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TTVICE-A-TTEEK TELEGRAPH Tuesday, July 9, 190? Ex-Gov. William J. Discusses the Northen Race Question : try, can do at the present time. I be- I lieve in their sincerity as much as I believe in the sincerity of any of our friends whp Jive in Boston, New York or Chicago, and we shall.prove recre- : an-t to our race- if we do not heartily co-operate in every effort they are put- . ting forward to bring better conditions ; In Atlanta and throughout the South.” ■With this mutual recognition and ac- ; ceptance of conditions, thus far. fr is . I . ■ easy to understand what is meant by races, demanding solution, dependent i IVe were quite ‘willihg to care for them "dependent upon the other.” ' ! in its difficulty, primarily, upon the >s freedmen if they had remained de-i. The negro in Georgia has now put i relative number of each race in the | pendent upon our direction. j himself as a dependent upon the supe- eommunity In question. Speaking of the' history of these I rlor race 'by his own public, general US. BRKE DENIES flinoMmic sup John Tyler Morgan j the friend of God and the enemy or man.” The following is the full text of Gov ernor Norther's Fourth of July address on the race issues delivered at Mont clair, N. J.: As a citizen of the centra! South. I oMvl b ritpJ-ns U of tha^North ^non The 000 ne * roes - Of all the States, Nevada, amid the roaring of the wreckage, de- I and this trust if. they did not give Me a ,,..7 At tli« twin* ; l ’ avta * lhe ]Past number of negroes, voted itself to the manifest common assurance “that every individual black rnrrvfnc with it cr-at and momentous shouId hav « the I«*-'t difficulty in the‘sense of statesmanship by providing a man. with his family, shall be abso- ^ lo all the Amorkan ^on'o solution. As Georgia has a larger j special series of laws for the esfhb- hitely sure that he will receive jus- Th« of the races i« at the! number of negroes than any other; lishment of a status for ‘people of tics.” in his civil rights, his industrial th p Irritatimr in its S;ate in the it would seem that | color.’" Simple, clear and conceived relations, his educational opportunities cnruUtlnnH 'the m'os' unoonular for di<=- Georgia would tovt the greatest diffl- rChristian conscience, those laws'aimed and his moral and spiritual interests, cueelon and ♦he most dffGeu’t of =olu- : cul,y in effecting a solution. If this: no harsh blows, bur gave expression, to This the people of Georgia have pub- rton Of ntl the problems that confront ; batiis of so!ut I°n is correct, Nevada fhe sense of Anglo-Saxon responsibility h e ly proclaimed. All that we now need the mt'oa ** ■ ■■ ■ would have only four-tenths of 1 per fo a confused race that stood in need in order to work out cur problem, i. on AmerfMn etrtren T am far ; 0 ” nt - of difficulty, while Georgia would of the strong hand of kindness and slowly and surely, is the sympathy and more concerned let me assure you liU - v< ' 85 per cent of trouble. i guidance. Of course, these statutes not the criticism of those, who do not about the righteous adjustment of fun-1 .- s ' v ' ,v Jersey has a white population ! Fussed away with the Fourteenth_and | sfffl understand the great hindrances d prot By SAVOY AO. "And the King said unto his serv- ants. Know ye not that there Is a BRITISH AMBASSADOR SAYS HE prince and a great man fallen this dav DIDN’T MAKE STATEMENTS t n Israel 7 " AS TO OKLAHOMA CON- j STITUTION I *centuries thdi sopnmted the . ’ J lives of the Brutus who banished Tar- quin and the Brutus who slew Caesar did not witness more changes in Rotne strictly gr. though It be my own. farel B aibide U< the X requ , lrernent^of tl your I ! aif th» U «n»rtr U «e J-wSTrirn? organization and discuss this grave question, absolutely free from party per cent of trouble. Indiana has a white population of question, aosatuieiy irt e iroiu party I - ———. . bias and sectional prejudice, looking'—* 88 "’^ 0 and yt.oOO negroes. -Louisi solely to the greatest good of the ai,a ba , s a white population of .28,620 -■and 691,000 negroes. Indiana, therefore, would have 2% per cent of difficulty, while Louisiana would have the much trouble. arty schemes- or sectional policies I — Georgia and at the South. Quite the The dlicusfdon necessarily- requires - I,Iinois has a white population of contrary Is true. As stated by the 4.734.900 and 85.001 negroes. Tennessee Hampton professor, the best negroes greatest number. 1 am sure what I shall say will he received in the same spirit in which it is delivered. In ths problem We must ffloe party schemer or sectional policies. reference to conditions in separate States ant in separate sections. Any reference this kind that I may make shall be confined exclusively to the history of the times to which T refer, and the resultant facts of experience. More definitely the problem is the American adjustment of "the relations which shoald exist between the white people ant the negro people of a com mon soil and whose welfare, in the laist analysis, la a common weal.” The Caucasian stands at one extreme and the African at the other extrem of the racas. It. by any moans, we can adjust tho relations of the extremes, we will settla. In a measure at least, ajl the problems of the races that come between. Everywhere, ’whether together separate, there seems to be the part. of all, -whlto and black, an inborti racial . antagonism. The opportunity has come tr tho Amer ican people, as to no other, to adjust the relations that will har monize the antagonisms of all the races. W<* oannof ’but believe that God hes sa fhtended with all the peoples of tbe ^rth, and it seems that he is .siKit ua for the uplift of our common fcornOity. We have the black men In iargt/ utimbeTs. The red men we found here. The >ellow men are clam oring and will finally get in. All these different ones are His creation and He want* each made complete and per fect In his place. Why may We not come to the task in Willing and patient no-operation with all the higher forces that seek to bring Joy and gladness out of sorrow and crime? These two peoples, the white man and the negro, aro as distinct in racial elements, racial traits, personal char acteristics and racial tastes, as the extremes of all the races can Suggest or imply. The question, the great question of this hour, -North aftd South, is, what are we to do, What ean we do, wh*t must we do under these difficult condi tions to obtain and make steadfast the fullest possible freedom, the general conditions, both North and South, will allow* Refore T further advance, in order that I may be altogether fair to the negro—I shall endeavor to be fair to the end—let me state some things fun damental and to be remembered, while wb attempt the solution of the prob lem. These things fundamental may give tis some patience and due con sideration. First, the negro Is, in no sense, re sponsible ns an original faofor for the ills that have come to the American people because of his residence in our community. He did not come to our shores of his own free will and of hfs own accord. He was abduced from Oils home, chained and dragged aboard slave trading vessels and brought to oar shores under h*s protest apd through the greatest iniquity that has ever cursed the American people. Seecond, we are paying the penalties that nre consequent upon the negro's freedom, occurring at a time when the nation was stirred by war and blood and crime. At emancipation he was untutored and unguarded and allowed to roam the fields and the country at large. Later, under reconstruction, he turned his liberty into license. In crimes that entailed wholesale slaughter and violence. It is not his fault that he was left to the promptings and in stincts of his wild and destructive na ture without hindrance and without restraint. Third, wd have the spectacle of a weak race which lived for ages in wan ton sin, in great incapacity and un- preparedness, placed in the dangerous environments of competition with what is strongest, and of association with and imitation of what is weakest and most criminal in the superior race. This is a severe test under the de mands of a superior race, having cen turies of civilisation, in contrast with an inferior race, JusJ beginnng jp know. "The negro must know that competition is becoming more and more intense and that the burden put upon him is growing heavier in thin advanced century, than he can bear. Unless these conditions are changed, slowly and silently, the nego will be fill the spirit of this little hook in the adjustment of race relations, how much happier everybody would hav been. There would have been no At lanta massacre of September 23, 1906, It is a great mistake to believe that there Is no kind of harmony between facts and not | STaater responsibility in 90 per cent of [the better elements of the races in has a white population of 1.540,000 and 430,200 negroes. Illinois, therefore, would have 2 per cent of difficulty, while Tennessee would have the muJh greater responsibility in 31 per cent of trouble. •Ohio has a white population of 4.000.000 and 77.000 negroes. Arkan sas has a white population of 944,500 and 367.000 negroes. Ohio, therefore, would have 2 per cent of difficulty, | while Arkansas would have the much greater responsibility in 40 per cent of trouble. A close study of these figures and others like them would necessarily compel the conclusion that Nevada could not be expected to outline an acceptable for the adjustment of re lations in Georgia. The same can -he as forcefully said of all the States put in comparison. If such comparison is made as to race troubles in the States named and others, North and South, terminating in violence, bloodshed, criminal assaults and lynchlngs, the results, by comparison, would astonish many who nre nst now informed. More important than the .statements just made is the consideration that the white people and negroes in Nevada did not undergo the violent shock that came to the white people and the ne groes In Georgia, immediately after the war. Antagonisms and bitterness and hate were then egendered in Georgia and at the South, that caused separation of -the races that has of at the South are returning to their far mer relations, in recognizing "that every colcired nian of common sense knows that the best white iblood of the South cherishes for them a a friend ship which no other class of white people can understand, much less feel Dr. D. Clay Lilly. Presbyterian pas tor at Winston-Salem. X. C., and for merly secretary of colored evangeliza tion for the Presbyterian church the United States, speaking of thi: class, says: “The good class of ne groes Is intelligent, progressive and re sourceful. Its religion is not a sham Its education has not spoiled it and its devotion to duty is not inspired by the ‘loaves and fishes.’ Its ideals are good its social standards high and its life wholesome and elevating. •' It has been lifted from heathen darkness to its present attainments by the power of the grace of God. If all American ne groes were of this class," there would be no ‘negro problem.' "It will be best for all parties if the white man, strong and dominant, will look seriously and sympathetically at the weaker and the dependent race, and seeing him, just as he is, intelli gently set about aiding him.” This is just we have begun to'do in Georgia, upon a plan based ’ entirely upon our local conditions, as in my judgment, all other people must be al lowed to do. The solution of the problem as re ported for Buxton, Iowa, with a popu- grown wider and wider apart. A feel- lation of 5,000—93 per cent negroes and ing has developed more and more in tense, which, aggravated by crimina tion and recrimination and crimina tion again from all parts of the na tion, as well as abroad, has given us a problem at the South entirely un like anything possible anywhere else Just now. In 1865 the South had -no problem of the r^ces. No people on the earth were more loyal to the trust commit ted to them than the negro at the South before and during the Civil War. Whilst almost the entire male popu lation of the South was absent from home in war, the women and children were left without protection except as it was furnished by the strong arm of the negroes who were.slaves upon the plantations of the Southern States. It never occurred, for a moment, that there might be an uprising or an in surrection of .slaves‘to destroy our homes and slaughter our women and children. We knew the attachment and the loyalty of the negroes. These attachments were quite as strong on the part of the white people. These conditions obtained because of the real affection maintained in the mild household slavery of the South. The people at the South have a veneration ana most kindly affection for the old- time negro who live before and during the war. These never give us trouble. It is quite pertinent to ask, therefore, how this devotion was so radically changed Into such unfortunate an tagonism and continued bitterness. This involves the negro’s relation to citizenship and politics, untutored, un guarded and unrestrained as he was. The bonds between us were all fin ally broken, separation and bitterness ensued, and we became literally two peoples. Steadfast as the negroes tood during the war, the pressure be came too great under reconstruction. After the war, the negroes were promptly made citizens. Tho people of the South were forced to look not only upon abandonment by the ne groes of former pacific relations, but upon absolute treachery among her own people. Many men who had been true to tile South during the war. now, broken down in fortune, and without hope for the future, believed they saw- political elevation for themselves in the use of the negro's vote in politics. The breach was widened by the pres ence of the military all over the South, who, while not encouraging the 7 per cent white people—doubtless meets all the conditions and all the demands of that community. The ne groes own and manage all the places of ‘business and the whites seem to be their employes. If this plan pleases all the people in Buxton and is accept able and satisfactory to them, it is not matter for my Interference. The con ditions are altogether local. I am not here to.suggest a solution for New Jersey nor a solution of the problem at the North; That is alto gether outside of common courtesy and a proper regard for an , intelligent, thoughtful, capable, Christian people. Before we entered upon our plan in Georgia, there were some things fun damental that were necessary to be settled between the races at - the be ginning. There is a chemistry of humanity as there, is a chemistry of fire, water, air and gunpowder, that may result in se rious explosion if it is not properly understood and wisely handled. All' history shows that no two races approaching, in any degree, equality in numbers, ean live peaceably together unless intermarriage takes place or the one becomes dependent upon the other. The Sabine women prepared the way for the admission of the Sabines to Rome and gave the former place among the conscript fathers. Alexander, hav ing conquered Persia, married the Per sian Roxana and thus lessened the so cial distance between the new proVr inces and the original empire. Alarie, Clovis, Henry I. of England, in Italy, Gaul and among the Saxons,, respect ively, resorted to the same policy of intermarriage and for the same pur pose. The long dissensions 4>etween the Normans and Saxons, under Wil liam. Duke of Normandy and William Rufus, disappeared when the two races follow the example of Henry. On the other hand. Israel and Egypt, the He brew nations and the people conquered by them and others, proved the im possibility of two races living together, without the dependence of the one upon the other or intermarriage. Miscegenation by law will never take place at the South. That may be ac cepted as an established fact and set tled, beyond question, and for all time to come. . Intermarriage at the South need not be argued for a moment. Un less the South breaks the record of all history, there is only one alternative left and that is that the negro must be dependent, in a measure at least. on ifs provisions, as I have invariably refused to say anything whatever on any American political question since I came to United States in official ca pacity. BRYCE. WASHINGTON. July 6.—Unofficial advices received here that James Bryce, the British Ambassador, did, not commend the Constitution of Okla homa. and made none of the state ments attributed to him, tend to dis prove the reports that the" Ambussa- race j n danger of being given his passports, exempt There was no warrant for the (lurry from punishment, until guilt has been j n official circles over the statements duly ascertained and declared, and. to i attributed to Ambassador Bryce, further announce that nothing but au- i while the officials of the Department tfientic justice can be called public j Q f state were greatly surprised when justice or is public justice, either in thejvread of the alleged interview, they felt that a satisfactory .explanation would be made, and there would be no cause for action by this government when all the facts became known. Acting Secretary of State Adee. who was fn charge of the Department of State at the time, declared that no notice of the alleged statement would be taken by him. When Robert Ba con, the assistant Secretary of fitate, resumed charge after a short vacation, he said he would do nothing about *he matter, but would await instructions from President Roosevelt. schemes of division and domination [ upon the white man, as he cannot hope concocted in the Union Leagues, were '■ to dominate him. God’s efforts to keep under orders to support and defend (Israel pure is one of the most Inter political leaders created by the leagues. | esting studies of Scripture. Since that day. the negro at the This basis of action was notably ac- “has been determined to oppose, cepted in an address' delivered in mv . . , , - politically, everything he believes the I city <by Dr Booker -Washington and Esri.rr* v’ ay - "•n h *, n 5trai * hter wW , te A ma “ He is a Republican, loudly applauded by the largf number numbers wifi decrease and: an independent or a what-not. just so of negroes he was addressing. From h r^,VJfh 1 » t '!L y driv(n \,}? the wail, he may oppose and fight, against any- .that address I quote as follows: Fourth, if in these conditions he was thing he knows the white man advo- -Another element in the' situation made a part of the body politic, with cates. To this the white man will not! wh fch has 'evented the Sou’hevn all the power of the ballot and the in- submit in patient endurance without>whRe pror' frhm 'taking hold in a fluence of a clUzen. charge can b- inld striking back in kind. The negro's whole-soiled' way as ihev are now rlo- «t his door. If evil and crime in abund- politics lias strained his relations and in , n wfntl has been the "me o' ie3u t,d ' n V v< ‘ r *>«Sht largely hindered his opportunities atlSSif tS- LSw such relations at the beginning. It was the act of the nation. These things need to be said, not at all in criticism, but as history and in absolute fairness to the negro who Is now a citizen. the opportunities at j social equality: something existing . [.somewhere that nobody exactly under- L pon this subject Prof. H. M. stands, but it was something that'’was Browne, a negro and a member of the j always used on every occasion when faculty of Hampton Institute, one | Southern white men or women at- ! ?J T10 2^ schools for negroes at | tempted to put forth genuine effort to >. . „ . , o j.vi •- i u.inn'.u iu uui xui lii If these of our statements are true and the South, says: “The greatest enemy! help the black man. **. a “ “ u,t to the negro and the greatest obstacle "Another element that has kent the be the white man’s problem and not j to his progress Is the politician and UrbVaces troThK 4he problem of the negro. The negro , the negro politician is the worst of all. i the^^constant SreatTf ne^ro^domlnl- preme motive power in the future life law or in fact. Anything outside of authentic justice, found in lynching and tne riotous savagery of mobs, is as much condemned by the people in my State as any State in the Union or any section of the nation. Lawlessness on the' part of white men is as severely censured and con demned as lawlessness and violence by negroes. With, us there can be no aristocracy of crime. A white fiend Is as much to be dreaded as a black brute. In Georgia, we insist that the white man and the negro are to be al ways equal before the law. Second, while we deny and disallow social equality, we are quite free to grant and to defend the negro's fullest rights in industrial privileges and busi ness opportunities. Front the very beginning, even dur ing the earliest day of reconstruction, the negroes had no means for support or for accumulation, except through the favor of the Southern white peo ple. They were practically penniless. Notwithstanding the poverty of the white people and alienation of the ne groes, the white people gave them shel ter and food and employment. I do not believe that there are now twenty-five capable and trustworthy negroes in my State today, out of employment, who could not get work in fifteen minutes if they wanted it. Negroes have access to all the trader and all the profes sions, as ‘barbers, mechanics, artisang masons, lawyers, dentists, etc. They are not prevented from work by labor unions. Such distinctions between the races would not be approved by our people. Starting in 1S66 without a home and without a penny, the negroes in Georgia today pay tax on $23,500,000 worth of property, more th'an one-sixjh as much as the whole State was worth at the end of the war. This could easily have amounted to $123,000,000 if so many negroes were not indolent, idle and irresponsible. If other sections and other States see fit to allow and adopt social equal ity and deny equal industrial privileges to the negro, it is no matter for inter ference or criticism by the people of my State or the people at the South, as this is a matter to be locally deter-, miiied. In the event of such' differ ences in any State or section, the negro has the right and the opportunity to make .choice between the two. "When this choice Es determined, the negro will then he distributed in such rela tion's as he thinks will best suit his opportunities. Upon this point may I quote Dr. Washington again? He says: "It is in-'the South that the -black man finds an open sesame in la{g>r. industry and business that is not surpassed any where else. It is here that the form of -slavery, which prevents a man frdm selling his labor to whom he pleases on account of his color is- almost un known. "If a negro .would spend a- dollar at the opera he will find the fairest op- portunty at the North. If -he- would earn the dollar, his fairest opportunity is at the South. The opportunity to earn the dollar fairly is of much more importance to the negro just now titan the opportunity to spend it at tfte opera.” Rev. Edagr Gardner Murphy says The South has sometimes abridged the negro’s right to vote, but the South has not yet abridged his-right in any direction of human interest or of lion est effort to earn hie bread. The one is secondary, the other is primary: the one is incidental, the greater number of enlightened peoples have lived happily for centuries without it: the other is elemental, structural. Indispensable: it lies at the very basis of life and Integ rity, whether individual or social.” Third, whilst we demand and will al ways positively enforce the requirments that the negro shall have separate schools and separate educational insti tutions, we are quite willing to provide that they shall have equal advantages ith the white people for primary edu cation under our public school system. Indeed, their educational opportunities are in advance of those of the white people in that the white people pay by far the greater bulk of the taxes, while the schools for the races are the same In character and advantage. They are under the control of the same boards of education and the same State and c.ounty officials. Vanquished, deep in- debt, with a ru ral and scattered population, cursed with iliteracy, facing the gravest diffi culties in every line, needing every available dollar, the South, in order to serve an alien people, severed from them in spirit, opposing them politic ally. irritating them socially, handi capping them industrially, by their in dolence and unreliability, arose in her poverty and though the bread was not enough for her own, with amazing gen erosity, she breaks the thin, scant loaf and to the weaker race gives a more liberal part. Of this condition Dr. A. D. Mayo, a prominent and honored educator and citizen of Massachusetts, has said: “The world has never witnessed such spectacle as this inspiration of the superior Southern people at the close of the Civil War. to set us as the su INTERVALE. N. H., July 6.—State ments you quote as attributed to me than John T. Morgan saw in America between h!s first day at the bar, in 1845, and his last day in the Senate, in 1907. He was of the old South that Is history and romance, honor and glory. There is all the difference be tween the old South and the new that there is- between fame and notoriety, between John T. Morgan and John T. Graves. Not a great while before his death John C. Calhoun, the profoundest thinker, the most eminent statesman, and the greatest man the cotton South has produced, went on a tohr of the then Southwest. His journey extended | dor had .incurred the displeasure of to the Mississippi river and he was at i.President Roosevelt_and that lie was Memphis and New Orleans.- Ke tarried some days in Alabama, where Dixon H. Lewis had long contended for, and William- R. King. liad Just as long striven against, the doctrines of the illustrious South Carolinian, and in Alabama he found William L. Yancey, who had opposed nullification in South Carolina in 1830 and John T. Morgan, then in his youth, the flower of which gave promise of the rich and golden fruit of his' mature manhood. It was the period of the Wilmot proviso that specifically asserted that the South had not equal rights with the North in the protection of the Constitution of the United States and laws made in pur suance thereof. Calhoun conferred with both Yancey and Morgan and thev fell in with his views touching the position the South should occupy in the then political crisis. Secession would have p-ome then but for the compromise Henry Clay patched up in 1830.- MARK TWAIN WRITES HE IS NOT TO MARRY LONDON, July 6.—When the report that Mark Twain was engaged to mar ry his ^secretary. Miss I. V. Lyon, was mentioned by a correspondent to Mr. Clemens at his hotel, he was speech less. Then he went to his desk and, afteT.a moment’s thought, wrote out the following: "I have not known, and shall never know, one who could fill the place of the wife I have lost. I shall not marry again. ”S. L. CLEMENS.” is not responsible for its beginning. I am in constant touch with a!! classes of my people. North and South m of ^ designing men have played upon the and I do not hesitate to say that the i is ; n eakness of the negro and have, in ; negro has no ambition to mingle, so- the many instances, arrayed the members - dally, with the white race, neither has . . .. 'The politician uses the negro for his tion It is not the problem of the wnite selfish purposes. In the South, suci: man at the -North nor the problem “ the whit* man at the South, bu the problem of the white man of TU> r’,° f-n ■ , . . j negro race against their best | he any ambition to dominate the white Et er> free-born American citizen, friends, the Southern white man. ma n in political matters. With these who is a lineal descendant of the orig- They have been taught that they are two points definitely understood, I see hial settlers of New Jersey or Georgia. , asserting their independence by vot- , no reason why we cannot co-operate Massachusetts or South Carolina, or, ing against the interest of the very I on the platform laid down by the any other of the thirteen original colo- men to whom thev go in time of league nies. is. either directly or remotely, de- ; trouble and they have not been able -TVhat the n-ero i- interested in for ^ I e ?.- 0r -,!"._ r . ea R ze . their inter - beyond any m!tter“ o? social £ter- the Interests of i tncouraged the Iniquitous slave trade ests lie closest and the subsequent dealing in human those whom they oppose at"the‘polls" : nofiticM dominltiom beings as merchandise and chattels. ; I know and every colored man of com- : * Individ ui? blank minn-nn From all these sins the negro is en-: mon sense knows, that the best white ^dlv shal be nb=olutelv "ure hat he tirely free and the white men of the j blood of the South cherishes for us a , nation, the entire nations are respon- friendship which no other class slble. (white people can understand of their States, the entire system of education, developed by the genius of the American people during the past two hundred and fifty years of their colonial and national existence.” With all this ample opportunity for mental and intellectual training, it is due to say that for many generations yet to come, if ever, there‘will be scant opportunities at the South for many negroes thoroughly trained in the higher education. Some would-be friends of the ne groes. as it seems to me, - have made mistakes in attempting to educate the negro outside of his environment and away from his opportunities. To con ceive of training the whole negro race in the higher branches of learning is as unwise as it Is economically Imprac- solu- j ticable. There is no race with such ! ..will receive Justice. Assure the negro , ' that the same justice administered' to 11 - Inuc * 1 j the white man will be administered to My own State. Georgia, became a less feel. hiiri and we have the key to th slave State about the same time as did In addition to this spirit of intense: tion of our whole racial problem. -intellectual endowment that all Pennsylvania and New Jersey. W ith opposition, born in politics as Just **I have not come here to speak to-[people can be highly educated. At my State this curse was longer , stated, a greater element of our prob- day without careful examination into! present only a small per cent of the continued and the peo-p.e of Georgia are lem is that we find ourselves in'the! the situation. I have watched every negro population need or can take the suffering the greater and more lasting midst of large numbers of negroes who , move; I have read every word that ; higher education. The negro race must eviis than are t.-.e people of New Jer- are ignorant and vicious, grossly -im-^as been uttered on the part of the have leaders from its own race—these, sev, only because of the lateness of our | moral, self-assertive and almost en- leaders of this movement, and I do not 1 can be developed only by the beat release from slavery. tirely unrestrained. For these condi- | hesitate to say that* I have as .much training. The settlers in tne thirteen orginal ; tione t.ie people at the South do not faith in their earnestness, in their sin-! If the negro is made industrially ea- colonles have scattered the negroes • hold themselves altogether responsible rerity. in the!!' ability to help lift up j pable and industrially reliable the peo- mto every State In the union. W herever , Tne emancipation of the slaves did the negro, in a way that no other group pie at the South would rather have his go they carry the problem of the not irritate the people of. -Ih a South, .of white, mep, in any. part Of th© conn- i service such as oould by any other people upon the earth. But it is possible that the kind of edu cation to which he has been encouraged in some quarters has given him a feel ing qf self-sufficiency that has lifted him entirely out of his place amon’g the people who would be more than glad to use him, with profit to himself, if he were only willing to serve. Because of this condition of things educationally and otherwise, after nearly one-half century of patient waiting, the white people in my State and the white people at the South are, reluctantly, turning away from the em plp'ymen-t of negroes as cooks, laun dresses, plowmen, coachmen and kin dred positions, to other people whom we to receive from abroad. No white man in Georgia can be charged with this great loss of opportunity in curred by the negro, and of material and educational development that Would have come to him. Whilst .the negro is in no way re sponsible for the beginning of the problem, he is. most criminally.; re sponsible for its wicked continuance, There is not a single negro from among the one million In my State, who does not fully understand the villainy of the outrages, that are sometimes com mitted by their people. This responsi bility is upon them and upon them solely. We expect to so hold them un til they .^re controlled, properly pun ished and made obedient to law. In this effort the better negroes are now renderirig- most helpful service and couffsel. ‘ These are co-operating with us in building, most successfully, a State great In its material force and equip ment. The increase in the tax values of Georgia for the past twelve months was more than one-third the value of the entire taxable property of the State at -the close of the war. Ih 1904 the State increased its tax Values $26,276,809 over and above the Values of the year previous. In 1905 the increase was $40,945,527. In 1906 the increase was $49,692,257. Showing a Steady annual increase of material wealth, hot exceeded, relatively, by any other State. We have our contentions just as do ail the other States. Lawlessness abroad throughout all the land. We have our share with the other States, but -not- more. * ' We have lawless whites as well as lawless negroes, as do all the other States. When -these two elements mix in Georgia, as elsewhere, we have the spectacle of settling the race problem by blood. The problem of the races involves the relations of the Anglo-Saxon, as the people of power, to the negroes, who are a people of weakness.” There fore the problem with us must be set tled. If settled at all, by the superior wisdom and superior judgment of the superior race, in righteons and ju^t consideration for the inferior race. The white man must take a masterful ini tiatory leadership and determine the course of conduct after the fullest, most painstaking and complete inves tigation and, in kindly conference with the best element of the negro race, reach the most equitable and just ad justment possible for the best interests of the two. This we have begun in Georgia to do. ■ Representing a body from the best citizens of my city, I have, personally, canvassed nearly one hundred coun ties in my State. In these several counties we have organized into com mittees large numbers of the best white citizens, who will undertake, lo cally. the adjustment of the relations of the races and the proper control of the lawless and disorderly of both races. Later these committees will associate with themselves numbers of fhe law-abiding, good negroes resident in the several communities. The very best citizens of my State are taking position with the commit tee and the spirit of all the people is more hopeful and the solution of the problem is beginning. The silent in fluence of such citizens, to say nothing of their outspoken and positive deliv erances. is having potent influence upon all the people of the State. The secretive disposition of the bet ter negro is g'ving way before his sense of responsibility to the commun ity and they are doing well in the de livery of .their criminals to the officers of the law. During the present session of our Legislature we hope to see enacted stringent and wholesome laws against vagrancy and idleness, so that we can prut to work all the Indolent and vi cious—the classes from which ail our criminals now come. We will not solve this great and vexing problem in a day nor a year, but It is our problem and we will han dle it wisely, with purpose, with vigor its and with results. We must save the negro or it is plain his wickedness and his crimes will destroy the State. Our patriotism, our humanity and our Christianity all compel us to righteous effort for the solution of this problem. “Who saves his country saves himself; saves all things, and all things saved bless him.” "Who lets his country die, lets all things die; dies himself iguobly, -and, Jill things dj>Jpg^pnrin». hlm,r._ - When secession did come Yancey and Morgan both loyally and grimlv sup ported it. Morgan, though a " public man, had never held public office other than Presidential elector. He was a leader of the bar of his State and his section. He was that happy com posite—a learned lawyer and an honest man. He never sought office. Hi? grandeur of character commanded it He would as soon have begged his bread as to solicit a vote. He went be.ore the people and discussed public- questions: but he spoke for Alabama i? r . Morgan. Office, perpetual and tlio highest,, would have been valueless to him and a thing to be scorned if be stowed on cond'tion that he surrender the least conviction he had on the least political issue imaginable. That was the old South, and John T. Morgan was an old Southerner. It and he had but one creed—loyalty in obli gation—which is nothing but fidelity to conviction and constancy to plighted faith. He held that the Federal Gov- ernment has no title to rule except what Is nominated in its deed, made by the States and called ihe Constitution of the United States. It is an instru ment as binding on the grantee as it is on the grantor. The design was this—simply this—to restrain majori ties. We hear a heap of slush abo'ut government by the people' 1 and all as though the people are in fallible and can do no wrong, when one who has' the merest smattering of his- tory ought to know that the only use in the world of free -Government, and the only thing for which it was ever instituted, is to keep the people from doing wrong. If the people-could do no wrong there would - be no use for any Government whatever. This Gov ernment of ours was made for no other purpose than to keep the people from doing wrong. We spend a billion a yesr in that behalf, and then don’t get what we contract for. Whenever vou see^ a man going up and down the earth bawling “government bv the peo ple.” .spot him; watch him. - He's got a cloven foot somewhere about his per son. and give him time and he will show it. . , Morgan was 33 years old when Ala bama gave him the station for which God made him. No man of our history, who reached first place in American statesmanship, was so late taking his place In the national councils. Only three other men received so many [commissions to serve in the body—ha was six times chosen a. Senator: Sher man, Morrill and Allison were the oth ers. There were giants in the Senate when Morgan entered it. Morton. Ed munds. Conkling. Ingalls. Blaine and Allison were there on the Republican side, reinforced the Democracy that was led by Thurman, supported by iHeck. Garland. Lamar. Ben Hill. Whyt( and Eustis. Sherman went into th* Cabinet the day Morgan came- into the Senate. Morgan was silent his first year, ana his debut was the splintering of a lance against the shield of Roscoe Conkling. On Morgan's motion to refer a certain matter to a committee. Conkling, with his air of superlative superiority, as serted that it was an “extremely novel proposition," to which the Alabamian, with “that calm repose that marks the cast of Vere de Vere,” dryiy retorted, “Everything is novel here except the law of the land.” While Conkling ex torted admiration from every Senator, he had but two friends in the body— Hannibal Hamlin and W. W. Eaton, the latter a Democrat—and from that day Morgan was one of the most pop ular men on either side. Morgan understood the thing. You never heard him howling about “gov- ernment by tho people.” He was too fathers in America improved on it. It Government 'by the representatives of the people. That is the stuff. Our an cestors in England invented it: our fathers in America improved on it t t is in all the State Constitutions that are over thirty years old. Tt is the sou! of that system of Government we cal! a republic. . It is the only free Govern ment in the world. The one meaner Government than the Persian despot ism, of Darius and Xerxes w»s the pure Democracy of Athens. . Midway be tween the two is representative Gov ernment. And where is the candid man to say havF» not been reasonably sue- cessful under representative Govern ment? Why pot bear the blessings we have a little longer rather than fly to fads we know not of? It is a very Constitution and a very good Govern ment. We might go farther and fare worse. Indeed we might. John T. Morgan came to tho bar in 1845. when 21 years of age. It was a powerful inllec.t with which he was en- dowed and it was a srand character that he made. Like all-Southern gen tlemen of that age, Morgan devoted much study to Government. He was deeply read in history, and he was a laborious and profound thinker. He was on the stump in every campaign and a leader of that people, as splendid a citizenship as the world ever saw When the Inevitable struggle came he went with his State, entered the army a private, and by his valor earned the- rank of general of brigade. When de- Xobod.v but a Senator who served with him. and capable of estimating his mental and moral qualities, knows what a great man Morgan was. Tbo labor he accomplished was simply stu pendous. It was imposstble for that mind to be idie in his waking mo ments, and it was just as impossible for it to dwell on frivolity. His writ ings and speeches would fill many large volumes, and they will be a lamp to illumine the page of American history if Its story is ever told by a Hume or a Macaulay. Inferibr to Jefferson Da vis as a dialectician, he was his equal in expression, and not below him as an American Senator. Some thought him too voluminous of speech, but the same was alleged against Thurman, and both were as luminous as they were fluent. Some of the finest epigrams in Congressional debate are to b.e found in the speeches of John T. Mor- man. He had Imagination, ton—th-j.t torch-bearer of eloquence—and he could make reason not only red hot, but 'brilliant. It was Ben Hill who sj>oke for the South in the sectional debates subse quent to 1877. but Morgan also bore a hand, as did Lamar. When the South ern question was retired to make way for economic problems, Morgan par ticipated actively. He was a silver man, and supported the 16 to 1 va gary with all his might. He advocated the Stanley Matthews resolution that Lamar and Hill opposed against the in- , structions of their State Legislatures. To the same understanding “bimetal lism.” as the 16 to 1’ers deflned.it. is an impossibility. It never existed any where, though it was for centuries the law of the land everywhere. There can no more he a double standard in coinage than there,can be double eon.- duci Vn morals. The Imser metal will drive from the mints the dearer, just as iniquity will drive virtue from the heart, that gives welcome to both. Mr. Hyde and Dr. Jekyl could no more, exist In the same personality than gOld .aiyl silver can in the same mint at a fixed ratio. Morgan, like Jupiter, here en- dulged a nod. . Hut that Is a dead issue—pity that other and more vicious vagaries that no*" plague American politics were, not buried with it.. It was .a calamity to the Democratic party and to the public that John T. Morgan arid Grover Cleveland did not understand each other and each nut the actual value on the other that was his duo. Perhaps there was too much of.,the bulldog in both to occupy the same kennel. . Mor gan ought to have been Secretary, of. State instead of Bayard, and.Morrison ' should have been Secretary of the.In terior Instead of Lamar in Cleveland’s first Cabinet. The last fifteen years of Morgan's Career he devoted entirely to foreign affairs and the Isthmian canal. Here was his best and greatest work; here his wonderful and herculean labors. His policy was the Western Henoie- phere for America. His pet, coinage scheme was 1C to 1 for every Govern ment of North. South and Central Americas and fhe isles of the .sea' of the western world. He wanted a pan- American for finance and for tariffs. He was the stoutest champion the Monroe Doctrine ever had and he - snapped the chords of the Clayton- Bulwer treaty as Samson broke the Green withes. With a President in accord with him he would have ibeep a dazzling ‘Secretary of State, as brilliant as Dlraeli and as strong as Bismarck: It was in this project of pan-Ameri canism that Morgan’s imagination would not be denied: hut it was always he-ld in check by his strong eommon sense and sterling manhood. He was for an isthmian canal be cause he thought it necessary to the power and the welfare of the republic. He was for tfie Nicaragua route be cause it was nearer and saved thirty- six hours In a voyage from an Atlantic or Gulf port to a port of California, or Oregon, or Washington. In case of war that saving of time might easlly. mean victory in either ocean. He labored for ears on this great project. His speeches in that behalf, are evidence of the mental and moral energies of the man. No man can realize how great he was until he has read and digested those speeches and the reports on hich he founded them. And then when , the work was done.- when the fruit was in his grasp, it was snatched from his hand. Morgan feat overwhelmed the South it left him I went to his grave In the firm convic- bankrupt in everything 'but manhood ' tlon t!,at 11 was a J°b. put up. by the and tharacte'r —♦-> —" — He returned to his profession and again took his place as a leader of his people. The famous fanatics of the North thought they had made John T Morgan, the highest type of Saxon, the subject of Jerry Haralson, a cotton- field negro. The Saxon was disfran chised; the negro was sent to Con gress The Revocation of the Edict of Nantes was the sagest statesman ship and holiest piety in comparison The burning of witches, the hanging of Quakers, and tho banishment of Baptists was profounder virtuous pol icy It jvould be as easy to subject the winds to man’s will as to bend the Southern white to the Southern negro" Morgan knew that and lent his pow erful aid to restore civil liberty to the Saxon of the South. He succeeded. The acepter returned to the house out of which it had de parted in the smoke of ruin and the blood of battle. Morgan was a captain in that conflict of peaceful revolution and the entire South had not a stouter or a nobler, and car- petibagging, scallawagging and all their concomitant knavarious fell be fore the stern resolve of a people born to rule: In our halls is hung Armory of the invincible knights of old, We must be free or die who speak the tongue That Shakespeare spake; the faith and morals hold Which Milton held. In everything we are sprung Of earth’s best blood. It was the design and the hope of j Stevens and Butler, of Wade and Chandler, of Morton and Logan to turn the South into a Hayti and hold it is an asse-t^ of the parry of Great Moral Ideas. transcontinental railroads fljecause of [the thirty-six. hours longer sail by the Panama route. He wa? not mealy mouthed about it. What his mind forged that his tongue uttered. In commerce time it became a leading factor as It is. and ever was. in war To the weakest understandings and most cereless observation it is manifest that the transcontinental railroads pre ferred the Panama route to the Nica raguan. But the wine was drawn and. bitter as it was. Morgan quaffed it. I cannot close without mention of Morgan's cross-examination of C. P. Huntington and William Nelson Crom well. He did not elicit the informat'on he was in search of, but he carried moral conviction to every one who heard and to all who havo read. "What an advocate he must have been before a box with twelve men in It in a trial of a great cause of nici prius. Ful lerton's cross-examination of Reecher does not equal Morgan’s handlings of Huntington and Cromwell. Washington, June 15. (Copyright by E. W. Newman.! HOTEL MONTEREY BURNED: THE LOSS WAS $75,000 ATLANTA, Ga., July 6.—The Hotel Monterey, a summer resort at ML Airy, Ga., about 100 miles east of At lanta, was destroyed by fire this after noon. There was no loss of life. Loss $75,000; no insurance. The Wilcox cottage, adjoining the hotel, was also burned with a loss of $8,000. Vidalia Chamber of Commerce. VIDALIA, Ga.. Julv 4.—At a meeting of the representative business men of Vidalla, a Chamber of Commerce -vv.is organized with the following offi.t-rs: They well might have adopted President, Professor E. L. Ray; vice- the motto emblazoned on the vandal j president, S. A. McColslcey: secretary banaet.pf Albert,.o£ -J atnlaadi Uteasurcr, A. Mc.Queej^ sr j INDISTINCT print ]