. The rings have a
habit of getting it. They are built
that way.
They came to congress and demand
ed that the tax be loaned to them for
three years instead of one. They
proposed to pay five per cent interest
on the loan. This loan amounted to
many hundreds of thousands of dol
lars of public taxes. The govern
ment was to have a bond from the
whisky men as security—besides hav
ing tbe stuff itself in the warehouse.
No interest was to be paid for the
first year. They wanted that much
“free gratis for nothing.”
They got all they asked. The
house passed the bill by a vote of 118
yeas to 116 nays.
One hundred and three voted in
the affirmative.
Only eighteen democrats voted in
the negative.
Among those who thus loaned the
people’s money for three years at five
per cent interest, to the whisky ring,
I find Mr. Culberson, of Texas, who
found it so impossible to grant to
cotton, corn, and wheat the warehouse
privileges lie had found it sj easy to
grant to whisky.
In the same list I find Hooker of
Mississippi.
Also Robbins of North Carolina.
Also Mr. Springer, present leader
of the democratic house.
Also Mr. Blount, of Georgia.
In the senate the bill passed with
out a division.
Under that law the great whisky
ring still borrows every year many
thousands of dollars of public tax
money. They only have to pay five
per cent on the loan.
The people to whom that money
belongs asked these very congress-
IIOMER, BANKS COUNTY, GEORGIA: MAY 31, 1802.
men to lend them some of their money
on land and cotton and corn and
wheat!
Did they' get it ?
Not much. The constitution does
not allow any loans on land and cot
ton and coru and wheat.
But it does allow loans on rot-gut
whisky !
At least that’s what our congress
men say.—T. E. W. in People’s Party
Paper.
The republican party used to claim
to be the father of the greenback.
They swore by it and bragged about
it; but when the bullion-brokers said
“It hath a devil,” the g. o. p. cried
with one voice, “Cuss it!”—Agitator.
HOW IS THIS?
The liuel Letter and the Hazzard
Circular Outdone.
Those of our republicau friends
who have seen cause lately to doubt
the authenticity of the Buel letter
and Hazzard circular are requested to
road carefully the following dispatch,
dated Wall Street, New York, March
21, 1892, and published in the Chi
cago Daily Press:
“We must proceed with caution
and guard well every move made, fo r
the lower orders of the people are
already showing signs of restless com
motion. Prudence will therefore
dictate a policy of apparent yielding
to the popular will—until all of our
plaus are so far consuaiuteil that w*.
can declare our designs without any’
fear of any' organized resistance. The
Farmers Alliance and Knights of La
bor organizations in the United
States should be carefully watched by
our trusted men, and we must talc"
immediate) steps to either control
these organizations in our interests,
or to disrupt them. At the coming
Omaha convention, to be held July
4th, our men must attend abd dir-rn
its movements, else there will bo set
on foot such antagonism to our de
signs as may require force to over
come. This, at the present time,
would ho premature; we are not yet
ready for such a crisis. Capital must
protect itself in every possible manner
through combination and legislation.
The courts must be called to our aid,
debts must be collected, bonds and
mortgages foreclosed as rapidly as
possible. When, through process of
law, the common people liavo lost
their homos, they will be more tracta
ble and easily governed—through the
influence of the government —applied
by a central power of imperial wealth
umler the control of leading finan
ciers. A people without homes will
not quarrel with their rulers. History
repeals itself in regular circles; this
truth is well known among our prin
cipal men now engaged in forming
an imperialism of capital to govern
the world. While they are doing
tills, the people must be kept in a
condition of political antagonism.
The question of tarriff reform must
be urged through the organization
known as the democratic party. And
the question of protection with reci
procity, must be forced to public view
through the republican partv. By
thus dividing the voters we can get
them to expend their energies in
fighting each other over questions of
no imparlance to us, except as tethers
to lead the common herd. Thus, by
discreet action, we can secure all that
has been so generously planned, and
thus far successfully accomplished.”
—Hutchinson, (Kan.) Gazette.
The People Are In It.
The most encouraging reports
come to us from all portions of the
regarding the People’s Party
movement. Instead of dying as the
old party papers report, it is growing
more rapdily than ever we had dared
to hope, and a few weeks more will
demonstrate the fact that the indus
trial people are everywhere intent to
abide by the action of the St. Louis
eon r ercnce, and are going almost
solidly into the People’s Party. One
whole congressional district in Missis
sippi moved over last week bodily and
without a dissenting voice. Tennes
see is preparing to move. In Alabama
they are establishing a state paper at
Birminghan, and President Adams of
the Farmers Alliance has declared
‘that he is far the People’s Party
straightout, and it is just so every
. where. The loaders, so-called, have
about abandoned all effect to hold
the people back and are now trying
to catch up with the procession, which
is miles in advance of them. We
venture the assertion with perfect
confidence that the first day of Au
gust will see the entire south and
west united, consolidated and immov
able and the two old parties disorgan
ized and on the run. Victory will be
with tbe people in October and No
vember, and relief front their finan
cial difficulties will speedily follow.—
People’s Party Paper.
The great dalies of our large cities
are full of glowing descriptions of
inagnificient banquets but the army
of paupers who starve to death every
year is not mentioned. Those papers
are taken by many farmers in prefer
ence to the papers that champion the
causes of the laborer, struggling
against great odds, just because they
are published and sent out cheaper,
because they are backed by corporate
power on purpose to catch the far
mer. Reform papers have no nation
al bank at their backs.—Kiowa (Kan.)
Review.
Farewell, O, Wonderful!
Jones tlie great, Jones the wise,
Jones the immaculate has come and
gone!
lie has done his great missionary
work among the people, and departed,
Oh ! Jones, how could you?
Didn’t you know, Jones, that what
this poor ignorant lot of clod-hoppers
out here sighed for—what they longed
for —what they mourned for—yea,
verily, what they were dying for was
to "have a great “lawyer” come from
the more enlightened east, and tell
them what they needed to muke thorn
perfectly happy?
But, now that you have gone, Jones,
we can but wonder how you, even
with your immense knowledge of our
exact needs, should have known so
well what this people wanted more
than anything else, to be enlightened
upon.
How could you have guessed that
we wanted to know all about the
“tariff?” We have had tariff,
morning, noon and night for the last
twenty-five years. We have had high
tariff and low tariff, tariff for revenue
and tariff reform and' no tariff at all,
and after having this banged at us
and whanged at us for a quarter of a
century, how could you 0! astute and
wonderful attorney Jones, have guess
ed that what we had got of it had
just whetted our appetites for more?
As republicans, we have stood by
it; as democrats, we have sworn by
it; as old party tools of the goldites
of England and America, we have
made it the daily and nightly subject
of our invocations—some of us—and
now, after a generation has passed
away, w find the homes of the
American laborers going into the
hands of the men who have fattened
off our stupidity on this very tariff
question, and yet O ! wise, wise Jones,
you could see so dearly that all we
needed in our business was some more
light on the “tariff.”
We have Reen the American opera
tive, under this system that they told
us would put an end to all his troub
les, starred and turned, homeless into
the street to become a tramp and an
outcast, and yet, it was so kind in
you to come here and give us another
dose of “tariff.”
\\ r e have seen the manufacturer,
aided by this tariff scheme, pile up
his millions, and loan it out, at big
interest to the farmer, and so rob him
of his home, and send him as an ac
cretion to the mass of idle labor in
the cities. Yet you have seen fit to
come here and tell us that we want
more of the same kind of medicine.
Truly, we should remember you in
our prayers.
But good by, Jones. We do not
! know as we shall ever meet again,
and if we do not, if we should never
have the ecstatic pleasure of looking
upon your benevolent countenance
again; if fate should be so unkind as
to deny us the benefit of your wise
councils in future; if the demand for
your missionary services should be
so great as to deprive this people of
the enlightenment which you can so
ably give—on a subject we do not
care to hear about—we will try to
worry along in some way, and keep
studying these questions for ourselves,
and see if we cannot adjust these
matters according to the living issues
laid down in the second declaration
of independence promulgated at St.
Louis on the 22d of last February.
Au revoir.—L. E. Knowles, in Ness
City, (Kan.) Sentinel.
At the great quadenial meeting of
the M. E. church, now in session at
Omaha, on last Friday, Rev. Thomas
Heiiluu introduced a resolution de
mand ng that the church come out
squarely on the great i sue of the
day between capital and labor.
Among other things lie said, “The
laboring classes are drifting away
from the church. Our church is
made ii]) to a large extent of women.
The men are drifting away from it.
We must take a stand on this great
question affecting capital and labor.
The church has been too much inclin
ed to lean toward the interests of the
capitalists.—Gazette, Hutchinson,
Kan.
Here you have it at last. We
know it was coming. The two old
parties in Ogdenburg, N. Y., have
moved in the same house to save rent
and keep the Prohibition Party out
of office, and the combination has
been gloriously licked. The present
mayor, John Hanaan, was the can
didate of a union ticket of republi
cans and democrats, and the straight
Prohibition Party ticket contained
the name of C. W. McClaire. The
latter was elected last week by a
majority of 49.—The Voice.
Governor Brown’s Treacle.
The Atlanta Constitution of last
Sunday reproduced a letter in badly
battered nonpareil written by Gover
nor Brown to two lawyer politicians
of Columbus, Ga., ex-Judge Mark H.
Blandford and Hon. Beverly A.
Thornton. These Coluinbas gentle
men who have been political wire
pullers and office-holders pretty much
all of their lives and who appear just
now to lie in great travail bocause
they can’t hand down tlie emoluments
they have enjoyed to the younger
Blanfords and Thorntons wish to
know if the ex-cbeif justice, ex-gov
ernor and ex-senator can’t blaze out a
way by which the farmers of the land
can be brought back within the dem
ocratic party fold. They claim that
they are neither for Caesar or Pom
pey but that they are simply for
Mark and Bev. and that they must
reconcile at any juice.
This is very rich, and altogether
Mark and Bev.’s letter and the gover
nor’s rejily adds another rather face
tious but tardy chapter to your Uncle
Joseph’s long and somewhat eventful
association with Columbus people.
It is probably preserved in the ree
olections of Mark und Bev. as well as
in the memory of your Uncle Joseph
that for many years the name of
Joseph E. Brown spoken within the
corporation precincts of the Chatta
hooche emporium was a sound of op
probium—something to be sneered at
and hissed. Indeed, at one period,
there was serious talk (in which
Mark and Bev. no doubt took a hand)
of treating your Uncle Joseph to a
rope dance for daring to attempt to
come among the people of Columbus
as a government attorney to prose
cute citizens for ridding themselves
of a person who was threatening
their peace and good order.
Time brings its pananc.eas as well
as its revenges. Twenty-live years
ago ex-Govener Brown was a num
ber of the republican party and with
no sort of fear of the spook ol negro
supremacy accepted a special mission
from a radical attorney-general at
Washington to go down to Mark and
SINGLE COPY THREE CENTS.
Bev.’s town and prosecute them and
their follow citizens for entertaining
the same views he offers as arguments
to-day why the democratic party
should he continued in power and
why the farmers of the land should
continue to keep it in power. What
a grotesque fellow your Uncle Joseph
is, to be sure.
However, as to the ex-governor’*
letter itself. Wo liavo read it care
fully, word for word, lino for line,
and sentence by sentence and we fail
to see that he has given Mark and
Bev. very much basis to build upon.
It makes good padding for the news
papers, but when that is said all is
said.
The ex-governor starts out to speak
of his feeble health, and says in the
next paragraph that the democracy
has existed under one name and an
other since the organization of the
government. He r ithor thinks that
this country is hardly large enough
for more than two political parties,
and fo'lowing this is a homily
on the bitterness of spirit that
characterizes a family row. He
does not think the republicans will
attempt to absorb the people's par
ty for a year or two, and although he
was a republican for some years, a
reconstructionist, Bullock’s chief
justice, Grants friend and supporter
at a republican convention and for
twelve years a democratic senator,
he thinks a solid south—a continuous
cohabitation with the monopolist of
the east is tho Lest road for such
patriots as Mark and Rev. to follow
to the end that tho laboring people
of this country may be prosperous
and happy.
In the stomach of his letter the
governor works off the hoary old gag
that he came from an humble ances
try and plowed the rocky slopes of
the Cht-rokees with a stump tail Lull
when he was a boy. He had no cen
sure for the fanner of course. They
gave him their suffrages for nearly
thirty years, and put him into position
after position until he is now a mil
lionaire. Why should lie censure
them.
In his peroration the ex-governor
cleverly avails himself of an old hor
ror, and rather historically calls on
tho farmers to stand together with
democracy that the sanctity of our
homes may be preserved from imagi
nary outrages when the trouble in
these humble homes is not the foar of
mortal man hut the fear of the gaunt
wolf of poverty, the spectacle of wan
women and pale children insufficient
ly fed, poorly clothed, without educa
tion, chained to the hoe and plow,
hopeless of any results to spring
from their hard labor and with
the future full of dull shadows and
despair. No, no, Governor Brown.
Secure as you are in your castle in
Atlanta, surrriunded by all the luxu
ries that untold wealth can purchase,
you are hardly the man whoso advice
the farmers of Georgia will heed just
now. The time has past when your
magnetism can reach their hearts and
touch a responsive chord. The time
is past when the utterances of a rnill
ionair to a brace of political wire
pullers charged as it is with imagina
ry goblins can effect the situation one
whit. What the farmers and tho
laboring masses of all the land are
seeking now is bread, not advice.—
People’s Party Paper.
The Kud of Human IJfe.
An interesting calculation is made
by a French geologist to the effect
that, taking into consideration the
wear and tear on the solid land by
ocean washing, rivers, wind and
weather, and leaving out of the cal
culation volcanic action, the world
will in 4,500,000 years bo completely
under water and no dry land exist
at all.—New York Journal.
Business in this country must be
getting awful good, as Dun & Cos.
always begin their weekly prevarica
tion by saying “trade is more hope
ful.” In the view of the many fail
ures each week, wouldn’t it be a little
nearer the truth, when there is a
spasmodic recovery, to say it was a
less hopeless.—Sentinel, Ness City,
Kan.