Newspaper Page Text
PART three.
THE COMING CORONATION
WHeit the King Can Do and
Ho Cannot.
By W. T. Stead.
Copyright. 1902, hy VV. T. Stend.
The near approach of the coronation
of the British sovereign has directed
general attention to the position of a
constitutional monarch in the modern
state. It is a subject upon which so
many misconceptions prevail not only
in the United States, but in the United
Kingdom, that it may be worth while
to explain as simply as possible what
the King can do and what he cannot.
Many Americans appear to imagine
that, as Ceorge 111 had power to wreck
his empire by forcing his ministers to
adopt a policy of antagonism to the
legitimate aspirations of the American
colonists, so King .Edward VII is a pos
sible factor for mischief in the re
lations between the two countries. On
the other hand, there are many who
believe that the King is a mere emb
lematic figure in an empty pageant.
Neither of these opposing views is jus
tified by the actual facts.
The part which the British Monarch
plays in the constitution of the British
empire depends almost entirely upon
the personal equation of the character
of the British monarch. Of power in
the old sense, meaning thereby direct
authority to exercise executive func
tions, to dictate policies, and to act as
the man on horseback in the state,
there is no trace left. The King has
none of those prerogatives of powder
w'hich are usually associated with the
idea of monarchy. There is much less
of the one-man power in the British
constitution than there is in that of the
United States of America. The Ameri
can President has far more direct per
sonal authority and Influence In the
governance and guidance of his realm
than the British sovereign. It is the
uncrowned man, and not the man with
the crown, who wields realpporerw r er in
the English-speaking world.
But while this may be admitted to
the full, it is an enormous mistake to
think that the King, because he is be
reft of power to rule, has no influence
in the affairs of the realm over which
he reigns.
"The King reigns, but does not rule"
is a good constitutional maxim; but the
mere fact that he reigns gives him
more influence over those who do the
ruling than is generally appreciated
even by his own subjects. If we had
to condense into a sentence a descrip
tion of the position of a constitutional
monarch in the modern state, I should
sav that it is one which gives the
monarch limitless opportunities of in
fluence, while denying him even the ap
pearance of power.
King Edward VII cannot say "sic
vnlo, sic jubeo.” He can do nothing
wrong, because he can do nothing with
out the consent of his ministers; and
as these ministers must in every case
bear the responsibility for everything
he does, they take very good care that
he does not do anything excepting with
their leave and consent. Ministers are
supposed to be the servants of the
crown. In reality they are its masters.
Cabinet ministers in the United States
cannot control the President as cabinet
ministers in the British Empire control
the sovereign whom; they have sworn
loyally to obey.
When the sovereign Is weak or incon
stant. or Indifferent to the affairs of
state, he becomes an absolute
cipher. The machine of govern
ment operates quite automatically
without his intervention. It is
necessary, no doubt, that the King
must give his assent to various things.
A bill may be passed through the
House of Commons and the House of
Lords with unanimous assent, but It
is mere waste paper until the King or
his representative pronounces the exact
phrase "Le Hoi le veult," the old Nor
man-French formula by which the
King indicated his will to his lieges.
But for two hundred years no King has
ever been allowed to refuse his assent.
No matter how much he may detest
the Bill which is committed to him for
his approval, he must adopt it and de
clare publicly that the measure repre
sents his royal will. The power exer
cised by the Governors of American
states or by the President of the Unit
ed States of vetoing measures passed
through representative chambers is
never exercised in England. Hence it
is that in all matters of legislation the
British Empire is 'quite as republican
os the United States, inasmuch as the
will of the people, expressed by their
elected representatives cannot b° set
on one side by the will of the Mon
arch. Upon that point the usage of the
British constitution is absohitely clear.
Not even the most headstrong Sover
eign would dare to refuse the royal as
sent to any measure passed through
both Houses of Parliament. If any at
tempt were made to withhold the roy
al approval, it would probably provoke
a measure declaring that the royal ap
proval should be taken for granted,
and assumed as —what it is in reality
—the invariable corollary of the pass
age oi the measure through both
Houses of Parliament.
"I think." said Mr. Rhodes on one
occasion, when discussing with me the
question of monarchy versus republic,
"i think a constitutional monarch is
the best crown of a real republic.’
A similar Idea Is embodied In Tenny
ten's familiar line, when he speaks of
"Our crowned Republic's crowning
common-sense." This deprivation of
authority, which Is absolute and final
in relation to the acts of legislation,
has not been carried to the same length
in relation to the decisions of minis
ters of the cabinet. The cabinet has
no recognized existence In the Britl.tn
constitution; but it Is the center of the
"hole Imperial system.
Every cabinet minister is a member
ef His Majesty's Privy Council; but
’he members of the Privy Council are
n very heterogeneous multitude of per
sons who are only distinguished from
ihetr fellows by being entitled to cal!
themselves Right Honorable. The Privy
fv, une|| as a whole ha* never met. sl
'hotigh all the members of It are sum
moned at the beginning of anew reign:
and they will probably nil attend tne
’ "lonatlon. The Prime Minister nn
t" ike any person he pleases a member
of his Cabinet, and when He becomes
* member of his cabinet he becomes
'• tb* same ttm* a member of the
I'Mvy <VMinoj| ttf the King
’1 be Cabinet ie presided over by *
Minister who must possess end tetaiii
,f -" * onAnems of tire me joti*y th*‘
Hr wee of Cvubsm, Mis issw* M
Jiatomnah itUmumj
terminated at a moment's notice by
the majority of the House of Com
mons, and so long as that majority
remains faithful to him he is master
cf the situation, the uncrowned King
whose will is supreme over that of the
King himself. Although his right to the
position of Prime Minister is indicated
unmistakably by the will of the major
ity of the House of Commons for the
time being, he must in constitutional
law be summoned to form a ministry
by the King. When the will of the ma
jority of the House of Commons is in
doubt, the King has the deciding
voice; but of late years there has been
very little room left for this exercise
of royal discretion.
Having asked the favorite of the ma
jority in the House of Commons to
form a ministry, he can choose his min
isters as he pleases. The King, how
ever, has a right, w’hich he seldom ex
ercises, to veto these selections. His
veto, however, can always be over
borne by the refusal of the prime min
ister to go on with the task of con
structing a ministry unless the King
gives way. Hence, as a matter Of
fact, the prime minister can always
gst his own way as against the wishes
of the King if he is a man of strong
will smd can command a majority in
the House of Commons.
When the ministry is constituted, it
becomes the governing committee of
the whole empire, and when it is unan
imous, it can impose its wishes upon
the King as absolutely as it can im
post them upon any of its officials.
But cabinet being a heterogeneous
body, varying in size from thirteen to
seventeen or eighteen members, are
often split up into groups, and when
a group is divided it is very difficult
for the majority to compel the King
to assent to their decisions. Although
against a unanimous cabinet, the King,
if he is a man of strong character and
determined will, can usually get his
w'ay.
It is contrary to constitutional eti
quette for the King to interfere in any
way in the debates either of the Com
mons or the Lords: but he can inter
fere to any extent in the private con
sultations of the cabinet, which he is
never permitted to attend, but each of
whose members he can see personal
ly, and in w'hose deliberations he can
take a very active, althought an ab
sent part. It is very remarkable that
the deliberations of the Cabinet, al
though it is by far the most powerful
of all bodies in the kingdom, are never
reported, nor does any stenographic
record exist as to the remarks of min
isters whn assembled in this conclave.
The only person who lias the right to
an account of the deliberations of the
cabinet is the King. It is obvious that
this power gives him great opportuni
ties for wirepulling, if he choses to ex
ert them. But it is always a matter of
personal influence, and its extent Is
governed by the personal character of
the Sovereign. ,
In the administration of the empire
the King can exercise a very potent
influence for he must be consulted up
on all the more important appoint
ments, every high official must go to
Windsor before starting for his post,
and it wasi the habit in the late reign
for all the more important ambassa
dors, colonial governors, viceroys, etc.,
to keep the Sovereign personally ac
quainted with what they were doing
by private correspondence, which had
the effect 6f making the Sovereign the
best informed person in foreign and
colonial affairs in the whole of her
empire. I cannot better enable the
American reader to understand tht
true position of the Sovereign In the
British monarchy than by slightly
paraphrasing a description which I
wrote five years ago on the subject in
a work which had the good fortune to
be the last book of the kind which was
read to Queen Victoria, who was very
much pleased wdth it. I republished it
at the special request of the present
King, Edward VII., who communicated
to me his opinion that no writer had
ever more accurately described the
actual working of the modern monarch
in the modern state.
The true theory of the position of
the King can best be understood by
imagining the realm, and all Its de
pendencies as a great newspaper own
ed by a myriad stockholders, who in
clude all the subjects of His Majesty
at home or over sea. Of these stock
holders. a small minority, exclusively
male and resident solely in Great Brit
ain and Ireland, have a voice in *the
direction of the policy of the whole
vaste concrn. Stockholhers’ meetings,
which must be held once in seven
years, and which, as a matter of fact,
have been held nearly twenty times
in the course of the last sixty years,
have power to elect an Editorial
Council of 600 odd members, which
sits about seven or eight months in
the year.
The Realm, however, comes out
every day, and the staff by which it
is produced have duties -which cannot
be intermitted. The permanent edi
torship of the great organ of national
opinion Is vested in the hands of the
King, who is, however, forbidden to
write any leading articles or to dic
tate the policy of the paper. The ac
tual work of writing the leaders and
providing for the news editing or sub
editing of the Imperial news-sheet is
entrusted to a temporary editor, who,
as a rule, if changed after each
stockholders' meeting.
The Permanent Editor has the sole
right of nominating his temporary
adjunct, limited by the condition that
he must be a person who commands
the confidence of the edltoral coun
cil elected by the stockholders. When
he has nominated him. he must sub
mit to the Sovereign the names of ail
those to whom he proposes to give
staff appointments. To each of these
the Permanent Editor can, if he
pleases, take exception, and to his ob
jections the temporary editor must
listen respectfully. He is not bound to
respect the Permanent Editor's ob
jection but for the sake of peace and
good working he find* It. as a rule,
better not to persist in nominating
any one to whom the King ha* a
strong antipathy. , _ .
After he ha* completed hi* stair, he
is allowed to edit' the Realm on hi*
own lines, provided that he ran keep
hi* *iafr in harmony with hi* own
view* But each of the more impor
tant head* of department* ha* oppor
tunny of personal '*• **f r , j
inanent Editor, snd he has unlimited j
opportunity of communicating either j
with the tslf a* * whole or with IB- I
dividual member* Whatever he #SK*
must be ueienrd to respectfully
Every memorandum he send* round
muei b* laud by every Minister, Um*
SAVANNAH, GA„ SUNDAY. JUNE 22. 1902.
is no limit to his Liberty of Initiative
in council, or objection, wholesale or
detail, to every important measure of
the administration. No decision of
the Cabinet It valid unless approved
of by him; he has a right to have
everything explained to him; every
despatch of any importance—2B.ooo in
one year it might be —is sent to him.
and nothing is concealed from him.
It Is obvious what a powerful posi
tion the Permanent Editor occupies.
The mere right to be consulted, and
have the opportunity of inspiring the
temporary staff, gives him a position
of influence in the conduct of the ad
ministration immeasurably greater
than that of any temporary editor.
But this is by no means all. The
Permanent Editor by the mere fact
of being permanent, speedly acquires
a prestige, an influence, and a store
of experience which makes him more
than a match for apy of the tem
porary staffs which run the Realm for
periods of uncertain duration. The
same permanence of office enables him
to communicate confidentially with
other permanents, whether in Ger
many, Austria or Russia, in a way
that is impossible to those outside the
royal caste.
In the case of the late Queen, this
influence amounted to a maximum;
in the case of Edward VII, it is. of
course, reduced to almost a minimum.
Owing to her long continued service
and unrivaled experience, she had be
fore she died acquired a position
where influence attained a degree of
authority hardly to be distinguished
from absolute power. All that, of
course, died with hel. The King will
never be able to gain a position simi
lar to that enjoyed by his mother, if
only because ha begins his reign when
he is over sixty, and by no possibility
can occupy the throne as long as his
mother.
The temporary staff is allowed
to run the Realm in minor matters
very much as it pleases, so that as it
does not threaten the continuity, the
stability, and the tranquility of the im
mense concern whose shareholders
have trusted their interests to its care.
But the moment danger threatens for
any quarter, then the Permanent Edi
tor asserts himself, and—in the late
reign—seldom did so in vain.
In the hands of the Permanent Edi
tor lies the nominal right to appoint
every Bishop of the Church, every co
lonial governor, every ambassador. He
is the fountain of honor. It can only
rain garters and peerages through his
sign manual. And this nominal right
of appointment is often converted into
actual power of appointment by the
natural desire of the temporary staff
to oblige their permanent chief, and
by the fact that he is (or may be) far
better Informed than they as to the
qualities of the men and the extent to
which it is proposed to accredit them.
For the King not only reads the print
ed correspondence of the ambassadors,
of which a few shreds carefully cooked
alone are printed in Blue Books; he
can, and often does, carry on a direct
personal private correspondence with
these ambassadors, colonial governors,
Indian viceroys, and the like.
Outside the one, two or three nar
rowly restricted fields of party conflict,
the Permanent Editor has more say
in the settlement of everything than
all the temporary staff put togeher.
In he army. In the navy, in the co
lonial service, in India, and In diplo
macy, the Permanent Editor is incom
parably more influential, if he pleases
to exert his influence, than the lead
ers of both parties put together. As
a rule, the strength even of the most
robust editor being limited, he does
not interfere with the regular routine
administration of the Realm. Editors
in-chitf seldom concern themselves
about news paragraphs or the placing
of advertisements. Neither does the
King disturb himself about the small
things, the tithe of mint and anise and
cumin. It is with the weightier mat
ters that he deals. The god does not
step out of the machine unless there
is a complication worthy of so exalt
ed an intervention to unravel. But he
is never beyond reach, and even in the
smaller things he is more potent than
any of his temporary assistants.
Looking then at the Realm as a
newspaper, it is obvious that the posi
tion of Permanent Editor, even though
It is limited by a prohibition of all
direct contribution to the columns of
the paper, is on the whole immeas
urably more influential on all questions
but those of direct warfare, than the
position of the most influential of his
advisers.
It is evident from this explanation
of the duties of the sovereign, that ev
erything depends upon whether the
King is capable of exerting an influence
over his advisers, and of making his
character felt upon all those who serve
him. He has the opportunity of doing
a great deal, but he will never be able
to do as much as his mother. Her In
fluence was on the whole, especially in
relations between Britain and the
United States, exercised in favor of
peace. She accepted it as her duty to
undo a® far as possible the conse
quences of the fatal folly of her grand
father, George 111.
King Edward VII has neither the
sagacity, the resolution, the experience,
nor the patience of his mother. He Is,
however, by no means devoid of intel
ligence. Since his accession he has
shown a remarkable interest in public
affairs, and although the habits of a
lifetime are not easily changed, he is
displaying greater readiness to take
pains and inform himself accurately
concerning the affairs of his realm than
most people suspected. He will not
be the balancewheel of the Constitution
which his mother became in her later
years- but he will undoubtedly make
himself felt, and he is all the more
Inclined to -do so because of the envy
with w'hich he regards his nephew the
Kaiser, whose omnipresent energy and
activity is felt in every department
of the German Empire.
—Henry Cole, one of the oldest real
estate men of Denver, Col., will enrich
the Methodist church of that city by
over $350,000. t
—The Shah of Persia, who Is visiting
Emperor William, will not travel on a
railroad faster than eight to ten miles
an hour, and hi* suite consist* largely
of detective*.
It i* m<U from th* pv’* tokM vt grape*, U
•uUtH.ll> limnoUd ttooqort SJupileU*. |
OUR NEW NAVY.
Some of Its Problems of Matrimony, Sea-Train
ing and Discipline.
Ily George F.dmnnd Foss, M. C„ Clint ruin n of the Hon Naval
Comm ittee.
Undoubtedly the field of action for
the navy Is upon the sea; there will
be Us conflicts and there it will make
its history. There has been more or
less disposition on the part of naval
officers In the past to seek snug berths
on the shore, but this is not to be
blamed upon the naval officer so much
as one might think. Back in 1882 we
had only 32 vessels worthy to be called
ships of the navy, and the largest one
of these was the Tennessee, of about 6,-
000 tons, one-third of the size of our
largest battleship of to-day. It did
not take very many men to man our
navy then, and we had about as many
officers at the time as we have now.
But as Congress has pursued the policy
of building up the navy, these vessels
have necessarily gone to
ficers remained ashore those days it
was because they had no ships to of
ficer, and consequently it cannot be
said that it was entirely their fault. It
was largely the fault of the American
Congress, either in not reducing the
number of officers or In falling to pro
vide more ships. The condition to
day is better than it ever was before,
and as we continue the policy of build
ing up the navy this whole question
will settle Itself.
I thoroughly believe In sea duty for
naval officers, and not long ago, when a
cadet at the Naval Academy wrote me
to the effect that he was about to get
married, and would very much like to
have shore duty near the future partner
of his love, I made reply:
\uvnl Matrimony.
“Dear Sir: I have read your letter
with a good deal of interest. I was
very glad to meet Miss Blank, and am
pleased to know that you are engaged
to such a fine young lady. But I have
some views in reference to matrimony
on the part of a man in your position,
which I trust you will not consider
harsh, as I view it entirely from the
standpoint of the government.
"I confess that I greatly regret that
any of our naval cadets, upon their
graduation from the Academy, before
they have received their commissions,
should think of getting married. In
foreign navies matrimony Is absolute
ly discouraged on the part of young
officers, and tn my judgment it would
be better for the naval service If our
government did the same. It is the bus
iness of the naval officer to go to sea,
and he should not permit any domestic
ties to hold him to the shore. That is
his profession, and In my judgment,
the most sensible thing for you to do
would be to take your duty like a
man. whatever that duty is, and post
pone matrimony for a few years, at
least. You are both too young, and you
will know your minds a great deal bet
or after you have returned from you:
first cruise. This is my advice to you,
and it would be the same that I would
give my own son If I had one in a
similar position.”
Of course, It is a difficult matter to
say how much an officer ought to be
at sea. It is hard to lay down an ex
act rule, but there ought to be some
general rule. Many officers think
that it is a hardship for them to be
away from their families for more than
three years at a time, but they must
realize, as probably many of them do,
that their business and profession is
upon the sea. They have chosen that
life, and it is expected of them that
they should spend a greater part of
their time on shipboard, familiarizing
themselves In every way with the prop
er handling of the engine of war, train
ing the men, firing the guns, and main
taining the highest possible standard
in the personnel, so as to be ready
for the supreme moment when war
shall come. Immediately upon their
graduation at the Naval Academy the
young officers should be given sea
duty and be kept on sea practically
all the time. As they approach the
higher grades, they might be relieved
from time to time, to fill some of the
important naval positions in connec
tion with our naval boards and bu
reaus at different yards and stations,
but this should bp only temporary.
1 have sometimes felt that a rule
which has been adopted to some extent
in foreign navies fixing a minimum
amount of sea duty in each grade—
that is to say, that unless an officer In
the grade of lieutenant spent three
quarters of his time while In that
grade upon the sea, he would be in
eligible to promotion to the next high
er grade—would be wholesome to our
service.
Too Many Retired Oflieer*.
Then there is another thing which
might be remedied. We have a great
rriur.y men on the retired list drawing
three-quarters pay. Many of them
have served a great many years in the
navy, and have earned an honorable
retirement, but there are some of
younger age who are willing and
others who, if not willing are able to
do important shore duty. Many of
these men could serve on important
boards, sj'-h as the lighthouse hoard
anu general boards of the Navy De
partment. Some two years ago we
passed a law giving the Secretary of
the Navy the authority to order men
to acthe duty from the retired list
whenever In his judgment and discre
tion it was of advantage to do so, and
to give them full pay while doing ac
tive duty. lam of the opinion that the
officers in the navy retire at too early
an age. They retire at sixty-two years.
In the army the age of retirement 1*
sixty-four years. There is no reason
that I can see why the age of retire
ment should not be the same in one
service as In the other. Many men re
tire from the navy at sixty-two In, full
vigor of life, capable of performing
further service to their country.
There I* another question which has
arisen In connection with thi* subject,
and that )*, How shall we properly
train our officers and men? Is It bet
ter to train them on the sea or on
land? The same question has arisen
In the English navy, and lewd Hraaaey,
in the naval annual for Had, comments
Upon this in these word*
"The growth of establishment* on
shore require* most careful wot/ hing
on the part of the admiralty. If th#
m#n who take our ship* In eea ar tn
advarue- of the n>n of any poeelbU
enein), It la be, awae th* ship
of the British navy ia more at
■tea than that of auy foreign power,
The M* *le ltie only place where the
seaman can learn the duties of his
trying and arduous profession. The
tendency to diminish the sea-training
of officers and men may prove very
prejudicial to the efficiency of the
navy.”
There has been disposition on the
part of the Navy Department to build
up shore stations, and Congress from
time to time has expressed its dissent
at the further extension of my policy
of this kind. The student of naval af
fairs must see that there must neces
sarily be a land establishment of some
proportions to maintain the navy. We
must have yards and docks. We must
have naval academies to educate our
officers and training schools for our
boys who are too young to go to sea
until they have had some military dis
cipline. The training of officers and
men to-day is necessarily different, from
what it used to he. The machinery
which they handle is different from that
of a hundred years ago. When the
naval bill was under consideration In
the House of Representatives I took
occasion to call attention to the won
derful changes which have occurred.
JncU Turn Disappearance.
The evolution of the modern battle
ship brought about a wonderful change.
The "Jack Tar,” who was the inspira
tion of Cooper's tales, has become a
tradition. Old Jack, with his rough
exterior, with language largely of pro
fanity, sitting and smoking his pipe—
perchance squirting tobacco juice with
greater accuracy than the trained gun
ner of to-day can hit his mark with
shot or shell—has become a tradition.
"Jack" went off the ship when the
sails went off and when the masts
went off. He went off in the evolution
of the modern battleship. And in his
place has come the trained machinist,
the trail,ed gunner, the trained sea
man; and it requires education to
train these men to man the ship and
to perform the different duties in con
nection w r ith the careful manning and
officering of the ship, in view of the
great complexity of machinery and
mechanism which obtain in our battle
ships. And so this in some measure is
a reason why it has become necessary
to train apprentices and to train offi
cers on shore.
While we must understand that the
sea is the proper place to educate a
man in seamanship, yet seamanship is
not all that we require of the naval of
ficer of to-day. He must understand
history and international law, and at
the same time he must be a diplomat,
for oftentimes he is the only represen
tative of his country in a foreign port.
He must be courteous and tactful and
at all times a man, realizing the great
responsibility which rests upon him as
an officer in the naval service of the
United States.
Above all he must be an American,
learned In his country’s history and
true to its glorious traditions and im
bued with an overpowering sentiment
of love for country, home, and flag.
Hut, as above stated, he must not only
be a seaman, and get his seamanship
upon the sea, but the naval officer must
be a military man, a fighting man, and
a large part of his military education
along this line must necessarily be ac
quired on shore. He does not have the
opportunity to do it on the sea. There
his mind and attention is taken up
completely with his ship. But to study
naval maneuvers, to outline the future
Manilas and Santlagos, to study the
depth of harbors, to plan future cam
paigns with all their naval tactltcs
and strategy, requires a habitation and
a home upon the shore.
'Planning Future Campaigns.
It may be said in this connection
that we have established a naval war
college at Newport where special
courses of instruction are given to of
ficers on various subjects connected
with the navy. Here plans for future
campaigns are discussed. Here are col
lected all of the historical data bear
ing upon such campaigns and here the
mighty battles of the future are won
and lost. Docs any one mean to say
that this sort cf study and research
and work and planning is not Import
ant to the naval officer? One has only
to visit tne naval war college at New
port to be impressed with the splendid
work which it has been doing. Since
we have established one in this coun
ts y England has taken up the idea and
has modeled one after it.
Too much praise cannot be given to
the way in which our and men
discharged their duties during the last
war. To a man they love their pro
fession and are loyal to the highest
and best Interest of the service. We
can reach the highest standard of na
val training in our personnel only as
we frequently turn the eye of intro
spection upon ourselves and see where
in our faults lie and how we can bet
ter Improve the service. May we never
reach that point where we teel that we
have nothing to improve, nothing to
better, and therefore are content and
self-satisfied.
In presenting the naval appropriation
bill opportunity was afforded to call
attention to the fact that we had com
paratively few fighting ships in the
navy at the present time. This was not
for the purpose of disparaging the
navy, but that the people might under
stand its actual condition. There seem
ed to be an Impression throughout the
land that every ship we hid in the
navy was a lighting ship, whereas we
have comparatively few of them.
While we have been building up the
navy with some degree of rapidity, yet
we have spent comparatively little
money upon the construction of new
ship*. We have spent In all up to
date only a little over $160,000,000 on
the building of n/w ship*—a little more
than the pension bill every year, and
to complete those already In process
of construction will require only about
$75,000,000. The people of this country
cannot expect to build a great navy
with $235,000,000, It cost* more than
that. While we have mad# good prog
re** in th# past, yet we mutt push the
work and build a navy that will be
commensurate with the need* of a
growing commerce and with the
mighty increasing work which our
country must n*eearily 4 a* she
realise* her true position a* the |eder
of the commercial and industrial and
< ivillusng force* of mankind
ale Cara
Are operated by (Seaboard Air Bine
Railway on tlietr trains $1 and 14, be
tween Aevsnuah and Hamlet, nerving
lute It and dinner "a in carte."-—ad-
PATRICIAN
SHOES FOR WOMEN
On the Veranda "4
Here hard service is not f
asked for. A light turned sole
and flexible upper stock,
made on a narrow last, in
sures an elegance of appear - / /
ance and a comfortable foot. '
Patrician styles 45 and 48 will /y
fill such requirements per • /ty'
tectly. Price always /
$3.50. rrf,
'l' BROUGHTONS BULL SIS AjU IF ™ W
. J
mm uni iis
OPENED JUNE l.
The hotel has just been renovated and
repainted throughout. Accommodation, 400
guests. Music by splendid orchestra.
This water is guaranteed to cure in all
cases of Indigestion, Constipation, Bright’s
Disease, Rheumatism, Gout, Liver Com
plaints, General Debility, Kidney and Liver
Troubles, and Skin Diseases.
Write for booklet and rates for board.
R. L. FOX, Lessee.
OGEANSTEAMSHIP GO. of SAVANNAH
For New York, Boston and the East.
Unsurpassed cabin accommodations. Ail the comforts of a modern hotel.
Electric lights. Unexcelled table. Tickets Include meals and berths aboard ship
PASSENGER FARES h ROM SAVANNAH.
TO NEW TORK—First Cabin, (20. First Cabin, round trip. (32; Intermediate
cabin, sl6; Intermediate Cabin, round trip. (24; Steerage, (10.
TO BOSTON —First Cabin, (22; First Cabin, round trip, (38; Intermediate
Cabin, sl7; Intermediate Cabin, round trip, (28; Steerage, $11.75.
The steamships of this line are appointed to sail from Savannah, Central
(90th meridian) time.
FOR NEW YORK.
CITY OF BIRMINGHAM, Capt. Berg, KANSAS CITY, Capt. Smith, WED
MONDAY. June 23, 6 p. m. NESDAY. July 2, at 2:00 p. m.
CITY OF SAVANNAH, Capt. Fisher, CITY OF BIRMINGHAM, Capt. Berg,
WEDNESDAY, June 25, 8:30 a. m. FRIDAY, July 4, at 4:00 p. m.
NACOOCHEE. Capt. Askins, FRI- CITY OF SAVANNAH, Capt. Fisher.
DAY, June 27, at 10:00 a. m. MONDAY, July 7, at 6:30 p. m.
CITY OF MEMPHIS, Capt. Savage, NACOOCHEE, Capt. Askins, WED
MONDAY, June 30. at 12:00 noon. NESDAY, July 9. at 8:30 a. m.
■Steamships Chattahoochee and City of Memphis carry first cabin pas
sengers only.
tCity of Savannah (formerly La Grande Duchesse) will not carry Interme
diate passengers.
Sailings from New York for Savannah every Tuesday, Thursday and Satur
day, at 5 p. m.
The City of Macon. Capt. Johnson, leaves New York for Boston Satur
days at 4 p. m. Leaves Boston for New York Wednesdays at 12 noon.
This company reserves the right to change Its sailings without notice and
without liability or accountability therefor.
L. M ERSKINE. L. R. VANDIVIERE. W. O. BREWER,
Agt. O. 8. S. Cos., wharves. Com. Agt. 13 East Bay. C. T. &P. A., 107 BuIL
*AVAN*A)I, GA.
WALTER HAWKINS, General Agent, 224 West Bay St. Jacksonville, Fla. ,
P. E. LeFEVRE, Pier 35, North River, New York. E. T. CHARLTON.
Manager. Gen. Ft. & Pass. Agt.
PAPER HANGING,
Painting, Graining, Kalsomining,
Hardwood Finishing, Varnishing,
Gilding and Decorating of all kinds.
JAMES F. BUTLER,
K o. Mol |7 Ut York. W *st Ball Phone Utt.
IF YU J WANT GOOD MATERIAL AND WORK ORDER YOUR LITH
OGRAPH ANO PRINTED STATIONERY AND BLANK BOOKS FROM
THE MORNING NEWS. SAVANNAH. GA.
PAGES 21 TO 26.