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THE WEEKLY CONSTITUTION: ATLANTA. GA., TUESDAY, NOVEMBER SO, 1880.--WITH SUPPLEMENT.
<HlC $0UsUtllti0H.
m!SSUiroamme sgeneyot toe nemo-,
•lemocrat*. and ac'ed will* ihem, and i
PA. GA., NOVEMBER », 18*0 be
Hmocrat*. and need with them. »n<l w«s } to*b?fi£?£J
n r tK»i r .Umi leader* in Georgia. Was r wh*i#W in to® eltct-on to oe n«»«
bea^raitor to the old whig or American'• to tonnaooaj;
v..in 11 .- Hpm.'.r : stitution under which they mnat live tor
SEIsAlOR BROW A
ON THE
SW C-4US* uc cauic .
• racy on that occasion and ateteri with them » ye** 1
, ;a opposit on to the reoonatiuction meats
vna* Clearly net. But there is this *trik-
1 it* diftocsic® l>e»ween Mr. Hi!! and tny
, Nppommt: Two years later Mr. Hnl **.
ISSUES OF THE DAY. t j,at hope of getting rid o» tbe recnzi-
. airuction jneaaniea ior which he had *o
. t- .aa ,a UM a „ o tit* ' earner ty acd honestly labored. va» deJu-
i’aU T*t‘. cf B.« Addrtw ta it* IC«ah*rs c. toe , , ww j he Lad the magnanimity and the
Oec-ral Amiably. at D*Ois**, Mania? J honesty to come oat ar. * publish his view*
Emil?. November 15. 1830. 1 to the world, ind advUe acquir*o*tcea:d
I the recognition of the rights of the colored
tirutle::.. t!.« «*et • ral Aasembly, > ~And from tiat day to this Mr. Hill bas
»ad:e- and ; letnei*: I appear before . aJvis«-<J peace and harmony. JJe ha* never
.. .i 4V f or the- high ©niceof gone bark and torn open the old wounds,
. • >r fu»m i.ur ort>ud old sought to do it as my opponent now
i nut 1 - a.. • t.utor. Dorn our pr. oao a j ^ ^ ^ <jo. jje fought.the recocatrec-
t-i>iun. ».iw« a. '!i. 1 had not intended to tion measures ns long as he saw any ebanot
i;.akr an-' • uL.ic ad drees pending thia can- j to succeed aid when there was no hope of
fral l.»
Batasmybor.
is tho
delli
wide!
,bb- opj-onent, Gen- success he abandoned the plevfurm^M did
■ , J,!., ,^, r 'he democratic perty. *nd planted himself
.. proper to appear ■ n tli| . reconstruction measure*. Was he
a lengthy addrew, j „ traitor io the democratic party when, in
assault 11870, be advised the acceptance of the recon-
cUr a r id record 1 [ wttoetoon measures and the recognition of
cur ana recoin, j j , h( , riffb!i| of ib e colored race? And must
he in future tie arraigned for this patriotic
rc ? If not. how was I a trailer for doing
the same thing two years sooner?
If the attach made upon me by my oppo
nent is just, then he is the proper subject
of arraignment. Mr Hill U able to recog
nize an accomplished fact; an-, he Is a mai
«,f mould lave® enough to advise the peon!*
to bury the fcitteroe* of the past, ar.d to
:-ct in harmony uj*on tbe recons traction
,| iC w country, if be should be j j utform in future. In thia he is ten years
ti.e hii*h position to whicn be as- J nheailof Genetal Mwton. *
* , .. . . i In his letter iJT 1S*0, December 8th, two
Hut I waa greatly disappointed when 1 lbe democatic party bad
ii-yi.o; - : L ‘ speech to find that ., r , aXi done<! the platform of 1868. Mr. Hill
i . tl u.s • t it ut-cesaary to favor us | - ays: "f Lave been driven to the ooncJu-
* _ tfinl u n - # .r the !*>'. i-ion *hat the4e three amendments arcin
* « • r an i («ct, and wlil; be held in law, fixea prlr.es
:. .. . to bj pursued ly him. ln ' pies of the constitution, as binding upon
.rnsharlc totbep*rt and t states a:.d j^Jople as the original
i rec with me that it
I be bear ! in reply.
, rn ed that n.y opponent in-
■,*. you, I naturally came to
3 that ho would laydown
r announce some great lice
i.« intended to pursue for tbe
ti.« ltea; interests of the state
entitled to; and when oar own state I the union, Senator Barnnm', wrote and
by hi
ihe|u*;on— - -. ... .
, • . ,, mnti r „,hittf.red 1 { he duty of cvfery good citisen to abide and
..mcIi un.uel and embitter* 1 , ^ ^ c ., r „tiiuiion and lews as they ex
in yean gone by. And he seeks ! ^ precisely «• if he bad co-oj»erated in e»
r» - not upon anything lie tablisbing anq enacting tbeio.” Again be
futare, lnilft.nl, !«■ ■«;: -1 rapfirfol'y sne**.* that «6«tim.
• . has arrived when duty dots not nqnire nor
tf. c.»nc.usu»n, alter learning in* ? j nt4 . res t ^ek a.continuance of the aiviMona
, . . peecii, 'hat he sought to rise | OIJ t j ie principles and evetits which have led
,. , lr ,r. n ray record rather than j to our present .condition." ,
‘ . ! And in his <p ech in Atlanta in 1872 be
nrritH.
permit
this audience to*
has ever been
advocated that
i to say that, j that while
. i,. . iVreatlv regret the necessity of re right, while l' have evr'r advocated that
. , .In,,! X du r.ot which 1 bftlinw.il toh. tru# at the time, yet
, n: t > ti-‘ -• o.a 7I i.1 the midst of piny cf.ntest I b*veo(l*n
.i.r i-3: tr im a nimf,«ri»«9 •» reoonM Wim i i K edin r.arsouni »lluiion*»niip«reon«l
'- ** “ J *“ 1 ** i ... - — n £ won* J
“thesilnation. ••There
i> some |»ersoitnl allusions of a very severe
I character whit! * * ,J *
id ti
afraid to dis deprecations, which I regret and would
; .. Involved in the reoonatruo- iesdily recall.” Again he says, in refer
ri . l, a I think it easy to demon- j enowto the note
hat the advice 1 then gave, if it bad
, del and the course I then took, if | Again he a*:«il *T am free to say that I ant
inii .ivMl w..uld have been the i in favor of universal political amnesty,
, „ ‘v jin I ktawmd How .triting the eon;
: . a mil tin wt.'i.i •outli , .-.till lrwtb , lwe . „ ,.{ tlwKrakt
l.r>:ifl diflerenctto! opin*J orutori an d t A e ii*icierau» «-onrse of my
iiuetafion. And I know that able opponent.
.c statesmen took a different 1 . When did ^ h<? or.M* . pponent give
t tiie time; and the questions
t ars hat he
ihiii gootl edvfc. . — . ,
. I r.nrscdlib wrtiii t.n.1 itill ,tiui r.nlhlnz
ns 1-1 mreestly, »bly. ana | c ( j.^ saimisity »«ain»t those wbo differ
instances hitUrly. Mncli was with him.
. come, bat to give that ot> to tbe
r. the crprthaggen mml the seals.
South CorolinsTstorids sad leraiei-
sns adopted lais sdvice. The white peop'e
folded their snus in great dignity sod ssid.
‘•We will touch not, us e not, handle not
the uuciesn tbit* ” They reiuaed to go to
the poll, sr.d iheygsve nj. thsir oonren
tiona entirely into the band, o' the cleaves
sbnve mentioned. WLst ares the resullT
Tbe negro;, snd the carpet baygers framed
their constitutions; tied them hand and
toot; filled their legialative halls with n-a.
iorities of ignorant colored men, and
crowded their Jnry-boics with Ignorance,
and the white people .labored under this
corse till the beginning of the year 13...
For nearly ten year* were thev passing
through this terrible ordeal. Sot ad la
Georgia. It was estimated at tbe time that
some thirty thousand white men ki Georgia
took the advice given by those oi os who
accepted the reconstruction measures ana
went to the pol'a and *vot*d for sood men
*9 delegates to the couvention. We sent to
the convention the lumen t«tf Judge rarrotf,
wbo presided over it, and wbo was a most
valuable power in securing a good confuta
tion. The people also elected es members
of that convention. Dr. Mi »ler,Color el Tram
mell, Jndge McCay, James _D. Waddell,
Uolonel Thorcas 1*. Saffold. of Morgan Al
bert Foster, the honored fattier of tbe bon-
t.ruble representative from Morgan county
in this assembly; Madison Bell, of Banks;
JuJgfc Bigbv. of Coweta, now United States
district attorney; Colonel Marler, since
solicitor general of the Western circuit;
Mr. Dews ; of Baker, who haa since been a
member of the legislature; Mr. Field, of
Murrav, who has filled tbe same place; Mr.
Fort, of Floyd; Dr. Foster, of Paulding;
Mr. McWhorter, of Green; the Hon. David
Irwin, of Cobb; the Hon. A. W. Holcomb,
of Milton; the Hon. Wesley Shropshire, of
Chaitooga; the Mr. JohnH. Flynn, of this
city; the Hon. Amos T. Aterroan, who,
though a northern man, has spent tbe most
of his life in Georgia, and wbo also rendered
valuable sendees in the convention. Other
native white men were eltcud who had
devoted their lives to the best interests of
Georgia. These men inside, with tho as
sistance of aome of us ontside, not with
Standing the great majority of radical men
in the convention, secured for the people
of Georgia a constitution under which they
were soon restored to th« line of Jtros*
peritv. The intelligence cf Georgia soon
bad oontrol of tbe legislature, her court®,
and herjuries. The world knows tire re
sult. We were through with the recon
struction period much sooner than any one
ol the states above mentioned, who rejected
my advice and took the advice of my op
ponent. And to-day, while the credit of
ibose states in the market is unfortunately
at a low point, the credit of Georgia stauds
os high in the market as any state s in the
union. She floats without difficulty a four
per cent bond when she needs money to
meet her engagements.
On the contrary, if South Carolina,
Florida and Louisiana had followed my ad
vice in 1868. and sent such of their white
leaders as wero not disfranchised as dele
gates to their conventions, they would have
invaded I gave it nearly ten thousand
of a class that it had no right under its own
laws to call for. Ask General Joseph E.
Johnston whether I was uutroe to (he con
federacy. He was in command at the time,
and he will tell you that 1 did all that any
governor could have done under the circum
stances to aid him.
He is reported to have said that X did more
for the cause than all the other governors of
the confederacy combined.
General Lawton seems to forget, however,
while attacking me on this point, that he
attack*th*great commoner, Mr. Stephens,
who was vice-president of the Confed
erate States, and General Toombs, the
ablest advocate of his election to the senate,
wbo fully co-operated with me in my con
troversy wjfh the Confederate States au
thorities on this question, and sustained me
on every point. We acted in perfect har-
mOnyi Were Stephens and Toombs untrue
to the confederate cam-e? The same evi
dence that would convict me of this charge
by mr opponent, convicts them also. Per
haps his argument proves a little too much
for him.
But it would seem reasonable to suppoee
that the Georgians in the army who met
tfce enemy in the field of battle, and who
eudured aiLthe hardships of the camp, were
the best judges of whether their governor
in bis treatment to them, and in his re
sponses to the calls of the confederacy had
been faithful. In 1863, after my controver
sy with President Davis, wheu I wa3 a can
didate for the fourth time for the office of
governor, the citizens of Georgia within
legal age, who were iu the army, were au
thorized to voie wherever they might be.
As you will remember, the Hon. Joshua
Hilf, formerly a union man, aud the Hon.
Timothy Furlow,an ardent secessionist, were
both put in the field ageinst me. As the
constitution requited that the successful
candidate should have a majority over all
the other candidates, it was thought I would
be defeated in this way, and the election
thrown into the general assembly. Aud the
home vote at the time would have come
near defeating me. The stay-at-home men,
those owning fifteen negroes, who were at
hon e to look after their plantations, and
thofe ia the ether pursuits of life that re
mained at home, voted for me by a small
majority. But when ihe «rtuy vote csr
in and the ballot of the men who bore the
musket in the front of the enemy was heard
from, they placed me over * 000 ahead of
both my competitor?. Did the array deem
tny course as untrue to the confederacy?
Wbo were belter judges of tho propriety
of it than the so hi it r* who endured
hardships of tbe camp aud the field?
Time will not permit me to say more in
reference to my course during the war I
claim that uothing I did during that period
conflicts in any way with my duty or pres
ent position as a democrat. I never voted
anything but a democratic ticket in my
life prior to 1SCS. Upon the old democratic
platform I always stood, and to its princi
ples I was always true.
ch side that it were better it had
(mid. It waaatiraeol passion and
the worst feelings of our
But my opponent thinks we should not
have accepted so early, while the graves of
our dead I.efoea w* re yet fresh. «hat
length of time was it necessary to give for
W
v aroused and brought into active j the grass to spread oic* the n ra\es of our
i i • ,1.,, _ nr From * lamented henoea who fell tn our glorious
1 had just lost our canse. From ^ before we could accept tbe reoon-
lwingft proud raid wealthy people, we had | a truciion measures without disrespect to
I it-cr» reduced to poverty. Every family j them? .
. , , , 0,1 „ Itrntlif r a husband or ft i As the democracy has been planted upon
|;,ul Ium n Is the., n brother, a husnana or a ^ te ^ tJ ££ mjaMtmn ever since 1872,
art, tui. our conquerors bad dictated terms : |n y op|vr>r»ent roust admit that it waa no
that .3 emed to its to bo hard and even un- disrespect to their memories to accept those
’ And probably the most unpal- measures in 1872. Why did be not tell us
. Whole batch ol mnmn*! t!,<- ««*» «W> l 88 ?
i the fourteenth consti-
ntabl* t
wa the provision
t utii.nul amendment that disfranchised our
leader* from holding office. Laboring under
the-e provoking circumstances and In the
ter ti<
... at*d to be disrespectful to them for
to acquiesce fan the inevitable? Hh views
and mire of the rt * h t‘C* and re-peel we
owe to their memories may he widely dif
ferent. I feel that that respect and that
i reverence are due them from us while we
,1s* of this high excitement, it was not i jjve.and from our posterity ufter ns. I bad
... k t v.« had divisions, and that bit- two brothers who fell dnr.ng tlrat struggle,
. „ _„ r . hmntrht oneof them while leading his regiment in
v.-n TUup.r.tio.. w«e brougl l ^ Iipon , UIlion bal!t ,,.
into tlu' campaign. Hut thia period of bit- f.jght c f where I now stand,
lernest’ ha* p.v-aetl; the public uiind liaa shall l egate 1o rcsyject their tnetnorie?,
U, n iiuieto I; our pa.-*ions haveauhaided; ^r do I dislu-por them btcause l atceptthe
, 1 , i , _ A ,v. «... i, ava t^rtna dlctouod by cur conqueror ofier tncy
we have gone a* lively to work, wt have bava ( rm-ral Liwlon may think
loomed liv.-oii* of economy; we have en- that we could erase to pay reverence to tbe
tire.' l tv.n a state ol prosperity again; and | uemiorits of our hero, g after 1872. I sav that
“•«-«I£!Z l *Sf 'ii?,! *SST%
the d< ad iasuca would remain buried out of , p^ ni j se9 aiJJ j currying item out to their
i ;!nt we should no longer beat logical sequence, #**■»»-* th*
ere obliged
vided or disturbed by them. The times
now see in i*» require that all patriotic cit-
ir.cn* of ueurgia and the south should stand
together, band iu band, and lalK>r earnestly
ami faithfully to promote union, harmony,
and the public j ood
Whai pul/.ic Mirv;co then could my hon-
nrabU- ,.|-p .n*'.,t think tie was rendering to tioued in the Sherman bit; must be held;
i bo ivuntry t y tearing the scabs ofl the ^hat onr people were placed m a i«osition
g and seeking again to arouse j w herc they hod no power whatever to com
flu b; rt*-T pn j utile* a and j anions of twelve fro l chat question. And I advised them to
v,; k ,-u. Why did he not think proper to ] acquiesce; to go to the polls ai d vote for
.it i.riy time withiu tbe Iu*l live «»r l j ie j^t men Who were eligible; that they
not a candidate for i might go to the contention nnd make
muni forever fight the
reconstruction measures or we will dishonor
them. ‘ ,
But I was not alone In the advice I gave
or the opinion l entertained as to the pro
priety of accepting the rrc .i.»;ruction
measures. What was ibat advice? D was
substantially that the coi «j ;• r us had dic
tated the terms, and that .\
accept them; that the
u.l :
.ul«
beJ.ntor? Why did he wait j t l»e best constitution we could get, as we
secured constitutions which would have re
stored them to democratic rule within four
years. And in 1H7U. instead of having radi
cal returning beards at their command to
count out Mr. Tilden, who was legally
elected president, they would have elected
democratic electors and there would have
been no question about the right of the
democratic candidate to his seat in the
presidential chair ; and we would now have
parsed through four years democratic rule,
whereas we are just entering upon four
more years of republican rule. Judge ye,
whether the adviie of my opponent as
taken by these statea was better than
mine.
But tny opponent saya, in substance, if I
could r.ot agree with him and those with
whom he acted in 1868, I should not
have acted with tbe reconstruction
party; but I should have folded my ermsin
silence aud waited until they bad made the
experiment. Now, I could not have done
this properly. The people of Georgia had
honored me; they had raised me from an
humble position and placed me at the helm
of state. They had stood by me during all
the dark periods through which we had
passed. I had reached a point at the end
of the struggle, whete I was out of
office and l was a private
only ; and if I had been simply selfish
in my views. I might have folded say arms
and stood still and given no advice and re
taitied my popularity. But 1 did not think
I could do this and act in go'd faith. All
that i was, and all that 1 am, I owe to
Georgia. And when her citizens called on
me for advice, in that critical period,
though but a pnvate citizen. I felt it
was my bonnden duty to give it. I knew
very well the responsibility which I incurr
ed. I tiiought it was possible they might
follow iuy advice and save themselves
great trouble and great suffering Bat I
feared also at tbe lime that the probabilities
were that passion and prejudice were run
ning too high for reason to resume her sway.
Hence I stated to confidential friends my
motives in taking the position 2 did, that
it was to try to save Georgia from very
great suffering, into which I feared she was
about to be precipitated; and that, if our
people failed to take my advice, from hav
ing been one of ihe most popular men in
the state, I should become one of the most
> his mind
i might b.i.WiSftd tolive uoirit 223? to fel5~K , S*.SSf5R!S
Gr^ft. With this great hazard folly in
view, forgetful of self interest, I raised tbe
note of warning, and gave them honestly
my opinion as to the course it waa best for
them to pursue. My opponent folded his
arms at the time pr.tl did nothing and ad
vised inaction, i leave it to vou to say
whether bis cansure is well-founded, or
gratuitous.
But my opponent in substance assumes
the further position that if we had refused
to submit to tbe reconstruction measures,
and had all stood out to the last, foreign
powers might have intervened under inter
national law and saved us from this bitter
pilL Now, with all due deference. It does
seem to me that this idea is perfectly uto
pian. When we were at the high tide of
of our success after each imj-ortant victory,
we had men abroad to importune foreign
powers to recocnixe us even aa belligerents,
and they declined to do so because their
treaty obligations to the United States did
not permit them to recognize U3 us occupy
ing any other relation than that of rebels
to the government of the United States,
and whatever sympathy they might have
felt for us. they declined to recognize us as
entitled even to belligerent rights. If then
foreign powers ikould take no notice of us
during the struggle when we were hashed
with victory, was it reasonable to
snppose alter we had surren
dered, acd there was no har.g-
oouatrucuon act.* j dictate* that the£:cirion of the convention j ing, no slaughter, no bloodshed, our presi-
Uutional, nnll and J should b.* cheerfully submitted to by the j dent iuipnHmed buthislife not impenUed,
tor this distinguished post- ( to come. 1 also recommended acqumo* ace
ti,mi l., :. i - hr o;*er cd his batteries upon | m the action of the convention of our *tate
tin. •• u • *1 tier*d with him during the re- and advised our people agaii at division*
ron-in;. i.i>n period? Have we not had and to a prompt acceptance of the units
riiwuch t'iipn.tsi? Ia it for tho public j dictated by our conqueror. This waa the
P ..a that ftriii* and wranglings-houfd con- i only way to pet representation back into
linuo perpetually? Cannot my opponent | congress and to lilt the hand of the con-
und tin - with whom he acts realize the queror from ua. All remember very well
fan that w«* live in a ucw era, that war has | lu *t thia was the substance of mv advice,
produced u n volution in our labor Now, I desire to read hejre a tetterj from
M Ninn and haa «nrrafted now provisions a distinguished gentleman to show that
«iVi the publico! ay*■ tern? Js It impossible others whose opinions were entitled to rc-
for him to conform to tho present constim- 9 mct entertained the same views and gave
lion, uno* r which we live, and to unite with j like advice. As I consider tbe letter an im-
tho-o who labor to make the best out of it | portant one. 1 beg your careful attention
in the future? 1 ahile 1 read it. Ii is te follows:
Why duos n.y opfonetit arruicn me for} »My Dkae Majou: 1 have read with the
.nt..butty to Georgia and the south because « attention the subjtci demanded the article
1 .tit!, nil w ith him ami the school of poli- j enclosed in your letter of the 23d ult. 1
tiria: <4 to which he belong* on the recon* think there can he no doubt in the minds
- m« to u question and acted with the re- • of those w ho reflect that conventions mu3t
e msma :.>>n i«artyT Is « man a traitor for J l*. held in the southern ^ates nuder the
not going with (he party he haa formerly J Sherman bill; that the people are placed in
acted with, if that |arty abandons the plat- a petition where no choice in the matter is
form it has always stood upon, plants it*rlf ) left them, and ii is the duiy <»C all who may
upo.; a i . w placfcrui which bis judgment | lx- entitled to vote (.» attend the polls aud
toil Inin is iu.pracUcable and inqioasiblo to j endeavor to elect the best available men to
1 - . a-: l into execution? I repn*ent them and sot for the interests of
The i nti. riu of me democratic party so- their state.*-. The division of the people
oal'.t-.i m D'*> v..s i.ot the platform upon [ into parties i.*t greatly to be reprehended
w i.•. h that i suty sU«od prior to that time. • and ought to i>e avoided by the willingness
• . L. (.■ ii;t Blair's Broadhcad letter, j Un the } art of every on* to yield minor
. l» M-v uri-tl hi* nomination to tbe office i points, iu order to secure thoee which are
\ pre-lucn*, and the platform, which ,-v*.ntud to the general welfare. Wisdom
,■ t ... d.F*:rd U ‘ ' ‘ - . e - - .
/ of Uie west- | citiaana < i each i»:ate-
i to so declare carrying .ai us dccrca
i\uio them, and : Itfaafeeliojt."
Tit* established! At this point
■ **houid unite in I *bat they would tbea coma iu and inter-
i good faith and ! meddle in tbe affairs of the United btales,
, 1 *ay: “You aball not dictate terms here
ne tn Urn audience j that the south think are bard and uureas
In 1868 the democratic parly did not stand
upon its former platf»rm and. t certainly did
not stand upon its present platform. In
1868 it declared the reconstruction measures
to be revolutionary, unconstitutional, null
and void, for it nominated Blair upon his
Broadband letter. During that period I re
fused to stand upon that platform. 1 knew
that General Grant, who had been the suc
cessful leader of the union armies and had
received the sword of that immortal hero.
General Lee, was' entitled according to
usage to the presidency and he would cer
tainly get it. He had bceu sent by Presi
dent Johnson to the south to report upon
our condition, acd had done ali he could
to mitigate the excitement, and reported
as favorably as he could.
He was evidently disposed to turn the
warm side to the south; and I thought it was
our best policy to agree with the adversary
quickly, and take up the hero and support
him, making no issue with him. This would
have given us representation ia congress
immediately aud placed us upon a much
higher level. And if we had acted wisely
all the probabilities are that General 0**int,
true to his original political faith, might at
the next race have accepted the nomination
from the democracy of tbe uuiou e» he had
been up to that time an original democrat.
My opponent is reported to have said io
his speech that I was the ouly man who
knew that. It has been on more than one
occasion published that General Grant him
self said so, and it has never been denied by
any one. He never cast any bat a demo
critic vote prior to the time he went inu
the presidential chair. And I think my
opponent is probably the only man in the
country, of his intelligence, who did not
know it. Not only was General Grant, who
received Lee's sword, iu favor of concilia
tion up to that time, but it is now a well
known fact that General Lee favored accep
tance.
The democrats made the experiment
the platform of 18CS, and made a great fail
ure. They saw then that it was impossible
to stand longer upon that platform. And
in 1872 they came squarely upon the recon
struction platform upou which I had stood
in 1868, when I supported Grant; and they
nominated Horace Greeley as their stand
ard bearer. Contrast the records of Grant
and Greeley, and say who made the biggest
leap from democracy—I in voting for Grant
in 1868, or mv opponent when be voted for
Greeley in 1872. But aw Greeley was placed
upon the reconstruction platform wfcero I
hadstood,audto which the inevitable point
ed a3 the future policy of the cauniry, I
stood still upon the platform and voted for
Greeley. I did rot abandon it because the
democracy came to it. I did not t efuse to
vote for Greeley, objectionable as he was,
for he was nominated by tbe party of uiy
preference, who stood upon the platform
where I xtood. And from that day to this
I have constantly acted with the democratic
party.
You may examine all my utterances
refererce t« the reconstruction measures,
and you will find that (he tenor of them all
was that 1 accepted ia 1868 the reconstruc
tion measures because there waa no
way to get rid ol them, not became | apr
proved of tl.eui, I admitted tbe hard
ship. I took them as matter of necessity
only, and r.otas matter of choice. I felt noat-
tachment to them. I had no devotion for
them. Butin 1876, when the democratic
convention of the union jqetinSt. Louis
and nominated TiMen, having found that
the mistake they had made in 1868 bad
so prejudiced the country against them
that it was still denied that they had ac
quiesced in the reconstruction measures in
good faith, they determined to make the ac
quiescence strong enough that it f-ould no
longer be questioned, and they there af
firmed their devotion to the constitution
with the amendment*. The fact is. I was
never devoted to them, and there I could
not heartily stand upon the democratic
platform, but as my conqueror dictated
them, and l aepepte'd his terms ip good
faith, I had accepted them; I had aworn
support them, and I intend iu good faith
But as you all know, the result of that
campaign was that Mr. Tilden, who was
elected president, was counted out by the
returning boards in the states oi Florida
and Louisiana, where the advice of niy
honorable opponent had prevailed duri
urged me to go to Indiana to aid in the
campaign for Hancock and English. Under
the circumstances I could not do so, which
I very much regretted. If lam Dot a dem
ocrat to be trusted and would not in the
senate be a true exponent Of the principles
of the democratic party, why* did he no: ask
General Law ton, my opponent, to go?
I have not a sentiment or anin-tinci that
ia not in accord w ith the best interests of
Georgia and of the Country * and 1 shall be
one ot the last men to fur; the banner of
the democratic party and lay it away. My
family and my property acc all that is dear
to me are in Georgia. The bones of mv an
cestor* rest here, and I expect To be buried
in her soil and leave my posterity upon it.
Why. then, should I betray her? When
have J ever been untrue to her i terests? I
shall always pay my devotion * a; her shrine.
I aball always be ready to maintain her in
terests and to stand by her honor, come
what may.
what I have already stated I think
it unnecessary that l should further argue
toe point that tbe democratic party stands
to-day fairly and squarely upon the recon
struction platform; that :t vies- with the re
publican party in tbe expression of its de
votion to that platform and to the constitu
tional amendments upon which it is based.
Which was the worse* for me to bs untrue
to the democratic part}' in 1868, when it
neither stood upon its old platform nor
upon its present platform, or for my oppo
nent to be untrue to it now, as xould seem
manifest from his speech before you? What
waa the ample of that speech? It was an
arraignment of me for accepting the recon
struction acts and standing upou that
platform and defending acquiescence
in them iu 1868. He now ar
raigns me bitterly for having done so.
Does it not raise a, fair inference, therefore,
that his heart is not now right upon these
measures, and ia his inmost bosom that Ir
is not a friead to them and does net full,
acquiesce? Wnat think you would have
been the effect of Hr speech delivered here
the other night, if he had gone to Indiana
and delivered it there during the campaign *
Wiiat will now be the effect of it upon the
fortunes of the democratic party north?
Tho republicans will seize it everywhere,
and say tbut General Lawton admits that
Governor Brown has ability, that he is
mentally qualified to represent GeofBia in
the senate, but he denounces him as un
trustworthy because he supported the recon
struction measures in 1868, and acted with
the reconstruction party then. And if you
elect him upon that speech, to the senate,
will it uot be an acknowledgment of what
has been so ofteu charged by the republi
cans, that tbe acceptance of the reconstruc
tion measures by the democracy of the
south is insincere, aud is all a shaui and a
cheat?
After the 4th of March next, the presi
dent will be republican, the house of repre
sentatives will be controlled by the repub
licans. and the senate will most probably
be a tie, when you count on the uncertain
ty of oue or two members who have here
tofore been democrats, but were not elected
as democrats. Snppose you elect General
Lawton to the senate and he enters the
body under these circumstances; how nnrch
influence will he have either with the re
publicans of the senate, or with the north
ern democrats? Will not the latter say:
“You are untrue to the very principles upon
which we stand here? Yon are a recruit
to the brigade of southern brigadiers here,
and the worst fire eater among them. You
denounce and would ostracise those who
twelve years ago consented to stand where
stand.” What could my opponent
r Georgia under these cir
cumstances? 1 leave wise legislators
wbo have to tuake the selection, to judge.
But I have already occupied too much
time in reply to the assaults made upon me
by my opponent on account of reconstruc-
^ u;hern 'states under the reeou-1 cried out.’* That's Joe B^wn's talk!” l onable; we will interfere with our sword
t action :u :*• l*v fort« This would have The speaker replied. -It is very much and stop it?” What sane man can fora
u nt iiu r * revolution, ending in i ; ke it—ja.«t the same 1nsubstance—though j moment believe that there
o t srt'or «•'.! ;• .m of LlooJ. There was 1 d.d not write iu” He then resumed the
> j- ssible chauceof sucote* ua that plat 5 reading of the letter as follows:
rm. No principle of derm>cracy required "As lam relieved from the necessity of
e ;o s:a:ul upoa it. Democrat* aud the j dime ring how to arr. 1 think it is fair to
rnur opprur-Jis of democracy divided ! leave totiw*.? sri* i hgv** to tear the rtspon-
|av» it jucotding to their own judgment. . ribtlily tho derision of the questions in-
ivfu>fd to stand upon it because 1 knew voK-ed without embarrassing them with tbe
» uld result in no gcod and must, if 1 opinions cf those who do not feel this re-
tarried out to Its legitimate result*, end in 1 sporrfbflity. Under these circmustaticss
purr
ut BOt prt
■ ej^merc «
ft’riT am .
;d upou a platform that I be
and blood. Other patriotic j and for renaon* which I am sure you will
ih . .ri *. they saw ia it a mode of " understand, I have great reluctance toob-
. i: « kward dilemma in which trade mv opinions upon the public, and
_ v - d, and with as much honeatj , must therefore request that you will not
aa I claim for myself they ! publish my letter which has been written
...id the cause of opposition to it 1 out c? xay kind regard for yourself.”
earnest*.y and actively. Were they traitor* ; ”Tai» letter,” said the speaker, “is dated
tv> the ..id democratic platform because they Lexington. Va, April 3 1m’>7, less than one
planted the party upon a now platform that month after the date of ray letter advising
turned cut not practicable? They were i acquiescence la the reconst rue*ion meas-
JL --- they were pa- [urea. It was dictated by the brain and
then, because J , penned by the hand of that immortal hero,
Robert E l-»'e! 1 hold the original now in
uld result in utter failure ar*d do my hand, in the handwriting of the old
harm? Did I go over to the enemy, as tny , hero hiu.selt.”
opponent charge*, when I acted with the i (At this point the deroor strations of *p-
party that »u»iained the re: CLAdJCWion 1 phutee were overwhelming, and booqnetsof
measures? If »o, the wholt* democratic ! dawers were thrown from every part of tbe
art v and the whole people of the' aonth audience to the >^ge and showered down
t.u " since gone over to the enemy, eml»*1 upbu Governor Brown with a profusion
tv*« v. ciaon . f a few bourbon* who can \ that we hare seldom witnessed. After how-
m Vi r accept •.he v.taalion. When Messrr,*) ing aud returning his thank* to the ladies,
i - and Tcot-ffa and other great whig j lie continued as follows:] *
Irvh rs »•: th south abandoned the Whi,: ; I have do* given the name cf tbe geuue-
p tv, and aided tn disbanding it, and came < man to w h .he letter is addressed. ** he
uv r to the old deimicraiic party, were ] doe* no: «• present desire bia nimemale
th« y tjtiii .vrii because'they acted with the | public lie is an able man; was a gallant
democracy whom they had so long fought? ! confederate t fficer, who did valiant service
Did we treat t! fin ns^Ucuand refusetogive - under the very e>e of Genera! I-re himself,
them office? Ai d would it be considered J and, h*l ttes coi.fider.ce cf (La: j.rex% man
a puqcr liaue ini this campaign
even tbe
remotest probability o> foreign intervention
to save us from the evil* of reconstruction?
It doe* ueem to me that my honorable op
ponent ia hard run for a pretext upon
which to base bia objections to me, when
he arraigns me for supporting the recon
struction measures on the ground that we
might have looked for foreign intervention
it we had held out. X do not at least think
he would venture to offer suoh an argu
ment before tbe country front the high
arena of the senate of the United States, to
which be aspire?.
But he makes another grave charge, that
while I was an ardent original secessionist'
and did all I could ta advance the cause of
secession. I took i«ue during tbe war with
President Davis on certain questions where
I thou eh t there were great principles in
volved. Doubtless be refers to tbe contro
versy between me acd President Davis on
conscription. We went into the contest,
as 1 understood it, to maintain state sov
ereignty aud slavery; and I think i demon
strated during that controversy that tfce
conscript act was unconstitutional and sub
versive of the very principles of state sov
ereignty which lay at the foundation of
our political fabric; that discuattion, how
ever. was on questions of constitutional
law and principle, and it was not permitted
to embarrass Mr. Davis practically. I threw
no obstacles in the way of the execution oi
tbe conscript acts bv bis officers in Georgia.
tion. I think it time that issue were buried.
I think it ia time that all Georgians should
imitate the example of Senator Hill, acd
lay those things behind them; bury them
deep in the grave, and look .forward; and
harmonize and fraternize for the future ad
vancement of the state, Lee the old whig
and democratic issues, tbe secession and
union issues, and the reconstruction issues
and all the past bitterness and difference of
opinion be buried; and let us ail unite and
move forward harmoniously in the new era
as citizens of the new south fof“ the promo
tion of the good of the whole country.
My opponent lays down the rale that it it
the duty of the legislature to select n man
for the senate who represents the sentiment
of Georgia, and that seems to.be hii plat
form—the sentiment of Georgia! What i*
sentiment? The dictionary defines It to be.
First, sentimentality, feeling, emotion;
second,thought, notion, opinion, judgment.
Suppose we take the latter pari of the de
finition, aid my opponent’s meaning is
that you should select a man who represents
the opinions of Georgia. 1 accept that is
sue. I confess l may cot be a proper rep
resentative of a certain' rentimentality that
there is in thn state. There is a class of
people in this state whose lathers a genera
tion or two back possessed either wealth or
distinction. They or their descendant*
were largo slave holders, and they
usually classed 03 the aristocracy of the
south. They are some times termed by the
common people, ”thc kid-glove aristocracy.”
Either fortunately or unfortunately for n
I never belonged to that class. I was born of
humble parentage. I bad to work toy own
way in ihc world. I had to rise, it I rose
at all, by my own exertions. I was brought
up among the working class; rose from the
mass of the people. They took me by the
hand and sustained me, became they be
lieved I was true to them and was one of
them. And they have ne ver forsaken me
in any instance where the popular voice
could be heard. The aristocracy that I refer
to above, aud I do it with great deference,
for I have great respect for them, never
believed that any one not born of wealthy
parentage should participate in the aflairs
of government; that belongs, according to
their idea, to the privileged class. And
when I rose up to some position, and the
people determined to put me higher, and to
place the helm of state in my hands, some
of these would-be rulers doubtless regarded
me as an illegitimate in tbe political
family of the state; they prob
ably have few sentiments tn common with
me, They buve led lives of leisure aud ele-
ance. indulging in festivities, discussing
„ne wines, wearing fine apparel, and keepiug
company with their own class. I have had
to deal with the realities of life. I have had
to labor all my life-first to attain position,
and then to do my duty in position. J have
uot l;ad time, therefore, to cultivate the
sort of sensibility or sentiment entertained
by this class, and I confess very candidly
that I am not a proper representative of
the Brown ticket carried it by more than a
thousand .'Majority over Colour! Hope, the
highest man on the other ticket. Take tbe
adjoining county of Cobb. There my old
and honored friend. General Hansel!, aud
Mr. Ore, his colleague, ran openly as thq
Brown ticket. Their opponents were
known as the anti-Grow a ticket.
Governor Colquitt carried . the coun
ty by a little over 300 maioritv;
Hanseil and Ore carried it by over 700 ma
jority. Take the next county adjoining to
that, Bartow, and there were, as I under
stand it, five candidates for the legislature;
four of them were Brown, men. One, an old
member of the legislature, was anti-Brown.
The county went over 600 majority for Nor
wood, and twoot the Brown candidates were
elected to the legislature. Take the county
of Coweta. It was agreed there that the
senatorial contest should not come in to dis
turb the election of members, and they
would run but one ticket. And they nomi
nated the sitting members, Wilkerson and
Post, with the understanding that the
voters would be asked to indorse their
tickets “Brown” or “anti-Brown,” and if a
majority were ia favor of Browo, the repre
sentatives were to vote for me; if a majority
were opposed, they were to vote against me.
What was the result? About MOO votes
were indorsed, and of this number Brown
got over 1,200, or more than six
to one. I could znentiou other
instances, but let these suf
fice. Doubtless there are portions of the
state where Governor Colquitt was stronger
than I vas. But I do not think, in view of
all these fads, that any oue will say that I
was indorsed by a majority of less than fifty
thousand iu the state.
Defining sentiment to mean opinion, and
it seems to me that the opinion of the peo
ple of Georgia has been emphatically ex
pressed In my favor aud agaiust my oppo
nent, and if the representatives of the peo
ple here carry out the will of the people,
f shall certainly be returned to the senate.
I accept the issue, then, that you elect w
senator who is in accord with the sentiment
of the great mass of the people of Georgia,
not in accord with the eentimentof that
small class who tee! that they have a divine
right to rule and who never expect to ac
cept in good faith the reconstruction
measures. The people of Georgia realize
the fact that the world moves; that we have
gone through a great revolution; that there
has been a great ehauge; and they have
moved and intend to move with it; and we
shall have to move along and leave that
small clasj of excellent people who have
such tender sensibilities to their misfor
tunes. We do this with regret, but we have
to bury the dead issues and go forward
with the living future.
If I am elected to the senate I si all
go there to represent no sickly sentimen
tality. I shall go there to represent the
interests, the prosperity aud the honor of
Georgia. I shall go there to do all in my
power to bury dead issues,'and it will Dot be
my purpose to stand there as a fossil of the
pakt ages, bewailing our losses and making
no effort to retrieve our fortunes. But 1
^fcall try to stand there as a living man of
tho present, taking advantage of whatever
opportunities may offer, to build up the
waste places amt restore prosperity and
happiness to our people.
If you honor me with a seat there,
I shall do all I can to advance the great
agricultural interests of this state and of
the whole country. Congress owes it to that
class upon whom rests the responsibility of
producing all that makes us a great people
and upou which every other profession
depends, to lend them every aid in its
power. And 1 should not hesitate to vote
for any appropriations that may be nec
essary to advance the improvement of
agriculture, and to develop the ag-
ricultural resources of the country.
I should also feel it my duty to
do anything in my power to encour
age the development of the great
mineral wealth of this state aad of
the country. You have imbedded in your
valleys, hills and mountains inexhaustible
supplies of iron and coal and other miner
als that in future will make Georgia one ol
the greatest states in the union. Instead of
lying still and doing nothing, I shall be
ready to aid in any way I can in putting
measures on foot for the development of
these great interests.
It is also our duty to do every
thing wc can, consistently with the
rights of the people, to build up the manu
facturing interest of the country’. We have
in the south tbe great staple upon which
tne exchanges of the country are conducted
and that moves the wheels of commerce.
It has been found that the price of the cot
ton crop can be doubled and trebled here
by manufacturing. We have iu future no
negroes to buy; we are making money; we
shall want investments. Let us do all we
can. then, to build up the manufacturing
interests in Georgia, and thus greatly aug
ment her wealth, by giving employment to
her citizens and furnishing markets for their
productions, and sending off those produc
tions in a shape to be worth several times
the amount that they are in the raw state
when first produced.
I met while in Washington a number of
very intelligent persons who mode anxious
inquiries in reference to our manufacturing
interests here and as to the profits made on
investments. I told them we had advan
tages which they did not possess north.
They asked in wbat they consisted. I said
your streams are frozen up in New England
part of every winter so as to be a serious ob
struction to the businessof manufacturing.
In the sooth there is never a day in the
year that the wheels of every factory can
not run. There are no obstructions by ice.
[Applause.]
Another point I made was that on ac
count oi the very cold weather daring the
northern winters, the cotton did not
spin as well as it did in our Cli
mate. They said: “Why, how do you
know?” I replied that when I was a boy,
when there were wet days, and I could not
work out of doors on the farm, my mother
taught me to spin, and probably no girl in
the country could then beat me spinning
[great laughter and applause); and I al
ways found that threads did not draw as
well of a cold, bleak day as they did in
mild weather. [Uenewed laughter and ap
plause] They admitted that they had to
keep the rooms at a temperature in winter
that sometimes impaired the health of their
operatives.
Again, I s tated that we had the advantage
in cheap labor, aud that the raw material
is produced in th? south in the fields around
the factories themselves. They have to
pay freight on their cotton from the south
to New England, and then spin and send it
back to us and other markets. All this we
save. [Applause.] We have comparative
ly no freigut to pay; but send off the pro-
that sentiment. If the people of Georgia auctions of oup looms mauy times as valu-
jahere tney showed any res}«ct to law or
the Tights of the State. ’ ,
He never made a requisition upou me
during the whole period of the war for
JhUvtUiW vi troops of tne class fuznisheJ by the other
his campaign, for me tr ; to the extent. As General Lse was j stftea,thy i 4idwo*
coid*,-iu;d discuss what a military jcto fiain then retired, and had j a larger number than he aaked lor. An
r fit Fpi-Mur to be *<-uuag incur siaunc e> not figured a»a mteeraeo, the reason* are , when Sherman s army invade**
in the if .ours* in th.tt regard? Wbat would . very obvious why he should nutdestre to i Gtorg I ■*«**
. ,\« u> do *ri:h the present or ihe fntnre \ icive advice to the public, unless i: was j of the s.aic and orga.axed them into regt-
u,!V.c Jr tbi country? Are we to asked for in tome authoritative-way. It men* acd haiuhon*.and turned them over
i-u—i e «ariu «.th*r V:k rcVmltea uaxbut na’uml tbereiCTA that he should ! to tuat glorious old hero, Jca. E Johnston, — , , ,
* n **v,uini of n*«t ^ rvainc-’-1 • ■ the lttier be not pub- i who was iu command of the emfederate ! “ihelStb, l*th and 15th amendments to the
j ur J . j. never nni*e for to* public ( Babed^lVita* more than^ thirteen ^w«r ! — — a;* .«.twin.w« 1 r-f th» <rnit«d Ktmum » m .-
*r * d? In IhaVccjeof ’-> were anltm/seces J bare passe.! since the letter was written.
the period of recone tru pliun. W hen »twas
found that an effort would be made to
count him out Mr. Tilden did not question
my democracy, but through a friend from
his residence he telegraphed and requested
that I go to Florid? and aid him in secu
ring a fair count I went there and stayed
and labored faithfully for _ more than a
month, at mv own expense, to secure such
count, part of tbe time upon -a sick-bed,
where I h»d to have books brought to my
bedside, and prepared arguments with my
secretary sitting by ruf bed. We failed
there because a majority of tbe board were
radicals, and no showing that could
made <\mId control or influence them,
did not have tha control of matters .there.
That was assumed by* a gentleman from
New York, who claimed to be the special
agent of Mr. Tilden. My .opponent was
also rqeuosted to go to Florida, but it 1
recollect correctly he stayed but a ijay or
two. I bellevFIt was said he bad private
business which called him home.
But soon afterwards congress appointed a
committee of investigation to go and look
further into tbe matter and take testimony.
I had returned home, aud was lying ffpon
a sick bod. unable to do anything. And at
chi* point Mr. Hewitt, the chairman of the
executive committee of tbe dem
ocratic party of tfce United States,
telegraphed me and requested me
to go to Florida and take control oi
our case there. I would cheerfully
hvve gone back and done ao, but my h>dHy
infirmity and sufferingraodered is impossi
ble at tbe time.- If Hm not to be relied
on as a democrat and cannot be trusted,
and my opponent i* a better democrat than
I am,' why did not Mr. Tilden and Mr.
Hewitt invite General Lawton to go there
and take charge of tbe case?
But let c* some down a little further.
, Daring the present year the democratic con
vention of tne union met at Cincinnati and
nominated that grand and gallant soldier,
Winfield ff Hancock,and placed him upon
a platform fully recognising the reconstrue-
: Gen acts. Ia his letter o; acceptance, he
2ays down tbe position distinctly that
able as the raw material at a great deal less
cost. [Applause.] When I told them of
the profits made by our Augusta mills and
the high price that the stock boie, some
gentlemen of capital said they desired to
look further into the matter, as they
thoughtpf investing io that line, and that
they whtild look through Georgia bef«<
they made an investment.' [Applause.]
They inquired whether capital invested
here wouto be protected I told them that
a citizen irem any part of tbe union could
bring his money here and invest with per-
fectoinpunity if he would act the part pf a
r hpstri.Vbctweiin the races. [Renewed
plauVe.i I-thTrlf tbe^re tr good fecsoa for
' tefii ia a few years a great deal
think that a man should he sent to the
ate to represent tbe sentiment of the old
ruling class as they ossupie to be, and not
the sentiment of tfce great mass oi the peo
ple of the state, then I admit that my hon
orable opponent is a fit representative.
But let us return to (lie definition. One
of the meanings of the word is, opinion,
judgment Do I represent the opinion of
ibe peop'e of Georgia? I think that ques
tion has lately been decided end a verdict
rendered in an unquestionable farm, Gov
ernor Colquitt appointed me to fill the va
cancy m the senate of the. United State*.
He was arraigued for that act. by mv oppo
nent and those who acted with him allovp
Georgia. I will not go into the facts in
reference to. the, aonpnatfoa or the cam
paign, further thau'fo s^y that (then .iffy
opponent concluded to run ffir the\ena?e
he took Ibe field in opposition to Governor
Colquitt, and the great leading issue
he made against him was that he nad ap
pointed to? to tbe senate. ^bil«*he. ad
mitted: my ability, ha %*3-reporfpl to have
assailed me bitterly, though he has
since said that the reports did him injus
tice; and hempent a great deal of every
speech made.by him ia an attempt to con
vince the pttople that. the act was a .great
mistake... in a vrurd,' he made that the
prominent issue; and iu every couuw. I be
lieve. except Chatham, where he delivered
a speech and t©jk position, arraigning
Governor Colquitt’s administration and ar
raigning me, the people responded by giving
an overwhelming majority to Colquitt. 1
claim that 1 have a right to participate iu
that verdict. Not only did my opponent
i£ake tb5 issue, but General Toombs, th** I know some are opposed to all internal
ablest intellect among those who oppose me provements by the general government, but
also made it distinctly in bis spect&eS: He it is an unquestionable fact that there will
denied-that there was anything in the other | be from seven to ten millions of dollars a
charge* made by the Norwood narty against j year expended ior this purpose. And as we
Governor Coiquitt, but placed' the opposi- i pay into the treasury our part of the money
tion to Colquitt distinctly and alone upon j necessary to tha bqrd^ua of fcovornmeat, I
the ground that be appointed me senator, j shall feel >i my duty to do all lean in
Then the abla-t man u tuc opposition in ) the distribution to get our share of it in rt-
Georgia, and mv opponent himself. | turn. . I think justice and wise statesm^n-
both made the Uvue, distinct, clear ar.d ship require this. Not only *o, but I shall
unequivocal, as t6 whether I was do everythin* possible to aid — *- u *
the proper man [3 »o to the senate. And
elevate the people - of the vouth to
tbe true position of power and influence
to which they are entitled, we must educate
the masses ot our people, and develop the
.bright intellect in the humbler circles of
life, that is now left uncultivated. There
is iu many a cabin iu thb mountains or in
the wiregra&s of Georgia, a bright eyed
.brilliant little boy, wbo has a diamond
concealed in his breast, and neither he nor
his parents know it. Sand him to school
long enough to rub the rough from the
diamond and it will begin to sparkle. Af
ford him advantages to go a little further,
and it will be seen to be still more brilliant,
and he will soon reach the point where you
can neither keep him down nor limit hi*
thirst for more knowledge.
Under the Prussian system the talent of
the masses is carefully watched; and in
whatever department the natural bent
seems to run, the brilliant intellect is culti
vated until it* training has passed the
stages of the common schools and the uni
versities; and the man of grand intellect,
whose natural disposition runs in any par
ticular lit e or art, is made master of that
art. Thu • the slate gets the benefit of all
the great intellect of the country developed
by proper training. Let us imitate the
example of New .England and Prussia, and
our people will toon reach a point where it
will be impotsible to keep them in the
background. They will move forward to
the front, and we shall develop the great
resources of the south by native intellect,
aided by culture and science.
But our condition i3 peculiar. During
the period of slavery, reasons of policy for
bid the education ot the colored race. They
are now not ouly set free, but they are made
citizens with all the legal rights of citizens;
and being citizens, it is our duty to make
of them the best citizens in our power.
Much to their credit be it said, they have
shown a laudable ambition for the educa
tion of their children. We were a rich peo
ple when we went into tbe war, but we had
to maintain our own armies for four years
out of our own substance, for which we
cannot now show a dollar. True, we got
the bonds of the states aud the confederacy
during the time for our property. But they
were repudiated at tbe ead of the war and
are now nullities. We not only had to
submit to this great drain upon our resour
ces, but we lost billions of dollars of gold
that we had invented in slave*. And then
at the end of the war we had to return to
our place in the uuion and resume our tiro-
portion of tbe burdens of government, uud
we have to pay our proporlion of the war
tax of the government. The slaves were
set free by the un»on as a matter oi neces
sity. They are now cast upon u* as free
men, a large ma«sof ignorance. Is it just or
generous for the union to expect us iu this
impoverished condition, to take upon our
selves tbe entire buiden of their eauefttiou?
I think no just mau north or south who has
thoroughly investigated this question can
so contend. What then should be done in
this state of things? My opinion is that the
government of the union should assume the
burdens of aiding in the education of the
people. And I think the most permanent
fund and the best fund that could
be appropriated to that purpose, would
the incomes from the sales
public lands. J4-3& them be
kept separate in the treasury as an educa
tional fund, and let them be annually dis
tributed among all the states in the uuion,
in proportion to the illiteracy that exists
in each. I would not confine the money to
tfce education of the colored race, but apply
it alike to the education of white and col
ored. As we have four millions of colored
peop.e among us, wo of course have a great
deal more illiteracy than there is iu New
England, and we wnuld get more of the
money. But I believe the enlightened peo
ple of New Eng'aud, seeing tue condition
in which we arc placed by the abolition of
slavery and the results of the war. would
generally acquiesce in a measure giving us
this advantage until we have reached a jie-
riod when the intelligence of the different
sections is placed nearer upon an equal ba
sis. I cannot speak authoritatively upon
thia question. I do uot know what view
congress may takeof it, but I do not hesitate
to say, if I should have the honor of sitting
there, that it will afford me much pleasure
to support a measure looking to this great
result.
I know this, however, does not cotupnrl
with tfce old idea of the old regiiute of the
south. The slavery system, while in exis
tence was incompatible with this view.
But we must remember that wo are not
now living under that system. As already
stated, we live iu a ucw era, and the new
south must adopt new ideas, must wake up
to new energy,'and must stand upou the
broad platform of equal rights and equal
justice, to alL We must conform to the
constitution and laws as they now exist;
and we must see that every citizen, what
ever may be his race, color, or previous con
dition, has every legal right to which he is
entitled. Legal equality must be strictly
and impartially enforced; social equality
must be left to take care of itself, in the
south, as it is left in every other land.
I am for a free ballot and a fair count, and
for the execution of the 13th, 14th aud 15th
amendments in hooest good faith.
It has been charged that I have probably
promised some colored men, iu case ol Gar•
fields election, to try to secure positions for
them. I do not know wli&t influence I
ay have with the uew administration. It
will be my purpose to deal justly and
liberally with it. While I sacrifice no prin
ciple of democracy I shall make no unnec
essary assault upon the administration. I
prefer, as far as principle will admit, to act
in harmony with it, aud if I find democrats
cannot get the patronage in our state, as the
colored race constitutes a large majority of
the republican party of the state, C believe
they would be entitled to he represented in
the distributiqu of the offices. Some of
them are now qualified to fill certain posi
tions, and if the party with which they act
is in power, they would seem to be entitled
to something. Senator Hill, in 1870, said
that he would prefer tvu honest negro to a
dishonest white man. Doubtless there
ate some while men iu Georgia no
more qualified for position, ar.d
no more honest than some of the better
class of tbe colored race. We had just a* well
make up our mindR to meet the
issue fairly. Tbe reconstruction measures
must he executed in good faith, and the le
gal rights of everv citizen must be respect
ed aud protected without regard to race,
color or previous condition of servitude
I do cot wish, while I am a candidate, to
mislead the representatives of the people,
and I, therefore, state my position on this
question distinctly and fraukly in advance
<4 the election which is to take place to
morrow. I understand this to ba exactly
the doctrine contained in the democratic
platform, and In the letter of acceptauce of
that General Lawton has, rec
ognized the propriety of the (senators
coming from the same locality. My friend
Hilt never could get -to congress until he
moved into the ninth district, tbe upper
portion of the state. He was then elected
representative and from that to the senate.
And it may be yet questioned whether bt*
residence is in Athena or in Atlanta. I
sprang from tne ninth district. In other
words, 1 am from Gaddistown, in Union
county, where they said I plowed the bulk
[ rumnltuous laughter and applause ] The
county represented here by my friend
Senator Curtis, near the line of the district
represented by my old friend Senator Dug-
gar. And I am not ashamed of the place
whence l sprang. My young friend
Speer was never so distinguished till he
went to the ninth district. It i* a eood
place to look for congressmen. There
they soou elected him to coneress and have
lately returned him by over 4.000 majority.
[Great applause.] Finding therefore that
l sprang from the ninth district, and that
Mr. Hill went into the ninth district and
got into the senate, when senatorial aspira
tions seized my friend. General Lawton, he
at once established a summer residence at
Mouut Airy, up in the ninth district [Pro
longed laughter aud applause.] He muit
not complain, therefore, that two of us al
ready in position come from the ninth dis
trict, when he, too, goes there as soon as he
determine* to seek position. [Laughter.] I
do not think the geographical objection is
well taken. If I should be elected, gentle
men, I shall guard with equal care and
vigilance the interests of every conuty and
every section of Georgia.
In ctelanding myself against the assaults
made by iuy opponent, I have not arraigned
him. I think we have too much of per
sonal bitterness in our campaigns. It seems
to me the people are determined to put a
quietus upon it Probably there was never
a campaign in Georgia where there was so
much vituperation and abuse as there was
against Governor Colquitt in the late cam
paign, and the people rose up and said “Stop
it." And they spoke In thunder tones
rounded off by a majority of fifty-five thou
sand wheu they again said “It shall atop!”
I do uot believe, gentlemen, that you ap
prove of the mode adopted by my oppo
nent, to seek his advancement by assailing
my political record, in a matter of twelve
year* ago in tbe dead past, where it turns
out that the mountain indeed did not go to
him, but he had to go to the moun
tain. I might go hack and ex
amine the official record of General
Lawton in the most responsible place
lie ever held. He made a gallant soldier
during the earlier period of the war. He
was :hen made quartermaster general of ths
Confederate State*. He represented very
well the sentiment of the ruling class to
which I have referred. No doubt be act d
honestly and uprightly. But I think I
have seldom heard as much complaint of the
management of any department as I heard
during that period of the management of
the quartermaster department If my
friend was not at fault he seems to.have
been singularly unfortunate in the aelec
tion of his agents. But I do not propose to
make an assault there. I simply say that
any administration of mine will compare
favorably with his administration ot the
quartermaster’s department of the Confed
erate State* of America.
He has arraigned me for accepting a fee
to prosecute the Columbus prisoners. I
have not time uor have you patience to
go over the discussion on that question. It
has been of late so fully discussed and my
motives have been so fully defined before
tbe country and susUioed by such un
questionable evidence, that I do not deem
it necessary to recur further to iL I was the
best friend of the unfortunate defendant*
in that unfortuuate struggle. I might in
reply inquire where my oppoueut has
stood in con ests of this character where
popular rights were at stake. As has been
shown within the last two or three days by
a writer in Tins Cokstitctiok—and it was
not at my suggestion—the very idea of tax-
applause, j
the belief _ „
of northern capital will be brought south
to be inVfeatcd in manufacturing. [Ap
plause )
'As an aid in the development of these
great interests, I shall t]o ail ] ct;n to secure
our part u« t^e appropriations for the im
provement of our harbors and the cleaning
out of our rivers, so as to make them navi
gable; and to make those that cannot be
navigated with large boats tit for rafting
purposes. You have in the lower lia]f of
the state a timber interest that i* worth
many miiitoiu; of dollars. Small appropria
tions judiciously expended would clean out
the rivers of that section and put them in
condition that you can raft down them all
the year. Then by running railways and
tramways out into the timber lauds these
millions of wealth can be sent tqthj markets
of the world and the gold brought back
return. I shall do ali I can to aid in that.
General Hancock. We have made these
pledges to the country, and should carry
them out in strict good faith.
But I must notice the sectional argument
made by my opponent.. He takes tue posi
tion, as I umjersUuu it. that 1 should uot
be elected to the senate because t live in
Atlanta, and that he or some one else should
be elected from his section, because he lives
In Savannah. I confer? J dq nut see what
the particular plane ujf a man’s residence
*“■ to \to with his capacity
serve his constituents in the
senate. When I took my seat in t! e
senate, I did not feel thatl was there as the
representative of Atlanta, or any other lo
cality in Georgia, but as the representative
of tbe whole state. The first a?t | did there
was to move to restore tb* ten thousand
dollars which th# house of representatives
had incorporated in the harbor and river
bill, for the harbor of Brunswick, which
had been stricken out by the
committee on com meres in the aena te.
After a considerable contest, in which my
colleague also aidaff the ttu thousand dol
lars was ro*to«*d to the hill, and Brunswick
gets the money. In other words, I had beei
there but a short time, in the language of
General Tbombs, my distinguished oppo
nent, before I refuted the treasury; and T
ran my hand in up to the elbow £nd pulled
out ten thousand dollars ur.u gave it to the
Brunswick tytrito* I accept tbe taunt and
do uomplain of the position in which
it places me. True to the same instinct, I
next moved to amend the river and harbor
bill, by increasing appropriation for
the harbor of Savannah from $65,-
00q to $100,000. X Vfantvd to
nut my arm in there and pull out 935,000
for Savannah, Hut the committtee 'said
tbeycovdd not permit their report to be
ing the railroads of Georgia originated with
me while I was in the executive oflice. It
is only my idea put into effect. I vetoed
charters on all occasions when
there was any attempt to
limit the taxing power, and guarded it
carefully, and called attention to tbe fact
that it would become necessary to exercise
it. When the time did come to carry out
my policy there, and legislation was had on
the subject, General Lawton accepted a fee.
and appeared as the champion of the largest
corporation in Georgia in resisting the law
to tax that grand corporation. At a later
period tbe legislature thought it necessary
to appoint a railroad commission to inter
vene between the people and the railroads
in regulating freights and transportation.
The contest rose between the people of
southwest Georgia and the great corporation
of the state in reference to that question.
And General Lawton accepted a fee and ap
peared in behalf of the corporation
against what the people
lieved to be their rights. 0
these gicat popular questions,
fore, he has thrown himself iu the
as the champion of the corporations
against what is claimed to be the rights of
the people. When he arraign* uie tor ac
cepting a fee in a case that I would have
had a right to appear in, if It had even been
with the view as council to conduct the
case to oouvietioo, if uuilt was established,
he should remember where he has appeared
against the popular current, and what was
regarded as the popular interest, and as
representing monopoly against popular
rights. In other words, tho*® who live in
glats houses ought uot to throw stones.
It is charged by my opponent, that
speech delivered at the city hall in Atlanta
in 1868, 1 threatened ray own race with the
torch, and attempted to incite the negroes
to acts of bloodshed and devastation. This
charge d*>es me great injustice. And just
here it is proper that I should state the
surroundings under which the speech was
delivered. Public notice was given that
I wculd address the people on that occa
sion. On the morning before the meeting
I was warned atdifferent times and by diffe
rent friends not to go upon the grounds, as
it was said there was a band leagued
together for my assassination if I attempted
to speak to the crowd on that day. 1 re
plied that I had promised to speak, and it
was so advertised, and I should it
But f should do ail I could
to avoil & collisicu but if it
must come, 1 should take the consequences.
An intimate friend and relative of
mine received a like warning, and was
urged not to permit me to go there. He re
plied that he knew I would go. Hearing
of the threats, a few friends of mine accom
panied me to the stand and remained there,
armed for an emergency, while I delivered
tbe speech. The friend who received that
warniug and who sat with his hand upon
his pistol, while 1 delivered the speocb, ia
in tf.ia autltennn tn.nii’ht Aiharc Aw.
General Toombs. Note the remark; he
declares that it is true yet that the recon
struction acts are unconstitutional, null and
void. Every one of you bas sworn to sup
port them. Did you understand you were
swearing to support a nullity, an unconsti
tutional or void act? The trouble with the
general is that he falls to learn wisdom by
experience. He has always had a turn for
C ulling down, and was never successful In
uilding up anything. Heist good phrase-
maker; and he has much to say about the
protection of the public treasury. He has
managed to get into a number Qf lawsuits
ss counsel for the state in railroad and
other cases, Where he scented the treasury
and ran his arm deep into it aud drew out
large amounts; or rather ho retained large
amount* collected as fees, which he did not
pay into the treasury. Under the. high-
sounding phrase of “serving the common
wealth,” his “old mother,” [Laughter] he
haa lined his pockets with lucrative fees. I
believe we have never learned how much he
has retained a* fees from the amount col
lected, and how much he has drawn direct
ly from the treasury. It is said the amount
of his fees and commissions ranges some
where between twenty-five and fifty thou
sand dollars. If I am roiaisformed
he can easily correct it by giving the pub
lic a full statement of all the fees, commis
sion* or money which be has received or re
tained on account of services rendered ia
cases where he professes he represented the
state. I make no charge against General
Toombs [laughter and applause], but ho has
ao much to say about tbe dishonesty of bet
ter people that the citizens of Georgia would
no doubt be glad to have a statement of the
amount he has retained in these cases either
asftei paid out of the treasury; or as com
missions; or as feel required of railroad
companies iu 'aettlemeui of tax cases in
which he represented the state.
But I would ask, which do you prefer?
I put my hand into the treasury and drew
out ten thousand dollars for Brunswick,
for the people, while General Toombs,
the volunteer* for the commonwealth in
civil case*, is said to have put his hand into
the treasury 01 our people and drawn out
much more than that amount for his own
pocket
He turusa few paragraphs upon the Bul
lock administration. Governor Bullock
was brought back to the rtate, after lie had
taken up his_resuler.es iu New York; and
he was placed upon trial before the court,
and he was acquitted by a jury of his coun
try of every charge they brougut against
him in court. Why did not this faithful
guardian of the rights of the people appear
and make good his charges, that Bullock
had stolen money from the state. Why
did he not prosecute to conviction Foster
Blodgett ana those that he terms thieve?
under hi* administration ? Several of them
were put upon trial, but we hear little of
verdicts of conviction. Was it because
there were no large per cents to be retained
as fees, as in the case of collections in rail
road cases, that the eloquence of the great
volunteer for the commonwealth was not
heard iu the prosecution? Why did ho
permit these criminals to go nnwhipped of
austice in the courts, if they were as guilty
js he aays they were?
SITTING ON THE HIV HU BARK CUS81XO.
The course taken by General Toombs
since the war is very well illustrated by the
story of the old gentleman in one of the
cmnties between here and the Savannah
river. He and his old lady started in the
bu PB7 *© visit some friends aud on the way
had to cross a river. In going down into
the flat oue of the straps broke and the.
buggy ran upon the heels of the horse, aad
he kicked htmpelf loose and ran back home
The good old lady, who believed in tfc -
policy of reconstructing, gathered up the
fragments ol the harness and started for
home. The old man refused to go, but sat
down on the river bauk and commenced
cursing. Tbe old lady, however, carried
the pieces home, got an awl and an “end**
as they call it, and began repairing the har
ness. And finding the horse at home, she
told the servant to take him and go down
to the river and meet the old man and
bring him home. After an absence of an
hour or ao the servant returned, and sin*
asked, where ia the old man? And he said
lie wouldn't come. Then she said: “Wha«
is he doing?” The servant said: “He Is still
siltm* down on the river bank, cussinY*
[Tumultuous laughter and applause.]
So iu this case wc have had a war, brought
1 more by tbe agency of General Toombs
than by any other mau in the south. It
turned out differently from what hound
others of usexpeoted. We have been un
fortunate. We have broken the harne**,
the horse has kicked out, and the question!
has arisen, what is to be done? The ma se*
of our people have concluded it was better-
to gather up the fragment*, teconsLitct tho
harness ami the vehicle, and prepare to
move forward again aud do all we can to
restore our lost prosperity. We have ap
pealed to General Tpomb?, who led us into
the destruction, to aid us in the reconstruc
tion ; but the old man refused <0 do any
thing to aid in lestoriug prosperity, andsst.
down on the river bank and comn.cne«<!
cursing.
We were obliged to move forward, but liko
the good old lady, we sent the horse hack
for him, and be still refuses to come; and
*fie repirt is that be ia still sitting on the
river bank a cumin 1 . And an the country
must move forward, we ore obliged to leave
him there and let him cusi. [Prolonged
laughter and applaud.]
1 beg your pardon, ladies and gentlemen,
for having detained you so long. I cmM
scarcely have done justice to the subject;
and to my defense and said less. 1 feel that.
I have been true to you, true to my state,
and true to the whole country. J told yon
the truth wlieu it was exceedingly unpal
atable. I did not shrink from the rcfpin-
sibility, and 1 have passed through a hard
ordeaL I knew my viudicatiou was only a
question of tirneu and I have never doubted
that truth would prevail. And I thank
has demons rated the wisdom
declare \ n .<* ai agnu st one another ] of the ativ.ee given by General Lae, andhe
Nvsu-e »e»t dr red tw*-aiy yean ago? Shall j bas long Mi.ce departed thh* life, certainly
a u* •• 1 "-fiU r.ow «ty the secessionist wan a t no injustice can be done to his memory *y
trailer t. zm-c he let: the anion rauks and | giving to the public tbe wLe hnd noble
>et.( with the *cce»s*oni>rs: Or shall a sentiments tbea expressed by him. Aa-
:.vst say that a union man is a traitor | other leaser: why it sbeoid be published is
because he acted with the union party and that itaboa ? that tfce oHI hero was ol food
did not go with the scveasktnbts? If an ’ jndg-wxsT. [This trought.down Uie house , .
cr-ir.n* 1 union man were now a candidate witbgrrai applause ] npoa me fix
for senator, would it ba proper for me ar an j But my opponent aays that the state of port toGencralHood and part of thwnto
original <eeess:c rlst to make war upon him * Georgia, in reaxaiiof my policy and the re- *
upon his nxo.ru and piaoe luy ciaim to elec- ’ construction measures, got out from under
sjoo to tha United &:au* senate upon the j tfce heel of the oppressor sooner than doath
a :>oon*ist«i.c v«* of that race rd? It wculd be j Carolina Florida and Louisiana, who took
aa ia*t a* the war that my opponent make- j my advice. This is a very extraordinary
uj*on me. ! statement. Wbat was my advice? It wss
But fce refers to my honored colleague sc l ;he aame given by General Lew, that the
tfce senate, and saya that I said Mr. HiU u white peepiaof Georgia and tbe aomh cc-
ihe -.ran lies t orator in tfceaenate. 1 did > -eptthw re-cons traction measures at once,
n*v *o, and 1 here repeal it llat fce s»y* i ths: they all go ro tbe ballot box and vote
that Hill almost exhausted that oratory in \ ;or delegate* to the convention which was
ins denunciation cl me dari. g the recar.• ! to make tha constitution undar which they
traction campaign. That may be true. ' and their children mart live, and that they
" ardent, earnest, pairiotir ( try to get a* good a constitution a* poatihte
armies,wh*re they did efficient and valuable I constitution cf the United State*, em-
. service recognized by him in flattering I bodying the results ot the war for
terxna I carried the number up to nearly I tbe union are inTioIablg- If called
with the attack made upon Governor C’5l
? ; nitt for my appointment and the issue
airly tndered. the people responded in onr
•behalf, by a majority oi nearly fifty-fire
thousand. Genera! LaWfba made the point
on me that I was not the proper man to pg ,
to the senate; he arraigned the governor for
appointing me a member of the senate.
Tha people replied expressed their sen
timent. in other words they gave their
opinion, their judgment; and th-’vvaid bj
mis enormous majority, that th€ general
waa mistaken; that I and not he represent
ed the popular sentiment of Georgia. The
voters of General Toombs’s own county de
cided in favor of Governor Colquitt aud
myself by over 700 majority.
VnH Uc '“ * not responsible for the news-
reemedto feeTffiaUt mwaner^'toli^f J W* r r; ‘l ort3 at the time any more than
^eemed to feel that it. was eapeci*' j aeews-1 roy opponent wai responsible for tfce recent
M7V5-ng to a clo.-e, inaccurate reports ol nis speeches made by
****** J[ iear J * s the p8T^rB w ho favored his election; and
^ riie devel
opment of our harbor* ali along the coast,
taking first the harbor of our beautiful city
cf Savannah. I pointed out in a speech de
livered in the senate tfce advantages of that
harbor, and sbaii never relax my efforts for
jta improvement, for I think great interests
depend upon it. The other harbors around
our coast and the inland channel* should
have the earnest attention of tha re preventa
tive* f^ihl Gfcorgi*4*t oath houses of cou-
grccs. Uthiuk 1 can do more gpod by seek
ing to develop these great itftehata while I
remain in the senate, if I am senator, tbfcn
I would by sitting tfcsje and preparing an
eloquent spe»ca, with rounded periods,
and delivering U once in six months, upon
the senticxmality of the south and the
thousand of the clam whiah vra* act i to the presidency, I should deem it » . _ —
subject to ecmseripdoo aad for which the j my duty to with nil my power, any myself by over TOO majority. 1 oouroomsm 01 the past,
^resident had no right to call, aud which t attempt to in;pair or evad 0 tne ftjli force 1 But they may say the people tLd not J Tbe«»ia •cot**/fc#eat question that the
was wot furnished by the ether states, i and effect cf the constitution, which, in J take up the issue tendered ny General Law- | siitestaenef the south have no right to dis-
Afier General Johnston had been unwisely * every article, section anti amendment, is tori ana General Toombs, ar.d tha: Governor regard. I refer to ,tbe great question of
removed, I con tinned these tinder General J the supreme ]*w ol the land.” To-jinbs ! Colquitt's majority ia no juat index as to populir wlacitiou. Disguise it asyoa uiay.
Hood. - And when tbe secretary of war of ' say* they are still null gad void and he ) what my msj jrity would have been. I do 1 the New England states, by thetr broad aad
the Confederate States made requisition , speaks for General Lawton and Is now » not think aav candid man, however, who Liberal educational system, the splendid
non me for them—that part of them re- j grooming him for his race. [Laughter and i hears me will contend for this position, peudowments they have given to thetr uui-
Dort ioGeneral Hood and part of them to the ' applause ] Hancock says they embody the ' But suppose my opponent plants himself ; rersines, and their admirable common
_ _ ■[ applause] Hancock says they embody the ( But suppose my opponent plan
ttunmandant at Charleston, white they were i result*bf the war, and are the supreme law j upon it, then let us make a little cox pari
in tho trendies at Atlanta defending this ' of the land. General Lee says: “Wisdom ' son of the relative votes given tom ~
school system, have educated their people
and j up to a point which ha* given them great
, up to » and the boys down to t and kind foeiine.” Which will you follow, j the present si tting inesubera
other states did not send to the ) Toombs and Lawton, or Lee and Hancock? j ing my election.
other words a Brown I of divinity, tbe member of congress, the
Pandthai the nrasideat had no right | [Applause] ‘ j ticket. Another ticket was ran opposed to j school-master, the literary man. the news-
Mr u* gj mmrrw to dfwian-1 of 1 ** Both the democracy and their great lead- my election, part of its members very bit- ! paper man. and ths most prominent citizens
V<*\lid he demand that dm bv re- J er then plant themselves fully and firmly , terly opoosed, headed ,by an able lawyer and m their citim andtovtns were educated in
oto*iti>?iWaate«^ governorof* any upon the constitutional a»a»dmento,whfch brilliant legislator of this city. The issue j New Englmat TU? haye imbibed hew
t V£ihe substance of *Le recmrtruction i w» made nn fartwean the two tlekrite. J Bogiand idem. •*- 1
didl obstruct the eaure of the confederacy? j aeta During the recent campaign the j Governor Oolqu i tt earned the county by 2301 flueoee* New
i * Hr believed he w as right. Hr hop*: j and get their representatives hack into coo- j I gave it all the troope It called for; all it j chairman of the democratic committee of j majority, 1 believe, and the lowest man on J laws to
By hex educational in-
Eoglapd bar dictated
the continent. II we would
Many of you have seen w hat I said and did i
thereon that occasion. I <lid all in my
K wer to serve Savannah; aud I think 1
re sO’Zef* tap reeds which will yet pro
duce the harvest for her.
Tbe ngxi act 1 did wa3 to introdupo a kill
in behalf of a railroad tfcfit u b^iWing from
Way cross through to Jacksonville, Fla.,
which grosses the fit. Mary’s river below
Traders Hill. That river being a navigable
stream, though only a hundred feet wide,
it was necemary to get the consent of con
gress before *’ perma.ncu; feztdgc could be
pat acrqss it, bales* It he a draw bridge for
boats to go through. And s* the real head
of navigation is below the point and the
boats do uot come there, and tL# river is
used only foj rafting purposes, to put a
pier in t&« middle of it so as to put in a
draw-bridge, a* would have been required of race*, an to secure peace and harmony and
The eternal years of God are hem;
But error wounded, writhes in pain.
And die* among his worshippers!”
[Prolonged applause.]
During the delivery of the sr eecli, Gov
ernor Brown was frequently aud enthusias
tically applauded. At the concjusion, as
he was about to take hi* seat, a telegram was
handed him, when he resumed as follows:
“I aak the indulgence of the audince for
one moment, while 1 read a telegram. It is
from a gentleman to whom I haa communi
cated nty intended course and my motive*
when I first took position for the acceptance
of tfift reconstruction measures. lie is a
b&soru friend, a man of the highest charac
ter; he was an ornament to the judiciary
of Georgia while upon the bench; he ably
represented our country at a foreign court,
and on the plains of Mexico, and cn the en
sanguined field* of the south, he led his
troops with the gallantry and courage of a
Marshal Ney; he is one of the prrest and
noblest men of Georgia, the lion. Henry K.
Jackson, of Savannah. [Applause ]
The npcaker then handed the telegram to
a friend, who read a* follows:
Savannau, Ga., November 15, 1880, 0:4 »
p. m.—Ileturuing home, have justopeuel
your letter too late to reply by mail. In
the conversation referred to, you used argu
ments afterwards addressed to tlic ] tiblic..
In addition, you said that unless sonic one*
should’pursue the courseyou contemplated,
you thought great evil would result to our
people. You felt it your duty to pursue
that course, but believed you would proba
bly be sacrificed; that you were prepared
to make the sacrifice, looking alone to tfce
protection of your race against the peculiar
dangers before it. This briefly ia my recol
lection of the conversation. You can pub
lish if you de&ire. Henry R Jackson.
The telegram was greeted with renewed
anplause, when loud call* were made for Uie
Hon. Emory Speer, who fcpoke as follows:
Ladies and Gentlemen: I cannot do iny
s*-lf ffie injustice Jo fail to thank you for
the compliment, the very gratifying coni-
piiraent, which you pav me this evening bv
the invitation to apeak to you. It would ill
become n»e, however, to attempt to supple
ment the logic, the force and the natural
eloquence of that magnificent vindication
which has just fallen Irvin the lips of this
distinguished Georgian. [Applause.) It waa
not spread-eagle oratory ; it was not that
power above power, of heavenly eloquence,
that with the strong r yein of commanding
word* doth master a way and move the emi
nence of men’* affections, but a simple nar
rative, it way. my fellow citizens, the elo
quence of truth? [Applause ] Thevindi:
catiop isabeduie; it is complete. Were 1
a toCMber of the general Rtsembly olf
Geefgia I would vote for that man forsei a-
kpr who. when a poor bay. drove a pair of
yourrfc steers of hi* own raising, [cheers and
applause] from Gaddestown, in the ninth
orts raadiiby papers friendly to him. Yo* i° C*rtdkw», * D ^ there sold
ave the substantial’facts, however, before. *:“ e JB^bey, that paid for
you. I feftl tb,t ll.e w»ram* wm timely;. ,h * hrmr "
that the »i»eainstances required it, and tlwit
good results followed it; amV*I am not
afraid of an adverse verdict of a enlight
ened public when the facta are known.
What interest had I in inciting insurrec
tion ar.d-bloodshed end the application of
the torch' ta houses and other property?
Had a not aa much at Hake as almost any
Qtber citiceo in Atlanta? If tfce blow Lad
been stricken probably my life would have
hear: taken and ray property first destroyed.
You wiii ail give me credit for intelligence
enough to understand this; and I am quite*
sure you will not doubt that under the
circumstance* my earntot dtaire was so to
shape tny course and my advice to both
in this audience to-night. Others who were
present in like capacity are still in life. It
is well known that at that time there were
occasional assassination* growing out of the
bi!terne;3 jmgemtered by political division*.
Speak 1 nc under the warning that ray life
was in oanger every moment, and know
ing tbitt. the effect of an attack
would be a general outbreak, I
warned both races against intolerance or
an attempt to interfere with the
relative rights of each other. I warned tbe
white race that tfc«,y could not get rid of
negro syffarge by an appeal to violence;
that four millions of people enfranchised
by revolution could not be disfranchised
without bloodshed. I warned them as
friends to*be cau<ioq* un both ride*,
and uot to put their lives in jeopardy
and (he[r bonus and families in
peril. And I especially warned my
own race of the extreme danger to them, in
case of a collision, and referred to the fact
that the colored people had but little ex
cept their livis to hazard, but that the
white people bad tfieir live* and
their property, and. foelr houses And I
cautioned th^i to fce careful how they ex
cited uiaoora and bloodshed. The warning
was given alike to both races under circum
stances of extreme peril. Tfce advice was
? ;ocd that boiU si Jta keep the ocaco. Each
elt rii.Jri lift* was in dan^tr if a blow was
strieken. A«d ns the threat of a-stat si na
tion came from r,\y rare, and they bad most
to lose by striking, the caution probably
had ity influence in preventing blood&had,
which, if begun, might have ended in fear
ful destruction of life and property.
These are the circumstances under which
the speech made and tbe substantial
the railroad company, would bareofc»trnct-
ed it so that the timber could not have been
rafted down it. My bill was to authorize
the company to Euild a permanent bridge
there without the draw, and without
the obstruction in the way of Yhe tim
ber interest And. I gat it faued
through tbe senate. And the honorable
repnfiintativefrom the first will no doubt
get it passed through tbe bouse when he
goes back there in December. 1 was. not
very sectional, therefore, in the etert I
made in tbe senate. My drat act was iu
favor of Brunswick; my second in favor of
Savannah, and my third iu favor of Charl
ton oonnty, in the extreme southeastern
corner of tbe state. V Aid more for lower
Georgia than \ did for upperGeorgia while
I was there, whether GenerarLawton
would have done more for that section had
ha been there, I must leave you to judge.
Buz I must contend, if you will permit
me to treat this subject with a little levity,
not to incite bloodshed and the ass of the
torch. My enemies, a little hard run In
their search for something in the past, out
of which to tKaka capital, hsve brought this
matter to the attention of the public. I
meet it with a fair, honeststatementof Let*,
and am reedy to abide the verdifct of an
enlightened public. Would any of you
nnder similar trying circumstances have
done less than caution both races to keep
the peace, under tbe fear of pemdties to
each, resulting from an outbreak? I am
satisfied you would and I her© dismiss
this charge*
General ToGrabs, in hiatpeteb, Ia reported
to have aud that the Seymour platform de*
dared the reconstruction acta to be uneos-
itituttonal, null and -raid, acd that tide ie
true yet; and that he does sot believe five
hundred honest mea voted tor them. Over,
thirty thousand white men in Georgia voted
to accept them, whose honesty of pnrpow
would not inder in comparison with that a!
the board and ecboblini; of the
fin! year of (Hi free fife. [Kenewt.t
applause] I would vote for the man who
aacoemiveiy* ha« become bv his ukablett
exertions, senator in the R ener*l ureaibly
of Georgia,.Judge‘.pt- the superior court, .
_ venter of this grand old commenwealth,
chief justice of the supremo court oi his
atate, president of the luoal powerful rail
road corporation south, and senator from
Georgia. [Applause'.] I do noulK-lleve in
that school uf politics which teaches the
doctrine of unpardonable sin. For mv pert
I am proud oi thia great Georgian. '[Ain
ulause.] I have witnessed hie ef
forts in the senate chamber ol the-
UnitadStates. I heard there the first ut
terances that fell from his lips. Arid I saw
that such men as Blaine and Conkilcg re
garded him at puce aa a toemau worthy of
their iteel. [Applause.) Let us not five
in the past, liet a* not, like political
ghouls, dreg from tbeir graves the dead
issues of the cast and make them like
ghosts that will not down, but terrify and
mislead. Let us. my fellow-citizens, live
in the living preaent and the hopeful fu
ture AM let ue, oblivious of the peat, ex-
cept to remember its lessons cf heroism andi
to avoid itamfstakee, labor to develop that
magnificent heritage with which a divine,
providence ha* blessed the American peo
ple. [Benewed apidause] So living anti,
ao acting upon the plane of a common hu
manity, a common brotherhood, a common
destiny and t common country, onr insti
tutions will prosper, oar government will
flourish, and soon the day will hasten ou
"When freedra-s flag, here first unfurled, .
Sbaii wave above earth's proorata thrones,
; Aad IU bright Mats .ball lisbt the world.' 1
[Great and continued applause.]
TMlNT^TtM/'T Davttw