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4 THE TWICE-A-WEEK TELEGRAPH FRIDAY, MARCH 8, 1907. 1 MACON TELEGRAPH JBLI8HED EVERY MORNING D TWICE A WEEK BY THE MACON TELEGRAPH PUBLISH ING COMPANY. 682 MULBERRY STREET, MACON. QA. ft. PENDLETON, President SUNDAY LAWS. A new and mor« exacting Sunday han gone Into affect In Canada, biting any kind of work on that ,jr except auch as may bo demanded 'noceaaity or mercy,” and these aro fully eperlfled so that there may no mistake*. The statute prohibits advertising on a aecular day of any rformance which la not allowed to given on Sunday, and It Is unlawful der the act to fcrlng or to sell or dls- bute la the Dominion on Sunday any ign nawapaper or publication clas- Itfled aa a newapaper. The maximum nalty for a violation of the act by Individual Is <40. An employer au- lorlxing a violation may be lined 1100. a corporation may be penallaed to extent of $250. with greater penal- ln each caae for additional vlola- s. i New England, on the other hand. Iiere, on the surface at least, there ' been a more rigid observance of Sunday than in any other part of this jnlry. the tendency la now toward rger privileges on that day. It Is Lroposed in Boston to modify the Sun- laws. and a commission has re- »rted In favor of nine new liberties, follows: The opening of Ilbaries and mu seums to which no admission 1* charged. That the right given to driving hor-cs and carriages be accorded to automobiles and motor vehicles. The sale of fruit under conditions similar to ihose under which to bacco and confectionery aro sold. The sale of ice cream under the same conditions. Thr t bakers be allowed to work *11 day. The delivery of food. The sale of dowers before 11 *. m. The handling of theatrical bag gage before 11 a. m. rnnocent forms of outdoor recre ation. such as baseball games, golf, boallng. Ashing, etc. Is a far cry frojn all this to the Blue Laws" enacted at New Haven in r 32, including It Is said, the prohibl- |on of a mother’s right to kiss her »be on Sunday. The Boston Herald thinks that the proposed grant of Sunday liberties ^ould conform to public opinion and to idem conditions. "In a land,” It "where freedom of conscience Is aaranteed. and where tho entire sep- |ration of church and stato Is estab- |ahed In tho Constitution, no religious Sservance of any day can be imposed n any citizen. What the State can uml should do. Is to provide for eacu and order on the day set apart rest and to protect from dlsturb- e the great number who keep it as day of worship. The commission is ilted ns to the need of a weekly day rest, and thinks that, though the jfldltlons of modern life make it nec tary that many persons should do work on Sunday for the general ad, those so employed should be ven the legal right to another day f>r rest without jeopardizing their po- To this there will be a general reement." Ye would add that the real observ- ice of Sunday ns a day of worship a personal matter-** matter of the eart. In fact—and cannot be enforced statute. Legal regulations are ceded, however, A day of worship * Divine law, a day of rest is a law .nature. We may Ignore the one seeming Impunity, but we may ^neglect the other without visibly the cost. After the French tutlon the radicals In control ■hed Sunday, but they were soon to restore It, as a holiday if no for the sake of the health of the s. Yet large freedom in this par- r remained, for the noisy opera- tins on Sunday on a great building course of construction in Paris is |ie of the present writer’s recollections a stay in the French Capital a few ago. be people of the United States de- no such liberty as this, but dom ing sentiment undoubtedly favors bier freedom on Sunday than has permitted in some sections even ie Immediate past. S S ati.f- c conta. purpo hlblte car. falrli WILLIAM McKinley. I ’The King is dead—long live the • King!” President McKinley, ’’.hough j i at the head of affairs during a success- j ful war, although widely popular, and | although martyred by assassination. J has been almost forgotfeen in the I clamor of voices engaged In the praise . j and the blame of his perpetually active ! successor. j I The tribute paid to the former by ; j Senator Spooner during a debate last j week may, therefore, he described as It is up to the millionaires to ha\e j nove j as well as pleasing. The Senator j their private trains, if they would keep j declared that President. McKinley : Ahead of the game, and later the> maj “grew jn mental stature and In meas- » be under the necessity of having pri- u _ e of statesmanship every hour under ! Richard car hi* hotel wherever he • n the ” A Maude Ad- >sch is ’f recent description, ling a miniature theatre for es of rehearsal. St are ex- sr.rr.e utilities of the private is for comforts are they not overshadowed on any mod ern train de luxe, with ail its outfit • >f smoking and library car. ob servation car. stenographer, tele phone barber, fresh or salt baths, vale;. lad,**’ tr.aiJ ar.d manicure electric lights, individual reading lamps, dra wing-rooms, staterooms and berths? vate railroads. the tutf and dest ;e of gra ed him as re responsibility," "a wise sane pa- TWO BILLION CONGRESS. rribune trlotic, powerful statesman, always I unruffled, and not cn!v that, but al- Th<- ever faithful New York is ready with arguments and excuses for the two billion Congress. “The fact that the appropriations of the Fifty-ninth Congress have been be tween $1,500,000,000 and $2,000 000.000," It says will be "exploited to startle the imaginations of the groundlings.” But what have the "imaginations of the groupings’’ or anybody else got to do with It? Facts and figures (unless they be figures of speech) do not come within the realm of the imagination. The imagination is appealed to always to exaggerate and magnify. But what imagination can grasp or comprehend, let alone magnify, two thousand mil lion dollars? It is a sum not to "star tle the imagination” of any one, but It may well startle the calculations of the practical and mathematical economist. He may well ask himself If the Gov ernment doubles its expenditures by geometrical progression each decade or so what Is to be the end of It? Ten years ago the country was startled with the billion dollar country. To day It Is the two billion Congress. Is It to be a four billion Congre«s in an other decade, and an eight billion two decades removed and sixteen billions in a third decado and so on? The Tribune says: "It is easy enough to go back twenty years and show that the Government was then spending less than $1 where It is now spending more than $2. But such an exhibit no more convicts the Congress of today of prod igality thnn It proves the frugality of the Congress of twenty years ago. We are a much bigger nation now than we were then.” That Is it We are a “bigger na tion.” One would think the fact that we are growing because we cannot help It Is to be used to cover any and every extravagance. This school of logicians by no means take Into ac count, however, that we are not'twice as big aa we were, in proportion with our expenditures. Practically the same people have to pay the $2 In taxes where they paid the $1 before. What they arc getting for it except ever-in creasing living expenses is a mystery to the uninitiated. the assertion of State rights as j against the growth of national p ■wi'r, and in a strict construction I of t'r.? Constitution as against the i loose construction doctrines and , practices of Federalism and Wh g- ism and Republicanism up to this time. And it is to be welcomed, too. for even when we spell Nation With a big X it is important to * preserve. for the States as wide a latitude of power as is consistent with a strong and effective nation alism. We must still tread cau- i tiously the pathway of public pol- j icy as it brings us up against new conditions and new problems, and ; how much better it must be, when ■ p; .-slble. to set forty-six States ■ upon an individual quest through j experimental legislation, to deter mine the best step next to be taken than for the whole nation to go plunging along and committing the whole country to the blunders that are inevitable in the disposi tion of unsettled public problems.” ‘ All this is highly Interesting, but It HOW “GEORGE” CAUGHT THE SPEAKER’S EYE. Charleston, S. C.. In the expiring hours of the Fifty-ninth Congress landed an appropriation of $70000 for the establishment there of an immi grant station. It was in its way a great achievement and means vastly more to Charleston and this section of the South, doubtless, than the mere expenditure of the amount of the ap propriation at the South Carolina me tropolis. The credit for the achieve ment Is due to the energy and address of Charleston’s young Congressman, George S. Legare. Mr. Legare shares to a marked degree, by all accounts, the traditional talent*for oratory which attaches to his name in South Caro lina since the days of Hugh Swinton Legare. But he combines with his gift ways considerate, and one sweetest and most charming personali ties ever known or ever to be known in the history of this Government.” Senator Spooner also related that once at the White House President McKinley said to him: "Under the war power of the Constitution for some years now the whole responsibility of gov erning and caring for the 7.000,000 people in the Philippine Islands. 7.000 miles away, has been upon me, with no line of legislation or Congressional enactment behind me. 1 am weary of it. The burden is too great; and I hope before Congress adjourns—I plead for It— that, whether of much efficacy or not It shall not adjourn without putting behind me some legislation on the subject." This appeal was - followed by the Spooner amendment to the military of the * s t0 be feared that the disposition of . of eloquence 1 the tact and popular man- Xe-.v England Republicans to study j ners which are more magical under Stephens and Davis on State rights, or ! present day conditions in achieving re- ! the rights of the people in their organ- ; suits in certain directions than would ized capacity as States, comes rather ! be the powers of a Webster, or a late in the day. Stephens wrote his Clay, or a Calhoun. He is possessed masterly work in the South's darkest j of the happy qualities of a "mixer.” hour, when the Southern common- Young in point of years, he Is still ; wealths had not a single right left j younger in point of service. Trans- which the Government at Washington j ferred from a law office directly to the ' felt bound to respect. He lived to see \ halls of Congress, without intervening ment in support of Mr. Brownlow's proposition, from the Northern stand point, that Andrew Johnson was "the greatest patriot of the Civil War.” How it may have appeared from the standpoint of "the States’ rights seces sion Democracy" that "supported Johnson” by their votes Is another question. But Johnson was stubborn and uncompromising in what he be lieved to be the right course after the Civil War, and what the Republicans did to this "greatest patriot” was a- plenty. The}" Impeached him on “trumped up” charges and would have kicked him out of his high office but that the shamelessness of it all turned the stomachs of some of the more de cently inclined and they revolted against it. THEFT OF THE PRESIDENCY. According to Frederick Trevor Hill, who writes of the Haves-Tilden con test in the March number of Harper's Magazine, the theft of the Presidency In 1S77 was made possible. In spite of the vigor with which the battle was waged, by a remarkable piece of per functoriness on the part of the Demo cratic managers. Mr. Hill, in sum ming up the situation when the extra- all of which had to be accomplished within a certain number of days. When the Republican messenger— one T. C. Anderson—arrived in Washington and delivered the package containing one of those threo certificates to Mr. Ferry, the President of the Senate, that gen tleman called his attention to an irregularity in the form of the en dorsement on the envelope and suggested that he consider its legal effect. Andersen therefore retained the package and secretly opened it to ascertain if the error had been repeated In the certificate itself. To his consternation he discovered far more vital defects In the doc ument. and flying back to New Orleans, consulted with the party leaders, who agbeed that the in strument must be redrawn, and the electors were hastily resummoned. Then, to the managers' horror, it was discovered that two of the necessary officials were absent and could not possibly be reached with in the time limited by law for’the delivery of the paper In Washing ton. "Heroic” measures were therefore deemed essential, ar.d aftes all the available signatures had been obtained the others were forged and the doctored certifi cates. which, of course, were ob viously different front the one pre viously forwarded by mail were rushed back to Washington just In the nick of time. All these facts were subsequently unearthed, but those who actually committed the forgeries were never detected.— H. R. R. No. HO, 45th Cong.. 3d Session, pp. 50-63 and S9-91. With all respect to Mr. Hill, we doubt j better days, but to the last he had rea- [ legislative experience, he applied him- ordinary tribunal known as the Elec- ! son to fear that during the period of ! self to the main object of getting things ! toral Commission met, says: “Under j whether the discovery of the forgery revolution from 1860 to 1876 the cause j for his district with the enthusiasm ; the leadership of Tilden, the Demo- ; at tbc ’foment would have altered the l of constitutional government. State of youth and the air of a veteran, i crats had prepared and prosecuted a j result - The steal of the Presidency Blessed with a sunny disposition, It is ! terrific indictment against the corrup- I was sufficiently obvious to every one not surprising to be told by his ad- ! tion and misgovernment of the admin- ; as mattors stood. The Republican miring home papers that In Washing- j istration, and as a result they had j J' u<J n es clearly felt that to award the ton every one calls l\im “George.” Even i secured an impressive popular major- ; off,ce to ,h<? Republican candidate, by' Speaker Cannon, in his hours of relax- ity for their candidate, and no less than Ilook or crook, was what they were bill providing for the civil government were 30 lar S el >' concerned in dealing j ation, rests his arm on George’s shoul- 184 electoral voter, only one less thnn thel ' e for ’ and hav,n * countenanced all which was established in the Philip- ibe bIo ' v ’ Will find it very difficult to I der and suns the winter of his age In the number required for his choice. ; tlmt had otherwise transpired, they pines, and which, as Mr. Spooner said undo their own tvork. Besides, there j the summer of the other's youth. Is Hayes had concededly received 166 ' vould scarcely have hesitated to go on last vreek. "curtailed the President’s • )s a widespread belief that capitalistic j It any wonder’ that in the hurly-burly votes, and nineteen representing South j 1,e cause of a few forged names to # tho power, because up to that hour there j influences are behind their renewed in- j of the closing hours of Congress, when Carolina, Florida and Louisiana were j Louii siana certificate, was no limit upon his power but the S Merest, and the Interest of many in j even the hard-fought ship subsidy bill ; in dispute. To the impartial observer j results qp SHORT SFS c ION limit which International law puts j othcr P 3rts of the country, in State j went to smash, that “George” should it seemed impossible that those Pcm- j C !i 'mp CHik in the New York upon the power of the commander-in- j President himself has pub- j catch the Speaker’s ej’e? Still, with ocratic strongholds should not yield at ; rights; home rule, and local self-gov- | ernment—for all these are one—had received a blow from which it would ; never recover. The New England Republicans, who chief of a conquering army.” , licly branded the new enthusiasm as j all this, it was no easy task, as Mr. least one vote for Tilden; but to the All this simply means that President I hus ® cor P°rations without souls—or Legare’s story of the way he captured Republican politicians whose hench- ISING OF THE PRIVATE CAR. Phe progressive stages of distinction railroad travel mark the rapidity which wealth and luxury grows the United States. “Once upon a e,” the New York World says, "rid- tn a Pullman railway coach was a Ivllete of the rich. A few years ^er the private car was the insignia the exceptionally exclusive nabob. t there are Pullmans for everybody the private car 1* a commonplace travel.” Th«^ selling of his superb vate car "Swnnnanoa” by George W. nderbilt caused the World to ob- ve that "he par;s with * luxury but with a distinction.” Continuing, the saya: On the level of the private car >ciety millionaire meets the Successful actor, the circus advance Sent, the prtma donna, the head ' any commercial trust, the chew- gum magnate and the suecess- prixe fighter. With character- c delicacy, in selling the Swan- Banoa Mr. Vanderbilt refers only to "Is apprehension of rear-end col- slons. Mme. Patti was wont to tour (merit-a in a palace on wheels emed for herself and containing music room with a $2,500 piano. ’ she practiced her scales an LO, THE POOR BACHELOR. Thc proposition to tax bachelors in a free country has impressed us as amusing rather than important, but some editors are taking the matter very seriously. Our brilliant friend of the Washington Post, for example, says; The “Smart Alecks” in some of our State ’Legislatures who have submitted bills providing for the laying of a special tax on men who have reached the neighborhood of middle life without having been married and sundry women who have publicly Indulged in sneers and censorious comments on such citizens are re-enforced by a mem ber of the British Parliament. The fact that a man is a bachelor Is not in Itself a reproach to him. As the Post asserted In a recent Issue, discussing this sub ject, that fact is. In innumerable instances, an honor, for it repre sents sacrifice of Inclination to a commanding sense of duty. There are in this city hundreds, If not thousands, of men who have re mained single for the noble purpose of caring for mothers and sisters or other dependents, and Washing ton is not exceptional in this re spect. Many men and many wo men are single because death claimed the objects of their affec tions. And also, the Post should have : added, because in many cases the ”ob- ! jects of their affections" have cruelly i refused to reciprocate. Many men, i even bachelors, are very sentimental, l and often when they can't get what I they want they prefer to take nothing, j Bachelor men as well as bachelor . maids ought to be allowed this liberty, i for in this matter to take what one | doesn't want is not the best thing for posterity and leads rapidly toward the divorce court to boot. The Saturday Evening Post is less serious than the editor quoted above, but is nevertheless quite pointed. It says; McKinley, with a becoming distrust in the infallibility of his own judgment, and a conscientious desire to achieve the best results no matter by whom brought about, shrank from a too heavy responsibility. He was always willing to see such a division of "the burden between the co-ordinate branches of the Government as was provided for in the Constitution. And yet no one has ever thought of regard ing him as a failure, much less as a “coward,” a "weakling” or a "molly coddle.” THE EVILS WE HAVE. Mr. William J. Bryan finds a text for Government ownership in the Investi gation of the Harrlman interests. He says in an interview that E. H. Harrl man and other railroad magnates are creating sentiment in favor of Govern ment ownership of railroads. “I am sure,” says Mr. Bryan, "that Mr. Har rlman and men who like him have been using the railroads as their personal property, and manipulating the roads for the amassing of great fortunes, without regard to public service, are doing more to create a sentiment In favor of public ownership than all the speeches ever made in favor of public ownership.” To whatever extent Mr. Harrlman may have abused his opportunities for his personal profit, it appears to be the fact, at least, that he built railroads and constructed a great system. In a measure we know and can appreciate | the evils Inherent In private owner- ' ship and initiative. But are there no words to that effect. Mr. George Hor ace Lorlmer, editor of the Saturday Evening Post, -who is "up-to-date” or nothing, scoffs at the "revival.” In his current “Letters to Unsuccessful Men” he makes a level-headed West erner write to a complaining Eastern millionaire: These magazine discoveries and exposures which excite your anger are only one manifestation, and that not the most significant one, of a widespread and ever-widening movement against your creed that "’Business Is business,” meaning that the dollar must be got at any cost of honor, health and happi ness; that it may be followed up to the very doors of the peniten tiary, provided one is agile enough to jump back before they close on him. There isn’t the slightest use trying to confuse the present issue with the old question of States’ rights: or the new one, "Does the Constitution follow the flag?” or. “If a hen and a half lays an egg and a half in a day and half?” or with any of these fine and befud dling uncertainties. Nor will the country accept as a satisfactory answer to its demands a grandilo quent affirmation of the persist ence of hot air, as “I am a Demo crat,” or a passionate appeal to all that is best and flubdubbiest in our natures, as “Be true to the grand old party of Lincoln.” Our protest' is wholly against The Man With a Cold Deck, and all we want to know is. Do we get a Square Deal? I don’t believe that any system can give us more than this; but we won’t be satisfied with any system that gives us less. the immigrant station will show. The men controlled the canvassing boards, story Is contained in a Washington j that result appeared not only possible. special dispatch: “It was a great tension.” said Mr. Legare, “to be compelled to remain on watch so continuously. From 11 Saturday forenoon until 1:30 o’clock Sunday morning, when I finally obtained the much desired recognition from Speaker Cannon. I dared not leave my seat. There was too much at stake, and time for. action was too short to take any chances, so I sat close and held tight to my chair, awaiting my coveted opportunity. After the bill had run the gatmtlet of the House it was easy over In the Sen ate, where the machinery had been oiled in readiness for favorable and prompt consideration. Sena tors Tillman and Latimer put their shouldars to the wheel and the sus pense was soon ended. “It was quick work after we once started, but that long wait for recognition was a nerve-rack ing experience I do not care to re peat.” Mr. Legare is quoted as saying that “he considered the session of Congress but probable, and the outcome of the local contests that ensued fully justi fied their confidence. The story of those contests was substantially the same In each State, and all were equal ly humiliating to civic pride. The Democratic majorities on the face of the returns were eliminated by the canvassing boards on charges of negro intimidation irregularly presented and insufficiently proved; protests were ig nored and perjuries condoned. The policy of Reconstruction which had forced corrupt government and negro suffrage upon the South and driven it to physical outrage had now to be sus tained by legal outrage, even more de moralizing than the terrorism it had evoked. Not ono redeeming episode marked all this sorry business." The decisive point in the battle be tween the legal giants arrayed on just ended as entirely successful in j e ’ tber side, led by Xv llliam M.^ Evarts every respect.” It Is quite natural that j ^ or Hayes and Charles O Connor for he should feel that way. Charleston ! Tilden - was the power or not of the got her immigrant station through his good work and her neighbors will Jiot only sympathize with -her in her good fortune but may even hope to share, in some degree, the benefits from it A revival of interest in State rights or strictly constitutional government, as opposed to further centralization and Federal paternalism, is greatly day to ’ make an appropriation for a needed at the present time. But the i Clonal .cemetery at Greenville. Tenn., ANDREW JOHNSON “THE GREAT EST PATRIOT.” A proposition made in the national ' was sufficient in the case of each of court to go behind the returns of the Republican canvassing boards. The court sustained Mr. Evarts by Its 8 to 7 vote'in his position that no matter what enormity might be shown to have been practiced the court was without the power to take cognizance of -it. Under this ruling the Republican man agers had plain sailing apparently. It House of Representatives the j suspicion attached to the present agi- ! elicited a brief but somewhat remark- "Every now and then somebody, usually the gentler sex. proposes that bachelors he taxed. Such persons labor under a radical mis apprehension. So. for that matter, do the bachelors themselves. Un married men of a certain age should not be taxed but pensioned. The bachelor is a victim. He has bought a gold brick. He has gone Into a get-rleh-quick scheme and got soaked. . . The bachelor is an embodied delusion. Pity him. Do not tax him.” It is noticeable that the commenting editors usually intimate that this agi tation has originated with the ladles, and presumably the unmarried ones. Now. should not these latter agree to take the first man who asks them, irrespective of preference, if they would tax the crossed-in-love bachelor for not being willing to pretend to an undying affection for another? The "Smart Alecks" and “sundry women” referred to by the Washington Post are too literal in their theory' of marriage. They have no sentiment. They would' put men and women on a level with horses. evils to be apprehended In Government j tation _ a susp i cion thal . ls partl justI . i able speech from Congressman Brown- ownership? Or, rather, do not the j flabl6 _ see m8 to prevent good results ! ,OW ' of Tennessee - » was proposed to clearly discernible evils in Government * ' " * “ - — - - ownership vastly outweigh those of which we have experience In the other j , ?m ' that was get mo tton**during*the drew Johnson for a national cemetery, in any considerable measure. More- I build a wal1 around 15 acres of ]and over, the tide toward Federal paternal- ! dedIcated of the heirs of An system? The Government has an undertaking on hand Just now that is an object les- j Son. What is the Panama canal but j an example of Government ownership j and of administrative incapacity? If \ ment In advocacy of Government own revolutionary era of 1860-1876 is strong to turn back. in which plot of ground Andrew John son and two of his sons Me buried; to expend • $32,000 for that purpose: to built a lodge to cost $6,000; walls and gates, $20,000; roads in cemetery, $2,000; roads, with approach to ceme tery, $2,000; walks and steps in the drainage, $1,000; SENATOR SPOONER’S LIMITA TIONS. I The New York Evening Post attri butes Senator Spooner’s resignation ership until the canal is built—It looks not alone to the inadequacy of the | cemetery, $1,000; at the present time as though it would salary for a man of his abilities. After ! *°tal, $32,000. This in addition to em- never be started—and the history of sixteen years’ service in the Senate he : Ploying perpetually a man to take this problem in Government ownership confronted the certainty that the rec- I charge of the cemetery at $60 a month turns out to be an achievement free of ord he had made precluded any possl- ! with quarters for him to live in. The graft and corruption and jobbery he bility of his rising higher and, sated proposition was opposed by Mr. Gard- will surely have an unanswerable ar- with Senatorial honors, he retires to nor > of Michigan, as an absurd extrav- gument in favor of his hobby. It Is private life. The Post furnishes this agance, the absurdity _of it being interesting and Instructive estimate of ’ doubtless more apparent to him be- certain If the Government owned the railroads at this present moment it ; would be In a predicament to handle j them when It cannot procure the talent i and the labor necessary to make ap- ’ preciable progress on the one job It has j in hand. j TIME’S WHIRLIGIG AND STATES’ RIGHTS. The whirligig of time is certainly whirliglgging at a brisk pace when the Springfield (Mass.) Republican feels moved to remark: "We seem to be In for a general revival of State sover eignty argument as marked out by Stephens, Davis and other Southern leaders before, during and after the Civil War—and this. too. by represent atives of the political party which car ried its fight against the doctrine from the forum to the battlefield and won.” The newspaper named even recom mends Stephens' "Constitutional View of the War Between the States" and Davis’ "Rise and Fall of the Confed eracy” as "reference books for Repub lican statesmen of the anti-Roosevelt brand” that are "chock full of points for such speeches as Mr. Choate would j evidently make on this subject—pre senting. as can be found nowhere else, the State rights and State sovereignty argument with great fullness if not with absolutely crushing force.” The Republican adds: “It is extremely interesting—this I sudden interest, on the part of con- aervativa Republican sentiment. In the Wisconsin Senator’s career: He is a great constitutional law yer. one of the greatest of his gen eration. His knowledge of the fundamental law has been of much j service, both to his party and to his I country. He has at times exhibited | • a fine independence, as when he broke with his Republican usso- 1 dates on the question of annexing 1 Hawaii. Yet it has often appeared that this man. capable as he was of independent judgment, still lacked the courage to follow steadily the dictates of his own mind and con science. He wanted to be a good party man; he shrank from being c-alied an indenev’ent. In an emer gency be would defend the course of his party in a sprech which, while amazingly clever as an advocate's plea, was emphatically not the ut terance of a statesman or a jurist. He scorned to take an intellectual pleasure—not uncommon for shrewd lawyer*-—in '■e-ing how In- genlouely he could make the worse app-’nr the better reason. And as Uire went on h» acquiesced more easily in the decision of a majority, subordinated his personal convic tions to the exigencies of partisan policy. Perhaps, the most telling characterization of his career was Senator Carmack’s statement that Spoorer had endured the annexa tion of Hawaii, pitied the taking over of the Philippines, and em braced the seizure of Panama. In brief, he was too good and un varying a party man to ever become a truly national figure, and as such to hope for preferment to the one honor that was left for a man of his capacity cause of the location, of the proposed expediture In the South. The debate was chiefly notable, however, because of a tribute to Andrew Johnson evoked from Congressman Brownlow, who is a descendant of one of Johnson’s bit terest political foes of former days. Mr. ’Brownlow said: Ex-President Johnson was a Democrat. He was a member of the United States Senate from Tennessee and was the only Sen ator of his party. North or South, that stood by Abraham Lincoln in favor Of the old flag and a united country. And yet, here from this northern section of the country comes the opposition to doing honor to these people of the mountains who were loyal to the cause of the Union and the old flag. Andrew Johnson was surrounded and supported by the votes of the State rights secession Democracy of the South, yet he went with the cause of the Union, stood by the Government, stood by Abraham Lincoln, and I have as serted heretofore, and I reassert. ■ that taking his surroundirgs and his acts and comparing them, I believe he was the greatest patriot of the Civil War. (Applause.) Brownlow. Nelson and Maynard stood shoulPer to shoulder with Johnson! but they had made their fight for the Union, the Constitu tion, and the enforcement of the laws under the leadership of John Bell, of Tennessee, and Edward -Everett, of Massachusetts. (Ap plause.) All of which, while not sufficient other the contested States to note the reg ularity of the certificates and tabulate the returns as made. Continuing. Mr. Hill says: And yet, had they but known it, the Democrats still held a winning card, and those In the Republican secrets were yet to face the worst quarter-hour of their lives, for some of them had taken desperttte chances in the interests of their party, and they faced the open doors of a prison when the oppos ing certificates from Louisiana reached Presiding Justice Clif ford. It was on the morning of Febru ary 13 that this crisis was reached, and the court was again crowded to its utmost capacity. All the commissioners were present and all the counsel who had attended the previous sessions except O’Connor, whose place was occupied by ex- Judge Campbell. There was. there fore. no lack of astute advisors for the Democracy. They were the flower of the bar—trained observ ers whose professional duties had taught them to scrutinize every de tail in e. case and take nothing for granted, while on the bench were seven Democratic jurists, equally we’l equipped and vigilant. With such an array of legal experts watching the interests of the’ri cli ents it seemed impossible that de ception should be successfully practiced or fraud go undetected, and yet the impossible happened. The proceedings opened as usual with the reception of the conflict ing certificates from the Senate chamber—five documents in all— and while these important papers wefle being perfunctorily examined and initialled bv the presiding jus tice, the journalists in the gallery idly watched the scene, the lawyers whispered together and prepared for the oeming contests: the gen eral public waited, bored and in attentive. and some of the Repub lican managers sat quaking with fear. Judge Clifford finally laid aside his pen and it was ordered that the various exhibits which be had been marking be printed and copies fur nished for the convenience of the counsel and commissioners. Had a single objection to this routine been interposed; had prudence, habit, or even curiosity impe’led any of the Democratic counsel to scrutinize the original documents, or had enterprise prompted any journalist to examine and compare them a sensational exposure would have been inevitable, for one of the Republican certificates was clum sily, even obviously, forged. end station to aspire to—the chair of reason for the useless expenditure pro- the chief magistrate. jiosed, wa* a strikingly forcible argu- In a foot-note Mr. Hill furnishes the key to this portion of his article as fol lows: Under the Constitution three copies of the certificates of the Louisiana vote were necessary, lone of which was to be forwarded to the President of the Senate by mail, another; delivered to him by hand, and the third deposited with the United States district Judge— | Timtfs states in brief and compreben- j sive manner his views on the results ; of the concluding session of the Fifty - : ninth Congress. He says; "Congress fooled away the first five weeks of the three months' session and then rushed, jammed, banged things through In tho last ten days.” Continuing, he saya: Little was done at the short ses sion except to pass the great sup ply bills. The most important measure passed was the 16-hour bill, and most of the credit of that belongs to tho Democrats. We forced the fight; we won the vic tory; and it is the most brilliant victory achieved by a majority in jnany a day. The most important measure de feated was the ship subsidy bill. The Democrats, aided by a few Republicans, came within three votes of doing it to death in the House. It was a battle royal from start to finish, and I shall always regret that the honbrs of beating it so narrowly escaped the House, but there’s no sense in crying over spilt mUk. What the House failed to do by a "Georgetown graze,” as they say in Kentucky. Senator Car mack, of Tennessee, aided and abetted by certain of his Demo cratic brethren, accomplished in the Senate, where debate is unlim ited. Mr. Clark says Mr. Carmack deserves all praise for his instrumentality in blocking ship subsidy, ns it “was tho camel’s nose to be inserted In the tent and would have been followed by simi lar bills appropriating hundreds of millions to hire people to do a thing which they would be glad to do If we would repeal the idiotic laws which drove our merchant marine from the high seas. The chances are that this Is the last charge of the old ship sub sidy guard.” , Let us hope Mr. Carmack is correct in this opinion. But “the worst bill passed at this session, and one of the worst ever passed,” he says, “was the so-called Aldrich currency bill, which makes a present, as it was intended to do, of millions annually to certain , pet national banks in and about New York, which no doubt will furnish thc Re publicans with the sinews of war in future campaigns." In this opinion Mr. Carmack Is at variance with Isidor Rayner, Mary land’s Democratic Senator. Mr. Ray ner says: “Tho currency bill was a good one. The contest was made over the question of interest on deposits and the diminution of the out standing notes, as set forth in the bill, of $9,000 000 a year. I think the opposition to the bill upon both these grounds was properly defeat ed, as the requirement of interes •on deposits would have almost de stroyed the efficacy of the meas ure.” There is no accounting for such rad ical difference of opinion between two such able and practical men except perhaps the point of view. ' “The denatured alcohol bill is a tip top measure,” Mr. Clark says, “and will enable farmers to make up sur- | plus products into denatured alcohol, which will revolutionize heating, light ing and motive power. In order to get a bill that would do any good it was necessary to overthrow Senator Aid- rich temporarily at least, which was done by the Democratic Senators, aided by certain Republican Senators from great agricultural States. “These,” he says, "are the principal measure, good, bad or indifferent.” Anyway. Editor Brisbane has ac quired a $125,000 chicken farm, for which he has just paid, while engaged in self-effacement to the aggrandize ment of Willie Hearst, who is willing to pay liberally of the money of which he has a surplus in exchange for the reputation of having brains where he has only a deficit. A British medical journal comments on the fact'that so many people who can sit through a theatrical perform ance without coughing have throat troubles in church. They cannot go out between the acts in church and wet their whistles. r^MSTMOl PKfflT