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News-rieraid
jANI> Constitution,
j 12 2v£crLtHs~sl.2s.
THE GWINNETT HERALD, )
Established In 1871.
the lawkenceville news, l
Established In 1893. y
Keep
coughing
know
Of nothing better to tear the
lining of your throat and
lungs. It is better than wet
feet to cause bronchitis and
pneumonia. Only keep it
up long enough and you
will succeed in reducingyour
weight, losing your appetite,
bringing on a slow fever and
making everything exactly
right for the germs of con-
I sumption.
Stop coughing and you
will get well.
Ayer’s
Cherry
pectoral
cures coughs of every kind.
An ordinary cough disap
pears in a single night. The
racking coughs of bronchitis
are soon completely mas
tered. And, if not too far
along, the coughs of con
sumption are completely
cured.
Ask your druggist for out
of
Dr. Ayer’s
Cherry Pectoral
Plaster.
If will aid the action of th#
Cherry Pectoral.
U j*n any •wnplalnt wh»%-
•rat and deuira tba boat medical
advioa you caa possibly abtaia,
Writs us free’v. You will reaeive a
prompt reply that may baas great
VaUiatoyou. Address,
DIL J. C. AYJfcil, LowaU, Mass.'
J. A. PERRY,
ATTORNEY-AT-LAW,
Lawrenceville, : : Ga.
Office over G. W. * A. P. Cain’s Stor •.
All business entrusted to my care will re*
eeive prompt attention.
~ N. L. HUTCHINS, JR.,
ATTORNEY-AT-LAW.
Office in postoffice building. Prompt atten
tion given to collections and practice in State
and federal courts.
OSCAR BROWN, JNO. R. COOPER.
Lawrenceville. Ga. Macon, Ga,
BROWN & COOPER,
ATTORNEYS-AT-LAW.
Criminal Law A Specialty.
Office up stairs in the old Winn drugstore.
DR. A. M. WINN, ~
LAWRENCEVILLE, GA.
Attends calls day or night.
Q. A. NIX,
ATTORNEY-AT-LAW.
Office in Cain Building.
Lawrenceville, Ga.
Will practice In all the courts, Careful at
tention ta all legal business. Sep 08-1 ▼
T. M. PEEPLES,
ATTORNEY-AT-LAW,
Lawrenceville, - - Ga.
Practices in the State courts. Special atten
tion givep to the winding up of estates.
F. F. JUHAN L.F MCDONALD.
juhan & McDonald,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
Lawrenceville, - - -» Ga.
Will practice in all the courts, State and Fed
eral. Long and successful experience in every
department of the law.
Bankrupt Practice a Specialty.
If you can’t pay what you owe come and let us
give that relief the law provides for you, and
begin life anew.
Age and long experience, youth, proficiency
and energy combined, Try us.and you will not
regret it.
JOHN M. JACOBS,
DENTIST,
Lawrenceville, - - Ga.
Office over G. W. A A. I*. Cain’s store.
V. G. HOPKINS,
DENTAL SURGEON,
Office over Winn’s old drug store.
Office hours—9a. m. to 4 p. in.
LAWRENCEVILLE. GA.
DR. N. N. GOBER,
86 Grant Buildine, Atlanta, Ga.
Cures ECZEMA, ASTHMA, RHEUMATISM.
S. L. HINTON,
PHYSICIAN AND SURGEON,
Dacula, - - - - Ga.
Office near the depot. Chronic diseases a spe
cialty; 20 years experience. The patronage of
the public solicited.
W. T. HINTON,
PHYSICIAN AND SURGEON,
Dacula, - - - - Ga.
Located at the late Dr. S. H. Freeman old
stand, and any of his former customers will
And me ready to serve them.
Chronic Diseases a Specialty.
All calls promptly attended to, day or night
CLARK BANKS,
THE OLD RELIABLE BARBER,
Can bo found at his old stand, on Pike street
First-clas* work. Satisfaction guaranteed.
VV. fi. DKXTKR.
FUNERAL DIRECTOR AND E^BALMER,
Lawrenceville. Ga.
51 FOOLED THE SURGEONS.
All doctors told Renick Hamil
ton, of West Jefferson, 0., after
sufiering 18 months from Rectal
Fistula, he would die unless a cost
ly operation was preformed, but
he cured himself with five boxes
of Bucklen’s Arnica Salve, the
sur-rst Pile cure on Earth, and the
best Salve in the World. 25 cents
a box. Sold by A. M. Winn &
Son, Druggists.
THE NEWS-HERALD.
Consolidated Jan. 1, 1898.
Have Ten ? I Have.
Have yon ever come in thirsty
Wishing only for a drink ?
Have you found the bucket empty
While your spirits lower 9ink ?
I have.
Have you come in tired and hungry
Wanting rest, and dinner, too ?
Have you hoar 1 the oook a calling
‘’There’s no wood to cook this stew!”
I have.
Have you ever asked a maiden
If she’d have you for a beau ?
Have you felt the ground was linking
When she cooly answered “No?”
1 have.
Have you ever been i*o sleepy
That for sleep you’d give your all f *
Have you sought this seme sweet slumber
When the cats began to squall ?
I have.
PROHIBITION.
[Speech of Senator McGhee, continued from
last week.]
Talk about destruction of prop
erty. They sav you must not pass
this bill because you will destroy
SBOO,OOO worth of property. That
is the cry. Now I say to some of
these gentlemen who stand upon
the liquor side of this question, I
think I can remove their objection
to this bill iu so far as the de
struction of property is concerned,
and if 1 succeed iu this I am satis
fied they will come iu and help us
pass the bill,because to them it is
“purely a legal question.’’ When
a man of great intellect runs up
agaiDst a great constitutional
question he must be satisfied, but
when the objection is removed, he
as an honest man, will be ready to
stanS with us on this bill. Let’s
see what the supreme court of
Georgia says about destroying
property of this kind. The case
went up from the city of Atlanta,
county of Fulton. Seventy-seven
Georgia, page 668, the supreme
court says: “It follows that the
incidental effects upon the value
of property, such as a brewery and
its fixtures, resulting from the in
ability cf the owners to adjust
their old business to a new law, is
not takingordamaging their prop
erty for the use of the public, but
only prevents them from taking or
damaging the public for their
use.”
Now, I charge that the liquor
traffic is a sponge; it is soaking
up the life-blood of our industrial
life, and giving out nothing. I
charge that the money invested in
liquor gives less people employ
ment, according to the capital in
vested, than any other business in
the world. I charge that the li
quor traffic pays their laborers
less, according to the capital in
vested, than any other institution
in the country, and you talk about
throwing people out of employ
ment! The ceusus of 1890 gives
the combined capital invested in
breweries, etc., for the year. Ac
cording to the capital invested,
the liquor dealers employed one
person for every SB,OOO capital it -
vested, and paid $448 wages. Boot
and shoe factories employ 8 6-lOths
persons for every $3,000 invested,
eight times as much labor fur
nished, aud pays the laborers $2,-
387, aud the whole combined brew
eries in the United States, accord
ing to this census, ouly employ
3,300 and pay them a small pit
tance. If the liquor traffic was
abolished in Georgia and that
money put into just and legiti
mate trade, the result would be,
like Henry Grady Baid, that the
money sunk in barrooms aud sa
loons would go into the grocery
stores and shoe factories, and
things of that kind, that pay la
borers five times as well as the li
quor men pay them and employ
five times as many. Ought a trust
with combined capital, employing
only 3,300 people, dictate to the
whole union in which we live, to
the legislatures of the country and
have the rights of all of our own
people set aside ?
But now I strike it, now I strike
it! Personal liberty! Persoual
liberty ! That is the cry from one
end of the country to the other.
Personal liberty 1 Isay that the
fundamental principle of govern
ment is that no man has persoual
liberty to the extent that he has a
right to damage his neighbor.
You own a piece of land next to
mine, two building lots You
have no right to erect a nuisance
for yourself, one that will endan
ger the health of my family and
home. Your persoual liberty
stops whenever it interferes with
my life, safoty or health, and you
know it. There is a limit to per
sonal liberty, there are some
things a man has no right to do—
he has no right in this country to
beat his wife, he has no right to
carry weapons only in a certain
way. Talk about personal liberty 1
The fair city of Atlanta has
; gone so far as to dictate when and
j where a woman shall wear her hat,
LAWRENCEVILLE, GEORGIA, THURSDAY, JANUARY 11.1900.
and where a countryman shall
! spit. Talk about persoual liberty!
| Now, let me ask you, in all fair
ness and candor, if 117 counties
have no right to their personal lib
erty. Thejr personal liberty says,
“We don’t want liquor.” These
fellows in the city say, “We have
personal liberty, and you must
not come over our line and inter
fere with us.” We say that 22
counties ought to be willing to let
117 have their liberty. You say
“No, we will exorcise our personal
liberty, but you shall not have it.
Your little minority of 177 coun
ties must yield to the majority of
22. We will do as we please. We
will set aside your personal liber
ty and deluge your counties with
liquor ail over the state of Geor
gia. If you will just let us set
aside your persoual liberty, let us
make ten milliou dollars out of
you by selling our liquor to you,
we will give you one thousand dol
lars for your schools, aud that
ought to satisfy you country mem
bers.” I submit this question to
the senators on this floor: If lo
cal option had run liquor out of
every county iu this state butone,
and that one was Fulton, aud ev
ery barroom keeper in the state
were to go to Atlanta and set up
there, and every other county in
the state were dry, would you say
it was democratic for one county
to dominate aud control the state?
Would it be democratic for one
county to set aside the will of 136
sovereign counties in the state ?
Would it not be preposterous ?
What would that mean ? It would
mean continuing the barroom and
the liquor traffic until the crack
of doom, and you know it. If
that would not be right, on the
same principle is it right for two
or three counties to do it ? Is it
right for four counties to exercise
that privilege ? Is it right for 20
counties to do it 7
Now, senators, I tell you one
thing the Willingham bill has
done. The Willingham bill has
accomplished a thing that the
whole state, the democracy and
everything else has been unable to
do—it has brought the Constitu
tion and the Atlanta Journal to
gether. The lamb aud the lion
are actually lying down together
on the Willingham bill, aud when
I behold the scene I am constrain
ed to exclaim, “Behold, mercy and
truth have met together,righteous
ness and peace have met together.”
Now, a strange thing to me about
this local option business is thus,
whenever we have a local option
election the daily papers of the
state are for state prohibition, but
when it comes to state prohibition,
they are for the grand old princi
ple of local option. Put your fin
ger on a daily paper in the state of
Georgia that has ever used its col
umns for the grand old democrat
ic principles of local option when
the contest has been on. How
was it in -Macon, or Columbus, or
Rome, or any of the cities ? I ask
in all candor, if there be any truth
in the position of these papers,why
were they not for local option
when they had a chance ? In Ma
con they cried: “Give us state
prohibition and we will stand by
it. You take liquor out of Macon
and Atlanta will grow rich on us,
aud we cannot afford it, but give
us a state bill and we will stand
for it and support it.” Where
does Macon stand when the state
prohibition bill is offered ? I ask
men to deal fairly with this argu
ment. I ask you to deal with
it in sincerity and say that you
are not for local option or state
prohibition, but you are soul and
body for whisky and the liquor
traffic. It reminds me of a pro
fessor iu a leading northern col
1-ge. He was what you call a pro
feffsor of “bugology,” and the stu
dents thought they would play a
trick on him, and they went out
and got the body of a bug, put a
h-g of one kind on the body, a
DOES IT PAY TO BUY CHEAP?
A cheap remedy for coughs and
colds is all right, but you want
something that will relieve and
cure the more severe and danger
ous results of throat and lung
troubles. What shall you do? Go
to a warmer and more regular cli
mate? Yes, if possible If not
possible for you, then in either
ease take the only remedy that
has been introduced iu all civilized
countries with success in severe
throat and lung troubles, “Bos
chee’s German Syrup.” It not
only heals and stimulates the tis
sues to destroy the germ disease,
but allays inflamation, causes easy
expectoration, gives a good night’s
rest, and cures the patient. Try
one bottle. Recommended many
years by all druggists iu the world.
Sample bottles at Bagwell’s Drug
Store, Lawreuaevilie; Smith and
Harris, Suwanee: R. O. Medlock,
N u'cross.
wing of another kind, eyes of an-1
[other kind and head of another!
kind, and carried it to the profea-i
sor and said: “What kind of bug
is this ?” The professor looked
over his glasses and said : “Young
men, I am too old to be fooled —I
am certain that is a humbug,”
Senators, when you see a temper
ance paper or man with a local op
tion body, a state prohibition Ipg,
a personal liberty eye, a high li
cense wing and revenue feet, you
need not he.-itate in classing the
thing as a “prohibition humbug.”
I was speakiug of the two great
daily newspapers of Georgia, of
this city, aud of this great move
ment that is stirring the hearts
aud conscience of our state, and I
thought, Mr. President, if the great
powers wielded by these immense
papers were turned in the chan
nels of rignt, were directed iu the
interest, of sobriety, were given to
uplifting our people and our coun
try by the abolition of the liquor
traffic, I have thought what a uni
versal blessing they would be to
the state. I hold in my hand a
clipping from the Atlanta Consti
tution of December first, which I
endorse in the highest terms, and
which I adopt as my own state
ment. In making a plea for the
boys of Georgia, the Atlanta Con
stitution says: “There is more iu
the man than there is in the laud.
There is more in a man thou there
is in a railroad, than there is in a
cotton factory, than there is in
any industrial development. t Gen
tlemen of the Legislature, we give
unto your consideration the poor
boys of Georgia,” I endorse that
sentiment aud say there is more in
a man than there is in a cot’tou
factory. I say there is more in a
mao than there is in a railroad,
more than there is in any indus
trial enterprise; and, senators,
men are made from boys and the
character of our boys determines
the character of our men, and I
ask this great paper why, in speak
ing of education for boys, does it
put the hovs above the cottou fac
tory, put them above the industri
al enterprises, and yet, when this
great movement, if for the salva
tion and uplifting of our boys,
why don’t they stand to it arid
come to our rescue ? They say
they are worth more than facto
ries and industrial enterprises.
When we seek to uplift and save
our sons, this same paper con
fronts us w-ith the argument that
the liquor traffic pays $350,000 to
educate your boys. Isay that our
sods are worth more than cotton
factories and industrial enterprise,
that $350,000 per annum is a small
price at which to sell out our boys
and our children and our homes.
Here i6|inother clipping I endorse;
this is from the Atlanta Journal:
“The world, with all its sorrows aud
sadness, holds no more pathetic
spectacle than a child who has nev
er known what childhood is, whose
face, instead of wearing the smiles
and roses which are the joy aud
beauty of childhood, is pale and
sickly and pinched ; the face upon
which battle and care have set
their mark, aud plowed their fur
rows where dimples should be seen.
If an army of such children, and it
could be easily made up from Geor
gia factories, could be marched be
fore the Georgia legislature we do
not believe there is a man in that
body who would vote agaiust the
pending bill. It is the duty of the
state to protect her children who
are not protected by those who have
the natural control of them, but in
an unnatural way.” Here is a pa
per making a plea for the childhood
of the state and saying to the legis
lature that personal liberty has no
place in it, and that the legislature
ought to go so far in the protection
of childhood as to assume the place
of the parent, and where the parent
will not protect they say the legis
lature ought to do it. Where is
the argument of persona! liberty ?
Senators, if it will not apply when
children are being overworked in
factories, pray tell me how it is
pertinent when we seek to save
our sous and daughters from the
influence of the open bar, which
is fifty times worse than working
in a cottou factory. I listened to
the eloquence of the senator who
represents this district as he plead
for the poor children who work in
the factories, and appealed to us
for their health and for their hap
piness, and I say today that l ap
peal to him on the same high
ground because the saloon is doing
more to hurt and ruin our chil
dren than every cotton factory in
the state.
The question has been raised
that this pending measure is un
democratic. I want to be fair in
argument and candid. I deny
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Only new subscribers, or renewals, from Nov. 24th, 1899,
to April Ist, 1900, will be allowed to participate in the con
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Yoli get your county paper at the regular price of 75c a
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These contests will close on the first day of April, 1900.
The other contests will be closed on Dec. 25th, 1900.
that it is a proposition of Democ
racy. I say that this is a great
moral question that rise* as high
above politics as the eagle soars
above the mountains in this state.
I say to you, this question lives iu
a higher and holier and a purer at
mosphere than politics, and that
victory may be delayed, but it
is sure. The people of Georgia
have sounded the note, one hun
dred and seventeen counties are
dry, a Democratic house has pas
sed it by a majority and it stands
before us io the senate. I tell you
it is coming. There is no ques
tion of politics in it. But if this
bill fails to pass tins' senate, the
grand old Democratic party of
Georgia will see to it that in the
coming electiou men take a po
sition on this great question. It
is a Democratic principle, purs
aud simple. I want to say that
the first state prophibition law
ever passed in the United States
was passed by a Democratic legis
lature and was signed by a Dem
ocratic governor. The name of
the honored and lamented govern
or of this state has been mention
ed in opposition to the measure,
but I say that in the city of Sa
vannah, when the question was
asked the sainted governor when
he was a candidate: “If the Geor
gia legislature passes a state pro
hibitipn bill will you veto the
measure ?” His answer in that
city by the sea was this: “If the
people, through their representa
tives, pass a state prohibition
measure, I would not veto it be
cause I would take that to mean
that the Democratic party, thro’
their representatives, have aban
doned local option and have taken
state prohibition ” He seemed to
recognize the principles that if
one hundred and seventeen coun
ties in Georgia, representing three
fourths of the democracy of the
stute, should take an advanced
step towards state prohibition,
that it would be Democratic, Do
you ask for the proof that was
said ? I answer that it is a prin
ciple of law that when papers
come from the proper custody
they come with the idea of genu-
ineness upon them. That state
ment came fresh and burning from
the lips of a man who presides to
day over the most honored state
institution in our midst, a man
whose veracity will not, be ques
tioned and whose accuracy is pro
verbial.
Now, senators, I ask you this
question iu all candor aud all
fairness: if prohibition by local
enactment is right—mark it—if it
is right in itself by local enact
ment, why is not the same prin
ciple right by a general law ?
Does the fact of a general law or
a local law change the fact of the
eternal right or the eternal wrong
of the subject legislated upon ?
What is the object of local enact
ment ? The object of local en
actment is prohibition. That is
what it is. Another thing, is the
three-mile law democratic, passed
by a demecratic legislature ? Sen
ators, if the three-mile law is
democratic, why is not a six mile
law democratic, and if a six mile
law is democratic, why is not a
hundred mile law democratic, and
if a hundred mile law is demo
cratic, why is not a three hundred
mile law democratic ? In prin
ciple and in right, is it a fact that
democracy can extend its wings
over a three mile radius and pro
tect every country church and
schoolhouse and not ii\ feather
of her brilliant plumage cau cross
the incorporated limits of a town
or city ? How does the corporate
limits of a city change the eternal
principle of democracy, or the
eternal principles of right or
wrong ? But you tell us that
cities have police regulations;
that we ought not to have liquor
in the country, but it is right to
have it in the city because of po
lice regulations. Senators, no
man ean be arrested uutil he has
violated the law; no man can be
arrested uutil he has committed a
crime. Let your boy pass down
the street and let a bullet, belch
ing hot from a pistol of a drunken
mau, be sent through his heart.
Carry him back to your boarding
house and sit there by his side
and see his cheek turn pale and
watch tho hlood as it flows out in
its crimson tide. There in your
sadness and in your sorrow, let
the authorities come in and mingle
their tears with yours and say to
you, “You need not trouble —we
have police regulations here—that
man who shot your son is arrested !
and is now in jail.” Then, and
nut till then, will you recognize
the impotouoy and the wrong of
police regulations.
Undemocratic because it de
stroys property! Senators, are i
our children and our homes and j
our firesides of as much value as
the trees of the forest ? Aro they
of as much valus as tho cattle
that graze upon (he hills of Geor
gia ? Let the dreaded San Jose
scale find its way to one magnifi
cent peach orchard of Georgia,
and your democratic agricultural
department will go there immedi
ately and cut down every tree and
burn every 1 las and every shrub.
Destruction of property! Why?
Because that one destroyed is
threatening the life of all other
orchards Let a dread disease
get among our cattle. Your dem
ocratic department will rush to
the scene and will kill the affected
cattle in order to save the others
Senators, if it is democratic to
destroy an orchard to save others,
if it is democratic to destroy some
cattle in order to protect others,
in the name of God, I ask you if it
is not democratic to destroy the
liquor traffic, although some prop
erty may be destroyed, in order to
protect our sous and our daughters
of our state? I take the position
that those who vote against this
bill vote against the democracy
of Georgia. I say the bill is dem
ocratic. I say it is democratic,
senators, because one hundred and
seventeen counties, representing
three-fourths of the population of
Georgia, 90 per cent of the area
of Georgia, have said by their
votes that they were in favor of
prohibition ; they have saidit ,5"
electing tu this legislature a house
that has passed this bill, and that
is the voice of the democracy of
Georgia. I say that democracy
is the rule of the majority of the
people. I say that one hundred
and seventeen counties represented
in that house have voted for this
bill, and it is trying to be set
aside by a minority of twenty-two
counties.
Another thing: I make the
statement here that it is worse
than that. Now, mark what I
say. I say that even in those
cities that have local option, in
those twenty-two counties, that a
majority of the white people and
a majority of the best white peo
ple are in favor of prohibition. I
don’t say all the good people; I
say a majority of the white peo
ple, a majority of the best white
people are in favor of this bill.
Now, let’s see. In the city of
Macon a majority of the white
voters voted for prohibition; two
hundred and two majority. In
the city of Columbus, one hundred
and twenty-five majoiity of white
people of that city voted for pro
hibition. What is the fact ? It
is that the minority of the whites
of a few cities in Georgia, enforced
by the colored vote, are putting
their feet and their heels upon the
democracy of this state, and are
trying to control. It is well
known that when those elections
were held things occurred that
would shock any man in the state
of Georgia. In that election in
Bibb county it was a question of
black heels upon white necks. In
that city, and that is the way it
is in every local option election in
the cities of Georgia, the good wo
men of that city went out to the
polls in order to keep down trouble
and difficulty. The best mothers
and women of the city of Macon,
under the gaze of the city authori
ties, wore insulted, Negro women
were allowed to march before those
women and sing songs that would
shock their modesty, bring the
blush of shame to their cheeks,
songs that would justify auy white
GLORIOUS • NEWS
Comes from Dr. B. Cargile, of
Washita, I. T. He writes' “Four
bottles of Electric Bitters tias
cured Mrs. Brewer of scrofula,
which had caused her great suffer
ing for years. Terrible sorei would
baeak out on her heat and face,
and the best doctors could give no
help, but her cure is oomplete and
her health is excellent.” This
shows what thousands have proved
—that Eleceric Bitters is the best
blood purifier. It’s the supreme
remedy for eczema, tetter, salt
rheum, ulcerß, boils and running
sores. It stimulates liver, kidneys
and bowels, expels poisons, helps
digestion build up strength. Only
50cents. Sold by A. M. Winn &
Son, Druggists. Guaranteed.
■ 1 p rm i pm
News-Herald
]*«'.' Journal, W k“'lv, j
Only $1.25. _Jj
VOL. VII.—NO 12
RoVal
Baking Powder
Made from pure
cream of tartar.
Safeguards the food
against alum.
Alum taking powders are the greaiot
menaced to health of the present day.
hoy/u. sAKma rowcss eg, w» you*.
man to use a shot gun or pistol.
That is the way that prohibi
tion is carried in local option
elections in the cities of Georgia,
aud I say, senators, that a majori
ty of the best white people of
these cities are in favor of prohi
bition; aud the situation is that a
minority of the whites, enforced by
the colored votes of these cities,
are holding this state in the grasp
of the iiquor power. How long
are we to submit ? llow long is
the democratic slate to submit ?
How many counties mußt we get
before it becomes democratic ? If
we come up here with 180, will the
gentlemen still say it is undemo
cratic ? How much majority;sen
ators, do you demnnd that we
have before you say it is demo
cratic ?
In closing this talk, I call to
mind the magnificent ship at sea,
and think of tho terror that was
struck to the hearts of its passen
gers and to its captain, and to its
noble crew, when the captain dis
covered that there was a leak in
the vessel. The water poured
through and he started the pumps,
but he found that the water filled
faster than he could throw it out.
After making a calculation, he
called the crew and the passengers
together and Baid: “I tell you
that iu two hours we will go down
unless some one will sacrifice him
self and stop that leak.” He said:
“1 have searched and find no ma
terial that I can put in it to stop
it. The leak in the vessel is about
the size of a man’s leg, and unless
I can get some noble man to go
down beneath the water and put
his leg in that leak for the sake of
the rest of us, this crew will go
down and we are lost.” As the cap
tain spoke the words a deathly si
leucegat.hered on tho scene,and you
could almost hear the hearts heat
ing. In silence the captain walk
ed away. He started the pumps
again, but the water contiued to
rise, and finally he walked back
and said: “Men of iny crew unless
there is a man among you that
will go beneath the waters and will
stop that leak with his limb, we
will go down iu twenty minutes.”
In the midst of the silence a brave
young boy stepped out, seventeen
years of age. He said: “I volun
teer,” and as the captain turned
he 811 wit was his only son. The
boy disrobed aud after telling
them g< odby, went beneath the
waves, and in a few minutes a
bubble arose to the surface, the
water stopped.risiug, the crew were
saved, the boy was dead. Senators
of Georgia, hear me. We are the
crew on the ship of state, we are
here, we are manning this vessel,
its care is in our protection and
uuder our direction, there is a leak
in it, a leak that threatens our
homes and threatens our firesides,
bringing sadness and sorrow to
our women and blighting the
character of our youth. I call
upon you today and ask you, are
there enough men here willing to
make a sacrifice and stop this leak
The leak is the liquor traffic of
Georgia. We can stop it. It does
not take vour limb, but the leak
is just about the size of your bal
lot, and in the name of God and
in the name of humanity, in the
name of truth and virtue, and in
the name of righteousness and
children yet unborn, I call to you
today and say for God’s sake put
your ballot in the leak.
A LIFE AND DEATH FIGHT
Mr. W. Hiues of Manchester,
la., writing of his almost mirac
ulous escape from death, says:
“Exposure after measles induced
serious lung trouble, which ended
in Consumption I had frequent
hemorrhages and coughed night
and day. All my doctors said I
must soon die. Then I began to
use Dr. King’s New Discovery for
Consumption, which completely
cured me. I would not be with
out it even if it cost $5.00 a bottle.
Hundreds have used it on my rec
ommendation and all say it never
fails to c ure Throat, Chest and
Lung troubles.” Regular size 500
and SI.OO. Trial bottles free at
A. M. Wiuu & Sou’s Drug Stoe.