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(HAfffi NEWS. kfpBEME ISSUE. i Moment | er Matter and so North as , 0 gouth the Force Bill* L behind every ballot. That t the force bill—that is L iD e of party. r of the republican L) Landmark. the south means negro D in criueered and sustained by in, « n the tends of the ns.—Atlanta Constitution. bill will not Vie eliminated •ft' of the United , „ States I iked people the party that stands for everlSting'defeat. it an over and Utica r fjbserver. |,sk, L t the repScans advocate have thrown the fit and boldly smith is time for the to re ^ |bat this brought them them with to before, day. ifti is ®rce bill is the evil of evils. Mr. fronounced Lnies. slavery the Democrats to be the may sum L So of all the force hill the sum [which now threaten institutions. the per- The f our free - ,, »nt established , , by our fathers - t live loDg after it had been b T the force bill into a grand [ted despotism. The political I DS of which we boast are not Joppression ■he task of protecting under our peo- the and wrong J of a law which would reduce E to the condition of mere sat |Yes, the force hill is the sum of publican villainies and warns us iow deep to our eyes until after If November next, when we ex Ly the for republican all, and malignauts to be able |gbt [ otice people of the whole world lerty the yet has a home in America. 4ond,‘Va., Dispatch. plowi ng inquiry touches an inter pint: If the force bill or negro domination If issue in tlie present campaign, and , takes the stand the ratio party same on (p you do, how can any negro consci bote the democratic ticket? “A Republican.” hro domination is meant the I on of an illiterate, ignorant,and e m 'jority in a few of the south s, acting under the control of jmdrels of old. in By the place of of such the carpet- sub means a Imaj rity the carpetbaggers of were the to plunder the treasury Jd thus enrich themselves. The Ivhich were witnessed in South K, le Mississippi, Louisiana, Florida, other southern states after the Istrate the evils and dangers of I mi nation. Over and above this I will stand the Federal supervis lections, who will have their own it every polling place, and, with lower of the government to back ill dictate that in all cases only pans and friends of the pluuderers admitted to office. This is what [by Federal interference promot xo Domination for the benefit of >f scoundrels with no purpose but h themselves at the puolic ex Mt such a combination as this, pve |h all, against Federal interfer elections in all the States, North [citizen, as South, every intelligent, pa who is not carried away [violence pt;and of party intelligent, feeling, patriotic will cast frill every ptelligent vote against it as earnestly as white.—N. Y. Sun. »eal importance of Senator Hoar’s ■ensists in the evidence which it ®sthat the republican party is By committed to the policy of the ■ l ‘l, and will make a desperate B° | eQ act such a measure if it has ce - It is perfectly plain that ►publican politicians and editors Pious to get rid of this issue, and P nothing Harrison improbable in the report 1 would like to cut loose 1111 his letter of acceptance, if he |ce how to do so, but as lung as fte George F. Hoar retain fnuence in the party there is no |lrom the issue, pfrenllr. Hoar feels constrained to | 0Ine concession to the popular L Ce against the policy, and be, P r a, claims that it does not really | f e w e much. f°rce bill He “a even simple goes so proposi- far as P-fWan . Slates, appeal to the courts of | L. f the H subject to the final °use itself in any contest ->i ns °f the election of national a lves -” A more disingeoious I cou ld easily be made. not . e -Lodge bill proposed was by no . u y an appeal to the Federal C ^ Se ft contested election, in '■ea c to leave the decision candidate . as had been elected c -‘-'assing board appointed Cato Jl^ houid U lican judge, whose , j be final, far i so as con in 6 action the clerk of the mak , ' n 8 up the roll of its mem T 10 talk bout this ert > a action being • is absurd^ 0 ® The 1 P ° W6r house ° f consists the hoUse of embers. Suppose ^ that an election ut n f rce bid would j give the dem- ocrats 180 members and the republicans 176. Suppose that the canvassing boards, by a gro-s abuse of their power, award certificates to 180 republicans and 176 democrats. Of what use would it be for the democrats who bad thus been cheat¬ ed out of their seats to appeal to the house to undo the wrong—a house con¬ trolled by the republicans through this wrong? if the disposi¬ It will not be strange tion to unload the force bill issue grows among the republican managers, in view cf such developments as these. But they cannot get rid of it. The party is committed to the policy, and it can gain nothing by tryinu to deceive the public into the belief that it would not carry it 3 ut if it had the chance—N. Y. Post. The republicans are afraid of the Force bill issue. That is why they are trying to dodge it by representing it as a matter of theoiy merely, of no practical effect in the near future, and simply as a dec¬ laration in favor of the use of Federal power to prevent negro disfranchisement in southern states. These pretences are all false! The Force bill presen ts a question imminent at least as practical and more tariff, than does the tariff issue. The unfortunately, cannot be revolution¬ ized so as to protect the people instead of the monopo'ies, so long as there remains a republican senate dominated by the plutocrats. With a Democratic house and president the countrv will have to wait at least until the middle of the com¬ ing presidential term before any satisfac¬ tory and general tariff reform can be ef¬ fected. On the other hand, the election of a Republican president and a Repub¬ lican house of representatives would pre¬ cipitate federal control of elections upon the country as soon as the new congress should open, and there is every reason to believe that the revolution would be hastened by the action of an extra session after inauguration in 1893; so that even next year’s elections would be held under the domination of> federal bayonets wherever excuse could be found in voting for a United States official. At any rate, there would be no other congress thereafter elected by the people of the states under local laws, and Mr. Cleveland’s forecast of long-continued control of the party of private plunder through public license would be verified. There would be no probability of mak¬ ing the United States senate democratic in time to prevent this deplorable con¬ summation, which the republican and senate, as well as the republican house the republican president, would be bound to bring about without delay. The Minneapolis platform declares for the force bill in unmistakable terms, and pledges the party to unlimited federal direction of elections everywhere. President Harrison drove the iniquitous measure through the house and exhausted the resources of power and patronage of the executive branch of the government in the effort to dragoon it through the senate. There is no republican states man of prominence, from McKinley and Aldrich down, who is not irrevocably committed to the force policy, and such pledges and declarations have been as frequent and as strong during the pres¬ ent congress as they were during the test. To federalize all elections, and destroy at its source the autonomy and sover¬ eignty of the people of the states, is the one proposition from which the republi can party cannot vary if successful in November. The re-election of Harrison would be taken as a popular order to subvert home rule suffrage and an all-sufficient warrant for the enactment of a measure even more radical and revolutionary than the infamous bill which so narrowly failed of passage by the senate after its adoption by the house of Czar Reed. If Cleve¬ land be not chosen president, the subver¬ sion of the election laws and the en thronement of central despotism Florida, over our polling places, from Maine to wiM surely be accomplished with but lit¬ tle delay. A self-perpetuating central¬ ized government would never alter its policy so long as the country holds to¬ gether. The popular will would Dever again be peacefully enforced throughout the Union. Hence the force bill issue lies at the root of all others, and takes precedence of of them in respect of time as well as importance. There is no other question so vital, so pressing, or so universal in its consequence to all localities and to all interests throughout the United States.— iNew York Sunday Mercury. ARMY OF THE CUMBERLAND. Great Preparation Being Made at Chickamauga for the Re-union. A Washington dispatch of Sunday says: Pre; arations for the coming reunion of the Army of the Cumberland at Chat¬ tanooga, September 15th, 16th and 17th n-xt, have brought out some information of great m erest to all veterans. As one example, it is found that there are 21, 000 surviving officers and non-comm s sioned officers of the 265 regiments and batteries which served in hat army. Names and present postoffice addresses of this whole number have been secured and invi¬ tations to the reunion sent to each. Be¬ sides these, several thousand invitations have been sent out under direction of Gen. Rosecrans, president of the society. This lis-t of offi -ers and non commissioned offic rs is accepted as showing that about eighty thousand private soldiers, who served in the Army of the Cumberland, <,r about one hundred thousand in ali, still survive. Information received by Gin Rosecrans indicates that the Chat anooga reunion will be one of the largest army gatherings of recent years. Thore is an Emerson circle in the Twskegee iAla. i Institute, ali the members of which are colored. TEE TARIFF TAX. HOW ITS INIQUITOUS OPERATIONS BENE¬ FIT A FEW AT THE EXPENSE OP THE MANY. According to the census of 1890, the United States has in round numbers 63, 000,000 of population and $63,000,006, - 000 worth of property, yet less than twenty-five thousand individuals own one-half of this vast wealth. It has been piled up for the most part under our tariff systems within the last thirty years. During this period, labor, the primary origin of wealth, has produced this vast accumulation, three-fourths of which has been monopolized and concentrated in the hands of one twenty-fifth hundredth part of our population. If the question is asked how this has been done, the answer will be found in our tariff taxation laws, of which the McKinley act, passed by the Fifty-first Congress, is a pertinent example, sn eo it illustrates the most perfectly organ¬ ized system for the scientific plundering of the masses of the people that has been devised since the establishment ot our Government. A tariff tax, briefly explained, is one that requires the citizen to pay for the privilege of buyiug certain things he may need outside of the United States. It compels him to buy things at home at higher prices, the difference or profit going into the pockets of the home manufacturer. Under its operation, when the mer¬ chant orders his goods from abroad, he pajs the tax or duty upon them as they enter the United States through the Custom House, but the consumer pays it back to him as a part of the price of the goods. They may pass through a dozen hands from the importer to the com¬ mission merchant, the jobber and the re¬ tailer, but they will carry all the while the burden of this tax, and in the end the consumer will foot the bill. Thus the tariff becomes a tax, whatever un¬ scrupulous politicians may say to the contraay. A duty levied upon articles not pro¬ duced in this country, such as tea, cof¬ fee, spices and the like, is simply a dead letter, but that which is levied upon articles manufactured here, and which we can buy more cheaply abroad, enables the home manufacturer to charge for his products with the tariff tax added. That is what is meant by protection against foreign competition, p, u t the process compels the farmer and mechanics to go down in their pockets and pay a bonus for the privilege of b i illustrating what they need . this point Congressman .. Wisconsin recentlv ure f a familiar example He ,, said: ‘ Supposes Philadelphia man manu , factures all the hats made in this coun¬ try and makes a hat at a cost of laboi and material that enables him to sell it for a dollar and make a fair profit. A Frenchman in Paris makes precisely the same kind of a hat at the same cost and sells it at the same price. If I buy a hat from the Philadelphia man he gets the profit. If I order a hat from the Frenchman he gets the profit and I pay the freight to bring it home. The Philadelphia man has the advantage over the Frenchman by reason of the freight. But, understand me, the French¬ man buys our shiploads of pork, of which we have more than we can use or sell at home, and he trades us his hats for our surplus pork at a better price than we can get for it at home. Natural¬ ly we buy a good many hats from that Frenchman. “This, however, does not suit the Phil¬ adelphia man. He wants bigger profits and the monopoly of all the hats that are sold in this country, as well as to make us pay for the privilege of buying that Frenchman’s hat. How does he obtain it? He says to Uncle 8am. ‘That Frenchman is trading here and selling hats in my borne market where I pay taxes and he does not; therefore he is taking money out of the country, and I want protection. Suppose you make a law that for every hat that Frenchman sells into this country he shall pay you one dollar; that will put money into your Treasury and protect my home market.’ “Forthwith a law is made that the Frenchman’s hats shall pay a tariff duty of $1, when they are brought into the United States. Now what is the situa¬ tion? If I buy one of those hats I must pay $2 for it; $1 to the Frenchman in Paris and $1 to Uncle Sam at the Cus¬ tom House. How about the Philadel¬ phia man selling his hats now? Will ne continue to sell his hats at $1 each? Not much. He will charge $2 each, $1 of which is the increased profit we are forced to pay him by reason of this abominable tariff tax. Thus, the tariff is practically prohibitory.” priv¬ Aside from this grant of a special ilege, or a monopoly to the home man¬ ufacturers, however, and its effect in restraining foreign competition, the McKinley law imposes a burden upon our people, and takes from the consumer the profits that make the home manu¬ facturers rich. This is the load which the working people of this country are now carrying and which it is the aim of the Democratic Party to lift from their shoulders. It is for the voters of the United States to declare at the polls next November whether they will bear the burden for ahother four years.—New York News. The Cost of Food. The World recently called attention to the fact that Senator Aldrich treated as of equal value the food, clothes, building materials, pateut medicines and other articles the prices of w-hicli were examined by the Senate committee—in other words, that his calculation as¬ sumed that a family consumes as much medicine as food. In the same way, in treating the food list, mustard and pepper were treated as of as much importance as bread and meat, while in examining the cost of clothes it was assumed that a family ex¬ pended as much for linings as for coats, hats, blankets and dress goods. The fuH tables are now issued, and from them can be gathered the truth concerning expenditures for the food that was consumed and the clothes that were bought during the period of twenty-eight months investigated by the Senate. Taking bread, flour, eggs, butter, cod, beef, milk, mutton, pork, potatoes, onions and cabbages a3 the basis of the ordinary American table, vve may com¬ pare their prices at the beginning of the period, June, 1889, with the highest prices attained during the period and also with those of the last month of the period, September, 1891. The following table, 100 being considered the normal and reductions and increases in price be¬ ing represented by percentages of 100, will show these prices: Prices in Highest Prices la June, 1889. Price. Sept., 1391. Beef, roasting..«. 100.15 104.+5 lot. 15 Bread....... „ .100.06 100.41 100.42 Butter...... ... 100.21 128. 18 111.51 Cod......... ... 99.9) 102.86 102.58 Cabbage .... ...100.14 147.40 88.87 Eggs........ Flour, ... 97.64 155.80 102.21 122.92 101.94 wheat ...100.17 Mutton...... ...100.34 104.78 100.73 Onions...... ...101.55 131.35 101.52 Fork, salt .. ... 99.94 104.55 104.55 Milk........ ...100.07 106.11 99.60 Potatoes.... ... 97.75 167.00 80.15 Average 100.33 121.27 101.83 In this list of necessaries of life there is not an article which did not advance in price during the agitation and after the passage of the McKinley act. There is not one, with the exception of cabbage, whose highest price was not reached after the enactment of the law. The average price of these commodities in June, 1889, was 100.33. The average of the highest prices was 121.27. Tne average price in September, 1891, was 101.82. At one time during the twenty eight months, therefore, and after the passage of the McKinley law, the prices of these necessary articles of food went up $20.94 on every $100 worth, and at the close of the period these were still bringing $1.49 on every $100 above the prices charged before tue Fifty-first Congress assembled. Tea and coffee are not included in the above table because they are free of duty, while sugar is omitted because the Demo¬ cratic policy of free raw material ha3 been adopted, the result being a decli¬ nation of 37 per cent, in the price of the granulated article. Under the McKinley act food has been dearer by very much more than the paltry .47 of 1 per cent, admitted by Mr. Aldrich. Some of this increased price is due to the law, while some is due to short crops in Europe. When the prices of clothes shall be examined the result of the tariff tax will appear even more clearly.—New York World. McKinleyism Must Go. The women of this country will have a good deal to say in the selection of President Harrison’s successor, No matter who the Republican candidate for the Presidency may be he will neces¬ sarily be the leader of his party abd a champion of the McKinley tariff—and the women of America don’t believe in high prices. Most wives are the treas urers of their families, and, as they do the buying they are much apter than their husbands to notice it when they are required to pay more for a thing than they have been accustomed to pay. When a workingman’s family has been scrimping and saving for weeks, perhaps months, in order to renew the ingrain carpet in the little parlor and dining¬ room, the housewife is astonished to find that it costs a good deal more than the last one. It does not tend to awaken that woman's love for the Republican Party when she learns that the increase is due to the McKinley tariff, under which the tax on the carpet is more than it sells for where it is made. The siiawl that she buys is taxed 157.31 per cent., the kid gloves that she wears on Sunday, the ribbons for herself and daughters, the flannels and blankets for the family, their clothing, even the baby’s rattle, must all pay heavy tributes under the McKinley law. And this tribute does not go into the public treasury to pay the expenses of Government. Were that the case, and the money needed, patriot¬ ism would make the burden bearable. The tariff taxes are not levied for revenue, however, but to enrich our manufacturers, who generally stand much less in need of protection than do the people that have to buy their goods. The present tariff is class legislation in its worst form—legislation in the interest of the class whose wealth gives tuem political power and, consequently, a “pull” on Congress. Hence it comes that those industries which are most prosperous and best able tc bear up against foreign competition are the ones that receive most favors from the party of “protection.” The giants are the “infants” that always get to the full bot¬ tle first. The Democratic Party is pledged to reverse the Republican policy—to place the tariff tax so that it will fall lightest on the necessaries and ordinary comforts of life and heaviest on luxuries for which the rich can afford to pay. The women do not vote themselves, but the wives who have husbands so stupid as to wish to cast their ballots for the party which has made things dear, and so increased greatly the cost of run¬ ning the house and dressing the family decently, will be very likely to bring such husbands to their senses by the time election day arrives. The McKinley tariff is a pair of shears in the hands of the rich to shear the wool of the poor. It is against justice, against common sense. McKinleyism must go. — 3an Francisco Examiner. McKinley’s Misrepresentations. Governor McKinley, in his rectut Ne¬ braska speech on the tarilf, fairly outdid himself in bringing forward delusive statistics. He stated that during the fifteen years of low tariff, from 1816 to 1861, the balance of trade was §469, 000,000 against us, and that during all that period there were only two years when it was in our favor. During the fifteen years from 1876 to 1891, Mr. McKinley continued, there were only two years when the balance was against us. Mr. McKinley chose his years very shrewdly. In the fifteen years of high tariff from 1861 to 1S76 the balance of trade was in our favor only three years, v and the total balance against us was $1,055,000,000; more than twice as great as the balance agaiust us during the fifteen years of low tariff just pro¬ ceeding. What is more, the balance was in our favor during the last year of the low tariff and against us during the first year of the high tariff. The gentleman repeated the assertion made "by so many of his colleague?, that our trade duriug the present year has brought $200,000,000 into the country. As a matter of fact it has brought next, to nothing into the country, and gold exports this year have continued very late. The country’s exports have ex¬ ceeded its imports, but we have been using the surplus to purchase American securities held by foreigners. The year after the McKinley bill was enacted, the balance of trade in our fa¬ vor diminished, but Mr. McKinley did not notice this. He is supposed to be one of the honest men in his party, but if he attempts to deceive the people af¬ ter this manner, what sort of a party does he belong to, and how much confi¬ dence can be placed in the party’s state¬ ments?—Brooklyn Citizen. 'IHii BUFFALO STKiKt. The Soldiers Take a Hand—Powder and Bullets Used. The second week of the > abroad strike op ned at Buffalo, N. Y., Saturday. Three features are most prominent in the eitmtion. An army of 5,000 are quar¬ tered iu the city and county ; au attempt only partly successful so far, is being made to lift freight blockade, and the danger of thestrikeof a hundred organiza¬ tions is no less imminent than heretofore. The important crises in the strike has been reached. It is stated to be almost certain that all the locomotive firemen on the Lehigh, Erie, Lake Shore, West Shore, and Central roads will go out and that all the trainmen and condnctors will follow them. BUI.LKTS AND POWDER. Powder was burned and bullets flew thick and fast at Camp 7, at Eust Buf¬ falo, Friday night. The first order to fire was given near midnight, when the 71st regiment guard was called out to repel some men who were stoning a train of non-union men. The soldiers came and stoning continued. The gang was on Erie trestle and then the order to fire was given. A volley was turned loo'-e on them and they seattered. Another volley was fired and the men broke and ran under cover of darkness. They were pursued but escaped. 8 unday’s dispatches state that there Buffalo, is danger of fresh trouble on the It 'Chester and Pittsburg railroad. If new demands are made by the men as expected all wdl be discharged and new men put on at the old rate. On ttie Western New York and Pennsylvania the men have refused to handle Heading cars loaded with coal and if the company in¬ sists on their doing so the men will go. The railroads claim a victory tor Sunday as they have operated the yards without disturbance with the non-union men and all the roads are moving large Telegraph¬ quantities of freight. Past Grand Chief er Thurston has been in conference at Buffalo with local railroad telegraphers respecting the pending trouble with the Delaw re, Lackawanna and Western. The difficulty is one for wages and an ultimatum will probably be asked before ordering the strike. Bud Lindsay’s Conduct. A Washington dispatch of Monday says: The department of justice has no direct supervision of deputy marsha by s, appointments of this being made the marshals themselves, consequently the department has not interfered in the matter of the conduct of Bud Lindsay, who was charged with rioting at C.-w! Creek, Tenn. Officials of the department have availed themselves of the informa¬ tion contained in the press dispatches on the subject and A'torney General Miller has decided to communicate with United States Marshal Tipt >u in regard to the matter and if the facts are as reported it may be a suggestion will be made lii.u Marshal Lindsay be removed.