Newspaper Page Text
Banks County Gazette.
VOL. III.—NO. 20.
THE GLORY OF BOSTON.
Grace, iiterature and culture guard her gates,
Live in her homes and blossom from her heart.
She is a shrine and sanctuary of art—
The learned Academos of the states;
Here wit and wisdom, speech and tuneful song
Flash in the sun like burnished blades of steel;
Great minds, equipped to rule a commonweal.
Are ranked today amid her lettered throng.
Sunned by her smiles, man’s finer instincts
grow.
And thoughts will soar, as oft of yore they
soared.
Starting in radiant glory from her lore
With the bright light of intellect aglow;
The pen is here far mightier than the sword.
And soul is lord and monarch evermorel
Since Winthrop’s days the city has grown
strong
In fervent faith that smote the rule of kings;
From her fair breast flashed freedom's crystal
springs.
And hands were raised to crush the hated
wrong
What time the people’s hearts could proudly
thrill
To patriot speech in Faneuil’s holy hall.
The cradle home of liberty for all.
And men faced death, fighting on Bunkor
Hill!
The Union here took birth within this land.
Baptized in martyr’s blood, by sacrifice
Made pure and bold, impregnable and brave!
All honor to the dust of that small band
Who k new' the cost, and paid their freedom’s
price—
Building a state on despotism’s grave!
Still through her quaint and winding streets 1
hear
Channing and Taylor classic sermons preach.
And Emerson and Thoreau, who did teach
The law of life, the % : \ of a tear.
Longfellow’s sough, and Lowell’s fine spuu
lays.
Holmes’ keen wit, and O’Keilly’6 poet lore.
King through the learned city evermore.
Resplendent to the ending of all daysl
Home of the scholar and the artist mind.
Shrine of the poet’s fancy, rich with light
That shines from souls the purest and the
best.
Thou art indeed a queen of queens refined.
And yet a giant in thy lettered might—
The starting point of glory in the w estl
—Eugene Davis in Boston Transcript.
Music as n Study.
The study of music is equal to the
study of literature and languages as
a means of intellectual growth, stipe
rior to the study of mathematics
and in no way inferior to the study
of the natural sciences. It is more
available and adaptable than the
study of psychology, because, while
calling forth the intellectual powers,
it engages the emotions and assures
that condition necessary to the best
development of thought, viz., genu
ino enjoyment of the means em
ployed.
It strengthens tlie memory, calls
reason into lively play, favors habits
of exact thought, inspires the irnagi
nation, enhances tho perceptive fae
ulty, facilitates physical expression,
arouses the emotional nature, culti
vates the aesthetic principle and gives
breadth of mental comprehension. In
all these tilings music stands in the
front rank of the sciences, if indeed
it does not lead them all. Can any
science do more as a factor in in tel
lectual growth to develop the many
sided nature of the man intellectual?
—R. P. Rider in Music.
The Art of Making Hay.
How and when men first learned
to make hay will probably never bo
known. For haymaking is a ‘ 'proc
ess,” and the product is not simply
sun dried grass, but grass which has
been partly fermented, and is as
much the work of men’s hands as
flour or cider. Probably its dis
covery was due to accident, but pos
sibly man learned it from the pikas,
the “calling hares” of the steppes,
which cut and stack hay for the
winter. That idea would fit in nicely
with the theory that central Asia
was the “home of the Aryan race,”
if we were still allowed to believe it,
and haymaking is certainly an art
mainly practiced in cold countries
for winter forage.—London Specta
tor.
Wren Was Small.
Sir Christopher Wren resembled
the smallest of British birds not in
“ name only. . Staying with Charles II
at that monarch’s Newmarket hunt
ing lodge, Sir Christopher heard him
complain that the rooms lacked
height. “Pardon me, sire," be broke
in; “to me they seem high enough."
“Aye, and to me, too, now,” replied
the merry monarch, crouching till
his buttocks nearly touched the floor,
for this king, who “never said a
foolish thing and ndver did a wise
one,” would have made two Sir
Christopher Wrens. Gentleman’s
Magazine.
On Good Terms.
In a certain parish in one of the
southern counties of Ireland the con
gregation at the Episcopal church
numbered only six. One day the
bishop of the diocese announced his
intention of visiting the parish. Of
course the parson was in serious con
cern lest his lordship should discover
the smallness of his flock. Meeting
the parish priest he told his trouble.
“Let that not grieve your soul.” re
plied Father . “Begorra, as soon
as mass is over TO send the' boys
along to the church.” —Pall Mall Ga
zette.
George T. Anthony is also standing
up for Kansas. He is conducting a
canvass in the interest of his candi
dacy for congressman-at-large while
drawl m the salary of a railroad com-
missioner, when the law distinctly
declares that he shall devote his time
exclusively to the duties of his office.
—Advocate.
Fit for Pie.
Farmers, did you ever make a study
of tlie pumpkin ? Did you ever think
of the possibilities for future great
ness to the man who, by thorough
study of the attributes of this great
est of pie plants and to its propagation
and securing the greatest results as to
yield and quality, would take his
place proudly among the greatest in
the land as the benefactor of his race,
to whom wo would make obeisance as
the great pumpkin king of Alabama ?
Take the seed and examine it. It is
not large, but just allow your mind to
take in the vastness of the posssibili
ties contained in that small flat and
oblong seed. Trace it from its bed in
the rich loamy soil as it germinates,
sending up its slender tendril, capped
with two lilliputian broad leaves to
the sunlight. View it as it makes its
way in a sinuous course over the
ground, shooting up broad umbrellas
to shade tlie infant pumpkin from the
sun’s fierce rays Watch that infant
grow into youth. See its narrow ze
bra stripes of green broaden into full
maturity, and then see it turu into
tlie rich golden hue of the full ripe
fruit ready to be stored away for
future use. Did you ever think about
the similarity there was between the
farmer and the pumpkin 1 Theii
course through life is subject to the
will of their masters. They are both
cultivated solely and alone at present
for their “pie” producing qualities.
They are both gathered in at the
proper time and laved away to season*
and when wanted for the pot, they
are ready and waiting lint why
continue further. Ask yourself the
question: “Am I like a pumpkin, fit
only for pie?—and then answer it
Selina Mirror.
The people’s party hope to secure
a majority of the electoral votes, and
elect their candidates. Failing in
this they will certainly secure enough
electoral votes to throw the election
into the house of representatives.
This being a certainty the issue is not
between tho republicans and demo-
crats as to the choice of a president
and vice-president, hut between the
democrats and the populists. This
point every voter should fix clearly in
his mind. It requires 223 elec to rial
votes to elect a president in Novem
ber. If neither candidate secures
this number there can l>e no election
by the people. The election of presi
dent will then devolve upon the
house of representatives, which is
democratic by 147 majority, and theft
can be no doubt of the issue in that
case. Therefore, let republicans weigh
the matter well and prepare to choose
between Cleveland and Weaver, in
November—go’d bug democracy and
the people's party. —People’s Nights.
Who said two years ago that the
western farmer could turn his corn
into whisky, store it in government
gjyare without .tax .fqrjfypgg
years. And that it was just as legal
to loan the southern fanners millions
upon his cotton as to do this. Or to
loan millions to national expositions,
open up rivers and build court houses.
That it was not class legislation or
unconstitutional. And if the old
parties did not do it there would be a
party organized that would. Guess
what rock bottom steel ribbed demo
crat said this. Livingston !—Jones
boro News.
The Fort Worth Gazette, a demo
cratic organ, is forced to admit that
the alliance farmers are all going into
the people’s party, and that the new
movement is pushed “with an energy
and system hitherto'unknown to our
polities.” It continues: “It is mad
ness to deny this menace, or to treat
it as another greenback craze, to van
ish as rapidly as it came. It is a move
ment with large energies to push it,
and with undisclosed resources back
of it. It is using with no little effect
the treacherous course of congress on
the financial issue, and the seeming
IIOMER, BANKS COUNTY, GEORGIA: SEPTEMBER 20, 1892.
endorsement by the legislature of
Mr. Mills’ views on the subject. Lead
ing southern senators, including Mr.
Coke have openly expressed tne opin
ion that the democratic party is likely
to lose electoral votes in the south
because of the fate of the Bland bill.
It is just as well to face the danger in
Texas and to prepare to avert it.”
From other sources, says the New
Nation, we gather that tlie new move
ment amounts almost to a landslide,
and unless the old leaders invent
some new device to elude it, 1 exas
will send people’s party men to tlie
electoral college.—Alabama Reformer.
Keep it before the people that
though the majority in the first ses
sion of the fifty-scsond congress bolted
the decree of King Caucus when ever
they chose—notably in the speaker
ship contest and in the Bland bill—
they suddenly discovered it “binding
and obligatory” in tho world’s fair
matter, and adopted a cloture rule
compelling a vote on a special day at
a set hour, with “previous questions”
ordered and dilatory motions suspend
ed, and passed the bill.—Economist.
WHAT DOES IT MEAN?
Ah Exodus of Negroes from Tm>psseo to
Kansas —Kooks Like Colonization.
Fifteen hundred negroes en route
from Memphis to Wichita is the con
dition of facts at the present time.
The significance of this fact is quite
important and very suggestive, coining
as it does right upon the heels of the
statement that the state was being col
onized for political purposes by the Re
publican party managers of this state.
A representative of The Commoner
made a partial investigation of this mat
ter yesterday, and from one of *tlie
prominent negroes of this city learned
that negroes were being rapidly shipped
to this state from Tennessee and scat
tered promiscuously throughout the
state. lie refused to state their real
object in coming here, but partly let
the cat out of tho bag when ho admitted
that every one of them would vote
tho Republican ticket. lie said, how
over, that besiutS the 1,500 destined to:
Wichita countless numbers were be
ing shipped to other parts of the state,
and that already eighty-seven families
had arrived at Soldier City, a small
town in the northwestern part of Jack
son county. The negroes coming to
Wichita, of which twenty or thirty
families have already arrived, are from
Memphis, hailing from that portion
j of tho city known as “tho bend,” a
portion of the city exclusively inhabited
by negroes, the vast majority of whom
have always been in exceedingly
straitened circumstances financially,
which naturally gives rise to the con
jecture as to how or where they raised
the means necessary to transport them
selves and effects from Memphis to this
city. One negro offered as an excuse for
this exodus that they were fleeing from
mob rule, which may be true: but when
the reader, particularly he who is fa
miliar with tho customs of the south,
takes into consideration that this is one
of the dullest times of the year in tho
south, and that tlie prosperous days for
tho negroes are right during the cotton
season, and that the negroes who depend
upon the cotton industry for a livelihood
have been idle for months past, he is at
a loss to conjecture by what means suf
ficient funds were raised to enable
1,500 negroes living in one neighbor
hood to arise as one body and migrate
to Kansas.—Kansas Commoner.
They Saved the Counter.
Weaver, the presidential candidate, is
being denounced for “green back ism.”
As there was not loyalty, enough on
Wall si re'-' t / •-•;: b ~ r,,jjagggßt a
small loan at the brypiOng: of ahe
war, greenbacks became a necessity.
Those who gave np their lives and ser
vices in behalf of our country took them
at their face value, and as they virtually
saved the country we are still finfe in
the belief that greenbacks lire an im
provement upon the present national
banking system of holding up the poi>u
lace.—Durango (Colo.) Daily Mtildoon.
The New York World and St.
Louis Post Dispatch have a scheme
for saving the poor heathen of the
northwest from “plutocratic republi
canism.” It would be interesting to
know where and how, “the opposition
to monopoly,” and, “dominance of
the money power,” by the democracy
lias been manifested. Was it in de
feating the free coinage of silver by
the house? The World has for a
long time been lie-ing in wickedness.
It sold the democratic party to mo
nopoly in 1868. And now, if it has
repented, let it prove its sincerity in
fighting monopoly by attacking the
United State banking system, privaO
ownership of railroads and land
monopoly. But this is to be a cam
paign of education. Too late, Mr.
Pulitzer, the people have been attend
ing evening schools and have learned
all about the exception clause to the
legal tender of the greenbacks, by
which a premium was put on gold;
also tho credit strengthening act, the
demonetization of silver, etc., and
how by such means there has been
created thousands of millionaires and
millions of tramps. There is no more
infoi ination needed, unless the demo
crats can tell us what they have done
or propose to do to prevent or correct
these wrongs.—People’s Rights.
Tom Watson’s two brothers J. T.
W atson and W. A. Watson, having
been paraded by the press as politi
cally opposed to him, are out in
refreshingly earnest cards to the
public denying it. W. A. closes his
little vindication by saying: “I wish
to say I am fully in accord with my
brother Tom. I know that no man
has the interest of the people at heart
more than he has. He has been
shamefully misrepresented through
the public press.”—Economist.
That “Clean Campaign.”
With a mighty flourish of trumpets
the old party organs announced, when
both old parties had formulated their
platforms and nominated their candi
dates, that this was to ho an excep
tionally “clean campaign.” This,
under ordinary circumstances, would
be supposed to mean a campaign dur
ing which the reason of men, and
not their prejudices or passions would
be appealed to. There are several
reasons why people’s party leaders
should be excused for having received
this announcement with a faintly* de
risive smile.
They remembered that the old
party candidates had already figured
as the chief objects of vitupertinn in
pi "'eding campaigns, and the thought
tin.:, the old parly ingaiis recognized
their utter inability to invent any
new terms of scorn and abuse with
which to reproach each other and
their respective candidates, had sonio
tliing to do with their virtuous conclu
sion to fight a clean campaign could not
help forcing its If upon them. Again
they recognize the fact that Cleveland
and Harrison are, to all intents and
purposes, representatives of hut one
party—the party of plutocrary—and
hence, that for their organs and their
henchmen to abuse each other would
bev fully as disgraceful in political life
as the abuse of each other by brothers
and sisters is in social life. Ami
again, they believed that the “clean
campaign” announcement was not
intended to apply to them or their
party. Late events make it plain
that in this belief they were not mis
taken.
The flood tide of seurrillily and
billingsgate is just now started in the
direction of the people’s party, and
if it is possible for the fully developed
stencil breeding powers of plutocracy
to smother this young but rapidly
growing champion, of the people with
living charges ajsd'base insinuations
-.gSltlst loaders, it will be done,
i- h r ,A ~//against tho candidates of the
.party that the. mud batteries of
F the mopey power is leveled, but it is
agaiitsfjivery man who is at all promi
nent as an agitator in any of the or
ganizations, the consolidation of which
formed the nucleus of the people’s
party. President Loucks, of the Na
tional Farmers Alliance, and War dull,
of tbe executive committee, are ac
cused of having robbed the Dakato
farmers of hundreds of dolhns
through the medium of fraudulent
insurance associations, elevator
schemes, etc. Master Workman
Puwderlv, of the knights ot labor, is
condemned as a socialist, whose only
, attachment to the position he holds is
the salary which accompanies it.
While Weaver and Field are gently
touched up with such “clean cam
paign” phrases as “political prosti
tutes,” “partisan renegades,” “immor
al political bummers” whoso “uncon
trollable itch for office is a standing
joke,” etc. Tbe Omaha platform is
spoken of as “the vaporing of social
ists,’" which might, with propriety,
have “emanated from a lunatic asy
lum,” but which can never, by any
means, gain the consent of “intelli
gent, thoughtful people.” All this
goes to show that the “clean cam
paign” of brothers Harrison and
Clovelahd was intended for their own
special use. To be sure, abuse and
assertion are not argument; but then,
what else can be expected from men
and organs who are opposing a party
whose principles are absolutely in
controvertible?—Economist.
Tlie Impending Revolution.
There is now pending the greatest po
litical revolution ever known to the peo
ple of this continent. In the struggle
for supremacy between tho contending
forces princijiles are involved—on the
success or failure of which depends the
future weal or woe of the great common
people of our country. It is a crisis in
the history of one of the greatest nations
of the world. Other nations have gone
down to destruction under conditions
the very counterpart of ours today. That
is, tiro rapid aggregation of great wealth
upon one side and extreme poverty in
creasing upon the other. Such condi
tions cannot long exist without that nat
ural resistance to oppression which al
ways comes from a civilized, enlightened
peoplo imbued with a spirit of freedom
and justice. This resistance forces an
issue between tho monopolistic forces on
ono side ami tho honest masses on the
other. As tho battle rages the contest
becomes hotter, which eventually results
in internal strife, weakens the nation,
and destruction follows. Such has usu
ally been the experience of nations pre
ceding ours. History teaches that there
is but one remedy for the impending
evil, and that is to educate and arouse
tho conservative masses of all avocations
to a realization of tlie dangers that sur
round them. —Hon. J. 11. McDowell.
Horn with a Call.
Minister-And so you think you
are to be a minister when you grow
up, my little man?
Little Man—Yessir. Mother says
I’m just cut out for a minister.
Minister—Because you so lovo to
do good?
Little Man—N-o; because I’m al
ways gettin sore throat and boin or
dored away for my health.—Good
News.
The campaign of the People’s party
has opened in earnest in old Virginia,
and General Field, tlie Boverlys and
other champions are making things red
hot for the olfi party bosses.
Eight Republican papers in Idaho,
ono a daily, have come out for Weaver
t nd Field.
James IJ. Weaver.
General James Baird Weaver, peo
ple’s party candidate for president,
was born at Dayton, Ohio, June 12,
18 83. His early life was spent on
his father’s farm. After a varied
career as a young man he entered a
law office, but suspended his study
and made tlie journey across the con
tinent in an ox cart to the Pacific
coast. Upon his return in 1854, he
entered the Cincinnati law school and
upon graduating began tlie practice
of his profession. At the outbreak
of the civil war, ho enlisted in the 2d
lowa Infantry. He rose to becolonel
in 1862 and was brevetted brigadier
general for gallant conduct in 1865.
At tlie close of tlie war he returned
to tlie practice of the law, was elected
district attorney of the 2nd lowa dis
rict and was subsequently made
assessor of internal revenue, serving
in that capacity for six years. Gen
eral Weaver voted for Fremont, and
when peace was declared, continued
to support the republican banner.
The demonetization of silver in 1873
caused him to revolt against the posi
tion of his party on finance. He en
tered congress in 1879, having been
elected as a greenback candidate from
a strong republican district. His can
vass had Teen a very dramatic and
exciting one, and he had the satisfac
tion of sweeping away a 4,000 repub
lican majority. In 1880, General
Weaver wa- nominated for the presi
dency by the national greenback-labor
party and polled 307,740 votes. He
was returned to congress in 1885,
having been defeated in 1882, and
was re-elected in 1886. It is to be
noted in General Weaver’s career that
while he made his name as an able
debater on the currency, he has al
ways been quick to perceive the
growth of other monopolies in this
country beside that of Walk street.
His nomination for the presidency by
the Omaha convention forms tin
latest chapter in a notable public
career.
SINGLE GOBY THREE CENTS.
PEOPLES PARTY PLATFORM
ADOPTED AT THE OMAHA
CONVENTION.
Second Declaration of Indepen
dence Formulated by the
People July 4th, 1802.
FINANCE.
First—We demand a national cur
rency. safe, sound and flexible, issued
by the general government only, a
full legal tender for all debts, public
and private, and that without the use
of banking corporations, a just, equit
able, and efficient means of distribu
tion direct to the people nt a lax not
to exceed 2 per cent per annum, to
be provided as set forth in the- sub
treasurv plan of the Farmers Alliance,
or a better system; also by payments
in discharge of its obligations for
public improvements.
We demand free and unlimited
coinage of silver and gold at the
present legal ratio of 16 to 1.
We demand that the amount of
circulating medium be speedily iu
cieased to not less than SSO per capita.
W’e demand a graduated income
tax.
We believe that the money of the
country should be kept as much as
possible in the hands of tbe people,
and hence tvo demand all state and
r ational revenue shall be limited to
the necessary expenses of the govern
ment economically and honestly ad
ministered.
We demand that postal savings
banks be established by the govern
ment for the safe deposit of the earn
ings of the people, and to facilitate
exchange.
TRANSPORTATION.
Second.—Transportation being a
means of exchange and a public
necessity, the government should own
and operate the railroads in the inter
est of the people.
The telegraph and telephone, like
the postoffice system, being a necessi
ty for the transmission of news,
should be owned and operated by tbe
government in the interest of the
people.
LAND.
Third.—The land, including all the
natural sources of wealth, is the heri
age of the people, and should not. bo
monopolised for speculative purposes,
and alien ownership of land should bo
prohibited.
All land now held by railroads and
other corporations, in excess of their
actual needs, and all lands now owned
by aliens, should be reclaimed by the
government and held for actual set
tlers only.
James G. Fields.
General James G. Field, the peu
ple’s party candidate for vice presi
dent, was born in Culpeper county,
Virginia, February 24, 1826, and was
educated as a lawyer. In 1859 ho
was appointed the commonwealth’s
attorney for Culpoyer county, and in
1877 was appointed to iill toe unex.
pired term as state attorney general.
He entered the confederate army as
a private soldier in 1861. lie rose to
be major, was made a member of
A. P. Hill’s staff, and served in the
field uniil the close of the war. He
lost a leg at Cedar Creek. General
Field owns and operates a Virginian
plantation and also has a largo legal
pram ice. Ho has for the past seven
years been advocating ,he starting of
anew party in order to solve ques
tions which neither of the old parties
are able to take up.
When a farmer gives a mortgage
on his farm for borrowed money he
gets no interest oil his security, neith
er is it exempt from taxation. When
a national broker deposits bonds for
security for money borrowed from
the government, ho draws interest on
his security and it is also exempt
from taxation. This is not a special
privilege; oh, no. —Cincinnati Herald.
A bushel of corn makes four gal
lons of whiskey, which retails at sl6;
of this the tanner gets 40 cents, the
railroad sl, the United States $3, the
manufacturer $4, and the vendor $7,
and the drinker—6o days and the de
lirium tremens.—-Texas Truth.
Mr. Blackburn said democrats bad
only once since the war control' of
both senate and house, and were
unable to give the relief demanded.
They will be excused in the future
for reasons that need no explana
i lions.—Jonesboro Nows.