Newspaper Page Text
PART THREE.
Leaders in the Political
Fight in New York
Opposed to Him Beniamin B. Odell, Jr., Republican, Has David B. Hill, William
F. Sheehan, Charles F. Murphy and Patrick H. McCarren, Democrats.
By JOHN M. RANKIN.
The state of New York is the chief
battleground of the national campaign.
It will cast a vote of 1.500,000 in a
probable total vote of 15,000,000. It
will supply 39 electoral votes in a total
cf 476. It is the home of both the
candidates for the presidency. It
elected Grover Cleveland in 1884 and
3892. So evenly is it balanced between
the two great parties that a change
Of two or three votes in each of its
4,500 election districts is usually suf
ficient to turn the scale. It is made up
of widely diverse elements of voting
population, ranging from the bankers
and brokers of Wall street and the
rulers of great corporations to the
farmers in the scattered hamlets on
the fringe of the Adirondacks.
So wi> recognized is the importance
of carrying New York that the man
agers of both national campaigns
have established their main head
quarters in the state. Each side knows
that the prospect of winning New York
would give hope and confidence to their
party throughout the entire country.
A Republican General.
Benjamin B. Odell, Jr., Governor of
the state and chairman of the Repub
lican State Committee, commanding
general on the Republican side in the
fight, is opposed by a group of Demo
cratic leaders, each of whom is a dom
inating figure in a certain portion of
the state. They are William F. Shee
han, David B. Hill, Charles F. Murphy,
and Patrick H. McCarren. Mr. Hill is
' WONDERING
W| MOW BEN"
\tJL happened to
KNOVV SO MUCH ABOUT
HI? TERm-'‘'- w
familiar with every detail of the Dem
ocratic organization outside the boun
daries of Greater New York; Mr. Mur
phy is absolute master of Tammany
Hall, and Mr. McCarren is the Dem
ocratic leader in the county of Kings,
which is territorially identical with
the borough of Brooklyn in New York
city. Mr. Sheehan is familiar in a gen
eral way with all parts of the state,
and. as chairman of the Democratic
National Executive Committee, he
bolds a roving commission to help
■where he can.
Benjamin B. Odell, .!r.
Gov. Odell is one of the most re
sourceful campaign managers that the
state has ever seen. His political train
ing began at the bottom when he was
selling ice from one of his father's
wagons In Newburgh, and was known
s “Ben” to every Republican voter
in that city.
Gov. Odell can control his feelings
with an absolutely iron hand. He has
been known to receive some of the
most terrific blows with an expression
less face.
"When I was a boy." said Gov. Odell
*o a friend who asked him how he did
11. "tny father once picked up a setter
dog by the nape of the neck and held
him aloft. The dog did not whimper.
Then he picked up a cur, and the dog
howled. ‘That, my boy,‘ said my father,!
'is the difference between a cur and
i thoroughbred.* I have never for
gotten the lesson.”
In 1898, on the last day of the con
vention which met at Saratoga to
nominate a state ticket to run with
McKinley’s, every sign pointed to the
nomination of Mr. Odell for Govern
or. Frank 8. Black of Troy was
'here with a few counties behind him.
but no one paid any attention to his
candidacy. The convention assem
bled for the afternoon session, which
"as to name the ticket. The various
slate lieutenants of Senator T. C.
I’t-itf, whp was stllj the absolute stub'
leader, rriet at the Worden Mouse to.
dr ide on the ticket. They were
present to the number of wbout fM- I
teen. Word was brought to the con
vrntlon that by an overwhelming vote
'he minor leaders hud recommende.il i
1 'dell as the candidate, end Odell was
'old to leave the convention and t
•o his cottage In the grounds of the
1 "lied Males Hotel to await a coin- [
tnittaa of notification.
•'tell the Ns a.
The minor leaders trooped In with
'be news that <>dll wee to he the
man. Suddenly. a surprising rumor ,
entered the convention hail Hens'or
*' *u hod *hri4dig oiuudiad h*e pusu,
aba nnab Jfofnin®
and had decided that the candidate for
Governor should be Frank S. Black.
It was incredible, but nevertheless it
was true. After the other minor lead
ers had gone, Louis F. Payn and Jacob
Worth, two influential leaders, had
threatened Senator Platt with a revolt
on the floor of the convention unless
he threw Odell overboard and nomi
nated Black, and Platt had yielded.
Yet Odell was one of the first men to
congratulate Black, and he took charge I
of Black’s campaign ‘and managed it
with great skill and loyalty.
Mr. Odell’s first lesson in practical
politics was learned very easily. It
was when he was a candidate for
supervisor in the town of New Wind
sor, Orange county: It w*as a Demo
cratic district. Odell’s canvess show
ed 34 majority for himself. He was
told of twenty votes he could get if he
wanted them. He decided to “stand
pat.” When the ballots were count
ed Odell was beaten by eight votes.
This taught the future Republican
leader of the shite never to take any
thing in politics for granted, and to
get all the votes he could.
Ilia First Fight In ’OB.
Mr. Odell’s first great light in the
state whs in 1898, when Theodore
Roosevelt was the candidate of his
party for Governor. Odell was the
supreme manager. It was a hard
fight, because the canal scandal had
apparently shifted 60,000 or 70,000
votes from the Republicans to the
Democrats. In the last week of the
campaign Odell made up his mind
that Roosevelt would win. The diffi
culty lay in convincing the party that
there was a chance of success. He
raised 320,000, which he bet even that
Roosevelt would be elected, and the
future President pulled through with
about 17,000 plurality. In the cam
paign Richard Croker lost 350,000, John
F. Carroll, 335,000; Edward Murphy,
Jr., $30,000, and Patrick H. McCarren,
315,000.
Mr. Odell’s personal courage never
showed to better advantage than dur
ing the last great maneuver in Re
publican state politics which made him
leader. When the convention in 1902
had 'been on the eve of nominating
him for Governor a second ttme, it
was also apparent that George R.
Sheldon would be named for lieuten
ant governor. President Roosevelt
was stirring up , the country about
trusts. Mr. Sheldon had Just been
¥ .ft M fry
intiii ;. him..
widely published as a promoter of I
trusts. Falling to Induce Senator
I'tatl to drop Hheldon, the Governor
or dried a special train ftom Albany
at 1 o'clock In the morning, and want
to Saratoga, where he had an all-night I
•melon with donator Platt and carried
his point.
Node Naas Keemtes.
This tn''ldeitt made the Governor
many hitler enemies In this emer
gency the (levernor went to Wash
ington and salted for a meet log be
tween the Piesldeni, pettsior Pleat
Pid CoL Oowige W, Uwm, who w#a
Mr. Platt’s chairman of the State Com
mittee. The Governor at this meet
ing declared that he intended to be
consulted, and it was agreed that he
should be the active man in the organ
ization, while Senator Platt should be
titular leader, and be consulted on all
important matters.
The Governor’s chief characteristic
as a campaign manager is reticence.
No man is more tenacious than he of
the purposes that he may have in
view, but no man is less given to talk
ing about them. He is not a believer
in what is popularly known as a
“hurrah campaign.” He places his
confidence in hard work that leaves
nothing to chance. It often happens
rizr
MR.SHEEHAN HOLDS
A ROVING
COMMISSION
that not even his closest associates
know what he has In mind until his
plans have been accomplished. He is
exacting in his demands upon the
party workers. He regards it as their
duty to take orders and execute them
without asking why. He is a thor
ough believer in the power of the
"machine.” If a man holds an office
from his party, the Governor insists
that he show his usefulness to the
party in a practical way. He believes
in keeping in touch with every Repub
lican worker, down to the election
district captain, and in making each
man feel that he Is. directly responsi
ble for the result in his district to
the chairman of the State Committee.
His Campaign Methods.
The Governor’s campaign methods
are simple and effective. He first
ascertains how many votes the Re
publican party must poll in order to
win. The character of the campaign,
whether national, state or local, de
termines the probable number total
vote, and it is easy to ascertain how
many votes will be required to con
stitute a majority. The Republicans
this year will have to poll about 800,-
000 votes to be entirely safe. He ap
portions this required vote among
the counties In proportion to the Re
publican strength in each. Then he
sends for the leaders of the counties
separately and tells each what is ex
pected of him.
If the chairman of a county com
mittee protests that he has been
asked to do too much, the Governor
will sit down with him and show him
how he can obtain his quota of the
total. He will demonstrate that the
result can be obtained If the vote is
brought out, and he will divide the
vote expected of the county among Its
election districts, showing what each
must do. If the doubtful chairman
of the county committee has not been
through a similar experience before,
he is likely to go home shaking his
head and wondering how “Ben" hap
pened to know so much 'about his ter
ritory.
Keeps a Close Watch.
When the work has been cut out
for his lieutenants, the Governor de
votes himself to seeing that It Is done.
In different parts of the state he ban
canvasses made to test the drift of
sentiment. These tests are made In
representative communities, and from
their result he Is able to form an ac
curate Idea of what the voters are
thinking. If the Republican vote is
not holding up to expectstion In any
locality, effort Is redoubled there.
Meetings are arranged and good
speakers are sent to arouse enthusi
asm. Quarrels In the party are
reconciled at whatever oust. Cam
paign literature Is distributed, and
whatever money Is needed for legiti
mate comps Ign work is provided.
The Governor Is first a business
i man. and his campaigns are run strict
|ly on 'business lines. The organisa
tion Is made to "tell,” just as the
I organisation of a grest business en
terprise Is made lo contribute to Its
su*-<*ss. He Is Intolerant of Incom
petents, slid he will have no shirks
among his subordinates. The man
who has to rnske a*, use* soon finds
quarters ****""" “ h “ 4 '
UaetSl . Mill
David H Hill’s polktrj education,
i Ilka that of the Governor beasn at
the elect 100 dlairW i palling hoolb As
s young man. he pwib iptxied p many
a ha.d fnggb* com--.' in Flinii#
AustdMMod. Ms. Msii la oat gtvea *
SAVANNAH. GA.. SUNDAY. SEPTEMBER 11. 1904. f
talking any more than the Republican
leader, but there the likeness between
them ends.
Mr. Hill is a lawyer by training and
temperament. While he knows the
value of organization, having studied
it in the school of Tilden, who made
the school district the basis of Demo
cratic organization in New York state,
he also places stress on the value of
appeals to the reason of the voters.
His campaign speeches are master
pieces.
Mr. Hill is a bachelor, and has been
called a woman hater. There are
about his fireside no romance, no wife,
no children, no domesticity—only poli
tics and law, but chiefly politics. Yet
Mr. Hill has his human and softer
side. He adopted and educated a
nephew, of whom he was very proud.
This nephew died at an early age, and
his foster father felt deeply about it.
For days after the death he denied
himself to all his friends.
His Fondness for Young Men.
Mr. Hill also has a great fondness
for young men. He has educated sev
eral. One of them is a prosperous
physician in Washington, Dr. Pierce,
who married the daughter of the Rev.
Dr. Battershall of Albany. Over the
country are scattered half a dozen
other young men who owe their start
in life to the former Governor. They
are his devoted admirers.
One of these is Timothy E. Williams,
now one of the leading officials of the
Brooklyn Rapid Transit Company. Mr.
Williams was a young newspaper man
on a struggling journal which W'as op
posing Hill politically. He went to in
terview Hill one day. Hill told him
many political secrets.
“This is all between us,” said Hill.
"Don't use any of it. Just say this
for me.”
Mr. Williams respected Hill's confi
dence, and in a short time'he was of
fered the position of private secre
tary to the Governor. He was con
tinued in that capacity by Gov. Flow
er, and when Flower retired, his in
fluence and that of Hill put him in
a position to make his fortune in the
metropolis.
“I Am a Democrat.”
Hill is a great phrase-maker. His
declaration in the campign of 1888,
"I am a Democrat,” h'as clung to him,
and the cartoonists still draw him
with the “I am a Democrat” feather 111
his hat.
In the national convention of 1896,
during his great debate with Bryan
over the platform, he made a tre
mendous hit by saying: “I am a Dem
ocrat, but not a revolutionist.”
Hill was subjected to bitter criti
cism in 1888 when he carried the
state for Governor and Cleveland lost
An' \
the face CF
A PIRATE-THE
MANNERS OF
A GENTLEWOMAN
It for President. Cleveland always
thought that Hill had sold the state
out. Hill denied this.
"The cutting was all on the other
side," he said. “It was Republican
rebellion against Warner Miller (the
Republican candidate for Governor),
not Democratic desertion of Grover
Cleveland."
Mr. Hill always Insists being con
sulted In political deals on arrange,
manta to whl< h he Is even remote
party.
Hill's I'ulllleal Methods,
Mr. Hill's political methods resem
ble those of a master of # hens. He
stems to be able to foresee the sms'
remote loose.juemMM of every move
Upon the board, arid this hut a ten
dency sometimes to ms he him heal
gate long before (omroMMng iumaelf
He is feet a# defied if he cp create
s si'uatton that wilt leave several
taortas open Ut him Ms has Scores 1
Closing Out
Summer Goods
at
Reduced Prices.
Summer Shirt Waists
and Shirt Waist Suits .
The big reduction in price has left us with very little assort
ment, but what is here is good, Early customers will have the
advantage of what we have to offer at the following ridiculously
low prices:
f;io 1 Shirt Waists • -49 c 12.00 Waists and Suits 3.98
i Waists and Suits 87c 15.00 Waists and Suits 5.48
\ Waists and Suits 1.48 20.00 Waists and Suits 8.98
5.00 to 10.00 Waists and Suits - = ■ 2.48
75c Kimonas 37c $1 t 01.50 Kimonas 49c 1.75 and $2 Kimonas 87c
$1 to $1.75 Gingham Underskirts, Black and White and Colors 68c
New Fall Styles
In Our Ladies' Department.
The list of new arrivals is rapidly growing, and a con
tinual influx of pretty, nobby, proper fall styles is now
in progress.
Novelty Line of Fine leather Goods.
Store Silk and Woolen Shirt Waists.
Skirts, round lengths Men’s Wear Cloths.
Suits—Long or Short Jackets—Blouses—Etons.
An exceptional line of Long and Short Kimonas.
And our First Shipment of
New Fall Neckwear.
Going Away to College?
We are prepared to furnish a complete outfit in wearing apparel
for either Boys or Girls going off to school, in the new winter
styles of outer and undergarments.
of irons in the fire. Many of them
he is never able to use, but he is
patient, and when his time comes his
opponent is likely to be surprised by
one unexpected development that It
is impossible to meet, or some sudden
revelation that cannot be answered.
Charles K. Murphy.
Mr. Murphy, the leader of Tam
many Hall, and Mr. McCarren, the
leader of the Brooklyn Democracy,
have become national figures on ac
count of the great feud which has
been in progress between them.
Mr. Murphy is the yungest leader
Tammany ever had. He won his
leadership by hard work. He was for
many years the leader of the Eight
eenth Assembly district, and of this
listrlct the Rev. Dr. \V. S. Ralnsford
once said: "If all the Tammany dis
tricts were conducted as Murphy's is
(his would be a model town.”
One of the most interesting things
about Mr. Murphy Is the affection
which exists between him and Mayor
George B. McClellan. When Mr. Mc-
Clellan went to IMew York to make
his living, he met Charles F. Murphy,
who was then a minor district leader
In Tammany. The two men linked
their fortunes. Mr. Murphy aided in
making Mr. McClellan treasurer of
the Brooklyn Bridge Commission. He
stood by him when he was candidate
for 'president of the Board of Aider
men. He urged him for Lieutenant
Governor and for Governor. He also
repeatedly asked Richard Croker, then
leader of Tammany, to make him the
candidate for Mayor.
When Mr. Murphy (himself became
the leader of Tammany, there was no
question as to who the candidate for
Mayor would be.
At n “Gridiron” Dinner.
At the dinner of the Gridiron Club
last December, In Washington, Mur
phy and McClellan sat side by side,
A red lantern, indicating the “red
light district,” which had been a
feature of the campaign of 1903, was
hung over their heads. After the
Mayor had spoken the presiding
genius of the dinner raid:
"Noiv we will hear from the real
thing," and called on the Tammany
leader for a speech.
"Gentlemen.” said Mr. Murphy, ris
ing and waving his hand toward the
mayor-elect. "In all seriousness. I In
form you that the real thing In New
York City affairs sits on my right.”
No one helievvd the Tammany lead
er at this time. Hut when Mayor Mc-
Clellan took hla seat In the New York
CltV Hail it was soon learned that
what Mr. Murphy had said was literal
ly true. For the first time In the muni
cipal history of New York there was a
Tammany "boss" who did not Insist
that the Tammany mayor should turn
the town over to the thugs and gatnb
|*f*.
Every Tammany district leader has
an office somewhere In hie district
vhere lhw poor and lowly of his balll- :
wick can meet him and make re
queeta. Mr. Murphy's, when he man- j
aged x district, was beneath the lamp- ;
post st Twentieth street and Second |
avenue, In front of the Tammany Club
house. Here he would remain several j
hours every night, meeting all wtlioi
Odors of Perspiration Royal Foot Wash
i II ii—i—i MSS— ——— m feet, ate., by .w- vomMaooi
heps Chafing, cures Sweating, Intring Swollen. Tired real
lh st druggists or projpsld from £ ATOM Mild ©O., Atlanta. Ua. Massy
back if oat setiofiod hawpis far l-osat sum*.
B. H. Levy, Bro. & Cos.
Special Attention to Mail Orders.
had a trouble to unfold, a favor to
ask, or a suggestion to make. The
secret of Tammany’s greatness as a
political factor has been that It keeps
close to the poor of the city. Mr.
Murphy has followed that principle to
a greater extent than any other Tam
many brave, and no power could shake
him in the estimation of those who live
In his district.
I’m riel. H. McCarren.
Patrick H. McCarren was a cooper
at nineteen. He is now absolute boss
of the great Borough of Brooklyn. He
Is called “Long Pat.” He h'ts the face
of a pirate, so his friends are fond of
saying, and the manners of a gentle
woman. He was never known to lose
his temper. The nearest on record
was once at a state convention, when
he called David B. Hill a liar to his
face. But even then McCarren was
not angry.
"I had to do It.” he explained. "It
was the truth, but those others on the
committee would not have believed me
had I merely said that Senator Hill
was wrong.
Senator McCarren has been In the
rough and tumble op city politics for
thinly yea*-s, and he has been in the
state Senate for more than half of
that time. The only term he missed
was in 1894-5, and connected with his
temporary retirement then is one of
the best stories in American city pol
itics.
The Democrats and Republicans of
MvCarren's district worked together.
It was decided that In the camptiign of
1893 there should only be a feint of
opposition to McCarren, so he could
pull through without the expenditure
of much money. So McCarren picked
as the candidate to run against him
George A. Owens, a barkeeper, a man
ot no education or political experience.
That year there was a political rev
olution In the state of New York, and
It extended to Brooklyn. When the
votes in McCarren’s district were
counted it was found that the un
known bartender had been elected by
800 majority.
McCarren Is an "all-round sport.”
He for years was interested In racing.
He also believes In extreme liberality
In excise and gambling matters. It is
on this question that he and Murphy
spilt.
William K. Sheehan.
William F. Sheehan, who Is gener
ally given credit of having done moro
to promote the nomination of Judge
Parker than Hny other man. Is an
aimnfaly In politics.
He was a Buffalo boy, and was a
protege of David B. Hilt. He came
forward about twenty years ago os an
Assemblyman, and soon win* the
leader of his faction In that end of
the state. He believed In machine
politics pure and simple. ten
yefci’N of stress and storm in Albany
and Buffalo he deemed It wise to
move to New York.
In ten years Mr. Sheehan, by rloso 1
attention to the pi*u ttee of law, has I
amassed a fortune and won the j
entire respect of the business com- i
munlty of New York City,
lie began life aa a ferry boy on Ihe
Buffalo Klver. He stands to-day s
the maker of a Democratic candidate.
Fo* the Boys.
New Fall School Suits
Are in, as well as Caps, Knee Trousers,
Shirts and Furnishings.
We are showing some unusually hand
some styles in dress and semi-dress suits
for little boys.
and as the manager In the entire coun
try of that candidate's canvass.
At the St. Louis Convention Mr.
Sheehan attracted greht attention to
himself by the manner In which he
handled the interest of Judge Parker.
Few persons were certain that the
Judge could be nominated at all In
view of the rampant opposition of
Tammany Hall, which although un
der Instructions to vote for the candi
date of New York, was openly in
triguing with all the other Democratic
aspirants for the nomination.
Mr. Sheehan was asked on what
ballot he thought Judge Parker would
be nominated.
"We have not yet decided the bal
lot," replied Mr. Sheehan. “He will
be nominated on the first, if we think
It wise. If not he will he nominated
on the second. It all depends on how
things look when we get to It.”
Judge Parker was nominated on the
first ballot.
(Copyright, 1904, by T. C. McClure.)
NO prisoners; no pardon.
Rfisslfi.il Newspaper Wants raptured
Jnpaneae Killed.
Toklo. Sept. 10. —The Japanese are
rather amused than angered by the
efforts of Russian newspapers, de
manding that the Minister of WVir Is
sue an order, forbidding soldiers to
grant pardon on the battlefield. They
think it rather strange that their ene
mies, who are constantly running away
from them, should dispute about mat
ters of that kind. The newspapers cite
the MVihcow Gazette as follows: "It
does not suffice to frighten the Jap
viper, we must kill it to prevent it
from escaping. No matter whether
England and the other Jews, the Amer
icans protest, we will not burden our
selves with 10,000 of Jap prisoners car
rying typhus and cholera into our
ranks. Our motto must be: ‘No prison
ers. no pardon.’ ”
A Telepathic Clock.
From the Liverpool Post.
Here is a strange, yet absolutely
true, story, In which a clock plays a
mysterious part: It was a small Amer
ican timepiece, which stood on a rrftin
tleplece Iri a sitting room In a Liver
pool 'builder’s house. At 11:30 one
morning a few weeks ago the time
piece fell from the inantleplece to the
floor. When picked up it was found
to be quite uninjured and still going,
us If nothing unusual had happen
ed.
There aemed to be absolutely no rea
son why It should have fallen, but an
hour later, when the builder came
home, to hie midday meat, he remarked
that at 11:S0 he fell from the top of a
building, but happily without sustain
ing any injury, tils wife then de.
scribed how the clock had fallen
at the same time, 'and the couple
ponder In vain over the curious
and utterly Inexplicable coincident.
.—proper enough —*'l don't know
what right she has to advertise bar
self aa a ’peerless actress ' "Well,
eh* explains that ley stating thaf she •
sever had eny of thaee ptitteh peers'*
■ busing eround after her*'—#hiiadi*
phis Ledge*.
PAGES 21 TO 28
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