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Swift Report
Report, that which no evil thing
of any kind is more swift, in
creases with travel and gains
strength by its progress.—Vergil.
Regulated Plans
Men’s plans should be regulated
by the circumstances, not circum
stances by the plans.—Livy.
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Powerful Necessity
Necessity when threatening is
more powerful than device of
man.— Rufus.
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BUREAU OF
STANDARDS
• A BUSINESS |
organization which wants J
to get the most for the
money sets up standards
by which to judge what
is offered to it, just as in
Washington the govern
ment maintains a Bureau
of Standards.
•You can have your own
Bureau of Standards, too. |
Just consult the advertis
ing columns of your news
paper. They safeguard
your purchasing power
every day of every year.
Hess Known for Loyalty
To Hitler, Nazi Germany | J
Was to Succeed Goering as Nation’s Leader;
Washington Legislators Closely Study ^tnMjj
Letters From Constituents. jrVf
ByBAUKHAGE
National Farm and Home Hour Commentator.
(WNU Service, 1343 H Street,
Washington, D. C.)
WASHINGTON.—It’s a mad world
these days and Washington is a
nervous corner of it.
Outside the iron pickets which sur
round the White House, human pick
ets walked. Their banners protested
against convoys, against sending
American soldiers abroad to fight.
Soldiers who may be sent abroad
to fight charged the protesting pick
ets, knocked down the men, pushed
the women around. Home-returning
theater-goers stopped to cheer the
soldiers.
On Capitol Hill mail protesting
against convoys poured in.
That afternoon Washington was
stunned to hear that a young farmer
in Scotland helped a German officer
who had just dropped from the
skies, into his cottage and gave him
a glass of water. The officer was
Hitler’s trusted lieutenant, Rudolf
Hess, and the news of his sensa
tional flight dropped into the midst
of the Washington melee, to make
confusion worse confounded.
The fighting pickets, Hess in the
headlines, pushed history back for
me. Pickets were attacked in front
of the White House at the beginning
of World War I. I saw Hitler lay
the accolade of succession to Nazi
leadership upon Hess the day World
War II began.
Some of the fighting pickets of 1914
are staid grandmothers today.
HESS PARTY LEADER
If you had asked me, in 1939 when
I was broadcasting from Berlin, who
of all men in the Nazi party would
be the least likely to desert its lead
er I would have said Hess. He was
not a striking figure, he did not pa
rade in the brilliant uniforms of Herr
Goering, he did not make the fiery
speeches of Herr Goebbels. But he
was the real head of the party, the
inside man. And so when he sud
denly turned up in Britain, I could
not believe that he was there except
to be about his leader’s business.
I can see Hess that day in Berlin.
It was a solemn sight, the hurriedly
called meeting of the Reichstag in
September, 1939. There may have
been many in Germany then who
still hoped that Britain and France
would not fight for Poland. Hitler
had promised he would gain his
ends without shedding German
blood. The bitter memory of the last
war, the starvation, the defeat, the
humiliation were still sharp in the
memories of the people. Then they
had had no victories to cheer them.
Hitler himself was pale and worn
when he walked into the Kroll Op
era house where the Reichstag
meets. His speech was restrained,
he seemed to me like a man who
had made his will and said his pray
ers. He spoke almost apologeti
cally, said his greatest desire was
to be the Reich’s first soldier. Then
he announced that he was going to
the front, “and,” he added, “if any
thing happens to me in battle. Party
comrade Goering will be my suc
cessor.” Goering, in a gaudy uni
form, on his high pedestal, saluted.
The crowd cheered.
Then Hitler turned to the right,
where the tall, lanky Hess was seat
ed on the stage in his simple brown
uniform. “And if anything happens
to Comrade Goering, Comrade Hess
will be his successor.” The crowd
cheered. Hess rose deliberately,
looked at his chief and saluted.
I could think only of a great, well
trained and faithful St. Bernard
slowly and obediently answering his
master’s whistle
THE BULLETIN
It is hard to believe that this man
would desert his master. Hess was
fervent. He may not have been as
religious as his frequent calls upon
the Almighty may have indicated,
but he had a fanatical devotion to
Germany. His loyalty to Hitler from
the earliest contact with the Fuehr
er-to-be was based on a great faith
on a belief that Hitler, and Hitler
alone, would save Germany.
Legislators Study
Letters From Voters
The senator I wanted to see was
busy and I was waiting in his outer
office talking to his secretary who
was an old acquaintance of mine. He
had a sheaf of letters in his hand.
In spite of the rules for keeping the
windows closed in order not to dis
turb the air-cooling system in the
senate office building, the window
was open. A breeze caught one of
the letters. It dropped on the floor
and I picked it up.
“I don’t want to lose that,” the
secretary said, “it’s important. Read
it”
It was an emphatic protest on the
subject of a measure before con
gress, written in a firm hand, in
good, straightforward English.
“Notice the paper,” said my
friend, “see that hole in the corner.
There was a string through that.
The pad was fastened to the tele
phone. And it was written with the
pencil tied to another string. I hap
pen to know the man who wrote it
He runs a flour and feed store, but
I’d know just about the type of writ
er it was from the paper.”
“Why,” I asked him, “is it that
important?”
“It’s important because the people
who write on that kind of paper,
with a pencil, are important people
to us. They elect us.”
(This secretary always said "us”
because he had been in politics with
the senator for 10 years, ever since
his chief was a member of the state
legislature.)
For the past few weeks letters
like that—and other ones, too, which
The Star Spangled Banner
mamMtßmrggjmsM
” 7 „ 7--
■ Al A /
I’ll speak of in a minute—have been
flooding the post office in the Capitol
building. They have concerned the
question of convoys. And they have
had a lot to do with how congress
voted.
LETTERS SPUR DEBATE
When the letters stop, the debate
stops. That’s an axiom. And on an
important question the number of
letters grows each day until it
reaches a peak. Then suddenly the
number drops. The drive is over.
It’s time to vote and settle the issue.
There are several kinds of letters
which come in to congress, to com
mentators and writers. There are
the “nut” letters which are easy to
identify. They don’t count. There
are the form letters, or letters
which, though sometimes they are
individually written, all have the
same phraseology. They are organ
ized propaganda, easy to identify
and to assay. Then there are the
letters on expensive stationery. Usu
ally their writers are known. They
are in the minority. Then there are
the letters I spoke about first. Not
always in pencil or on scratch pa
per. But simple and spontaneously
written. They count.
But here is another interesting
point. Just because there are more
letters on one side of a question
than there are on the other doesn’t
mean that the apparent majority is
an evidence of the real attitude of
the community. More people who
are against a measure will take pen
in hand than those who are for it.
One senator, in a community
where we all knew the sentiment for
a particular reason was very much
pro-convoy, told me his letters were
running three to one anti. “They
would have to run ten to one against
a measure before it would mean
that the majority of my constituency
were against it,” he told me.
PROPHET IN WASHINGTON
A prophet has come to Washing
ton—but he will not prophesy!
He is John Maynard Keynes, tall,
slim, precise. He was a member
of the British delegation to the Paris
Peace conference of 1919. With the
ink hardly dry on the Versailles
treaty he wrote that "... the
Carthaginian peace (a peace of
force) is not practically right or pos
sible . . . The clock cannot be set
back . . . without setting up such
strains in the European structure
and letting loose such human and
spiritual forces as . . . will over
whelm not only your ‘guarantees’
but your institutions, and the exist
ing order of your society.”
I asked Mr. Keynes, who is here
in Washington as a British treasury
official to consult on the lend-lease
law, if he thought it was necessary
to prepare for a new kind of peace.
“Yes,” he answered, “but I am
much more concerned now with
fighting the war.”
Glamour, Coziness
In Crocheted Cape
\jr
Pattern 2768.
/CROCHET this cape in cotton or
wool for evening or daytime
wear—for glamour or coziness.
It’s such easy handiwork.
• • *
Pattern 2768 contains directions for mak
ing cape; illustrations of it and stitches;
materials required. For a pattern of this
lovely cape, send your order to:
Sewing Circle Needlecraft Dept
82 Eighth Ave. New York
Enclose 15 cents in coins for Pat-
tern No
Name
Address
MW GIVE THE AIR TO
M® SNIFFLES
g^PENETRO^I
Lacking in Sense
Immodest words admit of no de
fense ; for want of decency is want
of sense.—Wentworth Dillon.
For Only 10/Now
HLessthan
a dose
Criticism With Ease
Criticism comes easier than
craftsmanship.—Zeuxis.
(FEMALE PAHL
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^WORTH TRYING! Any drugstore.^
•••••••••••••••••••••a
• TEACHING A CHILD •
• VALUE OF PENNIES •
• A child of a wise mother will be •
• taught from early childhood to be- •
• come a regular reader of the adver- •
• tisements. In that way better perhaps •
• than in any other can the child be •
• taught the great value of pennies and •
• the permanent benefit which comes •
• from making every penny count. •
••••••••••••••••••••••