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rriTy FAYETTEVILLE GA LBGngga E WEEKLY CONSTITUTION. VOLUME XIV. TUESDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 5. 1882. PRICE 5 CENTS OnrT’nTir'ATOJ Cr»T?T?riTT I the tendency. The contest was waged. Jeff- oi LrhLrSb Ort-LLrl. ereon and his party triumphed and for sixty w years the government was administered on his principles during which time all that gave The Grand Old Commoner TSTw. *Sg pies were abandoned and the war came. Sounds the Kev Note. During that terrible conflict we felt as if lib u J H crty might be lost and that our entire system I of free institutions might be overthrown. Dut the old ship of state, under Providence, SOUND JEFFERSONIAN DEMOC- eaoy. Hr ’ J A Ringing Proclamation of Po-1 litical Principles. after reading which he said: “Very good news I have got; that’s all! - ’ Laughter.] . Now, it is said that I have not believed in organization. Some have said that I am the author of independentism, tUpt I favored the indejiendents of the state! How such an idea ever got abroad that I favor the disorganiza tion of the party I cannot imagine, unless it came from the same class of brains that man ufactures many other things about me; such, as X was a know nothing in 1856. Now, 1 will say on this point I have been in public life near half a century. I have acted with parties—the old whig party, which was a party founded on Jeffersonian principles. And here I intend to make a few remarks about parties, because people say I never was a democrat. There never was be fore the war a centralizing party in Georgia, and I trust to God there never will be a suc- A Sketch war, and came out, and the constitution was delivered to us afterreconstruction,with some changes—the 13th, 14th and 15th amend ments—but no change in the essential features of the constitution, its nature, its character, or its priniiplcs—the I old structure, with all her grand arches and magnificent columns—the constitution of'our j cessful one. Georgia stood by Washington, fathers. There has only been a change of the When the elder Adams came in Georgia went status of a portion of our population and a against the alien and sedition law3, passed by change in granting a few additional powers in his party, Georgia followed Jefferson. He PARTY POLITICS REVIEWED, the 14th and 15tli umenrlmentf, ana an addi- [ triumphed in 1800. In 1810 the people of tional restraint upon tin; states Georgia divided between Clark and Troup, but the 15th amendment, and that is I they were all Jeffersonian democrats, or re- ... . f . ail. ThcsupremecourtoftheUf>itedStates|publicnns,as'theyweresometimes'thencall- Wonderllll decided in the Slaughter liousecasos,since the ed. They stood upon the principles an- 1 war, that the constitution itself has not been nounced by Jefferson in 1800. And essentially changed. Now it is banded over Jefferson organized his party more to ns with these amendments just as it was completely, perhaps, than- any other great handed over to our lore fathers in 1787. leader from his day down. From the remotest Now I am going to address your calm judg- extent of the country, one way and the other, incuts, your good sense—not your passions, every republican was shoulder to shoulder. Liberty and our institutions are I think there were about one hundred news- I in peril! The people must un- papers then in the United States. He had derstand their government The people must about twenty. The others were all for cen- All A limit thf» T etter to be vigilant to maintain it and patriotic to traiization. In the senate they had every- defend it At this time allow me to tell you, body, but the senators from Virginia and in my judgment'our institutions are in peril, Kentucky overwhelmingly _ against him. if the people are not vigilant and watchful, In the house of representatives there was and do no not exercise that patriotism which about one-third only standing for the consti- is necessary to maintain them. tution and theirrigbts. But the organized and _ _ J* I know some newspapers have asserted—I all did their duty. The men in the ranks and IS. you will excuse me for saying it—that I am the men in command were all nerved to the in my dotage. Well, that is not a new aster- conflict and the result was, when the masses lion. I recollect well in* the month of Sep- of the people, the earnest democrats every of a Career. STEPHENS AND INDEPENDENTISM. Casey. WHO HIS “BOSS” -T L_ tr;...l- tember, 1800, when I saw, or thought I saw, where, rose and came to the polls, they hurled A lie IT ISEur J Ol me A WO- A Ilirus | pe,.;; moa t imminent and dangerous threat- | the centralists from power. The senate^soon Rule. THE FREEDMAN’S FIRM FRIEND. ening the country, I went upon the earnest entreaty of friends in Augusta to make a speech. I did so. I was then exceedingly feeble. 11 told them then, “You need not be surprised to see this country involved in civil war in less than six months.” The gravest men in became republican, and also the house of rep resentatives, and from that day to I860 there never wa3 a president of the United States who was not an advocate of the creed and principles of Jeflersoft. Well, as I tell you, some time between 1810 and 1820 Geor- .Atlanta Before and Since the War—Toting His Skillet—The Senatorship. I knew' nothing of the nature of the contest. I grand old party throughout the entire union. I When I tookiny lunch under a tree where the I was sick a-bed fear luost of the time. I did I Then be was for maintaining it; now he is for j Kimball house now stands firat diy of August, not know Dr. Felton then. I had never met destroying it. There is a vast difference be- 1843. there was not a habitation in all this with him that I was aware of, and the fust tween the. two positions. But never shall 1 loealtty. A gentleman from New Jersey, thing I knew he was up there run- knowingly countenance anybody whose ob- Dr. Glentwortb, - was with me. • I had ning as an independent democrat.. j e ct and purpose is to destroy aiid not build set out on mv first canvass for congress Heprotessed to be a democrat, but he had up this grand old party. Never! But I must and was going to Campbelton to speak some complaint to. make about the nomina- hasten on. the next day, and I said to him that I tion in his district. I knew nothing about it I have seen it stated that I am “the candi-1 wanted to take’ my lunch right there. and never said aught to encourage him. In date of the bosses.” " * the next congressional election he ran again you, my against the nomination of his party. He got know me, very well understand that I have I here is to be the site of the grandest city~i elected by a large majority—upwards of bossed myself pretty well all my life; arrived the south Atlantic slope!” [Applause.] -I 2,500, I think, and, as I supposed, now at a good old age. [laughter.] If there I had been in the legislature si* years before, embracing a majority of the | has been any bossing in this business, and our roads were being built to a point near 'democratic votes in the district. I liad served j it was done by the people at the I the junction of Whitehall; and I saw in' the with him in congress during his second term, primaries. Everything was said against me future what I thought would be the great trade Hestoodupto the democracy there as true that could be, yet, when the mountains were center of Georgia,and hence I made the remark, as the needle to the pole. He maintained heard from, where were the bosses? Were I Atlanta before the war, before she was re* caucusaction not only for nominations, but they all around the country? When the duced to ashes, was amongst the foce- for legVgition. There are two kinds of cau- lowlands and the midlands were heard I most cities in Georgia. She has come, cuses. fvben a .caucus meets to make liomi- from, 335 bosses came up from them with less I I’hceuix like from her ashes, and from amid bound t*> do any such thing. Now, they quote me as saying, “I would rather be a dog and bay the moon than obey the dictates of a caucus.” That was said in a caucus in the house, when they held a caucus to carry a measure of legislation. I thought that measure most mis chievous. The caucus was held. I told them I would never stand by that caucus and carry their measure out, and I used that ex pression! “I would rather be a dog and bay the mcqh than be the creature of such a cau cus dictation.” And I say it to-night, as the representative of the people, sworn to do my duty, I will never come back and say to my constituents: “I did not like it, but the cau cus said said I should do it!” [Applause.] I never did and neverVill do it Take he case of the Potter resolutions. Dr. plause.] It is said that I was not fairly nominated— I that “the time-honored two-thirds rule” was | violated. The “time-honored!” What sacri lege! No.w. I will give you a brief history I of the two-thirds rule. It never was heard of in the days of our fathers. In the days of Jefferson, Ma ison, Monroe and Craw- | ford it was never heard of —for thirty odd years after Jefferson came into power. How did it come about? | I will tell you. In 1832 Mr. Calhoun and General Jackson had quarreled. A vice-president had to be nominated to run on the Jackson ticket. They called a national convention to nomi nate “him—the first that ever assembled on this'eontinent. Now. I am giving you histo ry, and I want you to understand Augusta, my oldest and best friends, said, I gians divided amongst . themselves on “Stephens is becoming crazy. The infirtni- local questions—chiefly about the settle- ties of his body have gone to bis head!" That I ment of the Indian territory, but they were was what was said of me then, but in less all Jeflersonians. First Madisoui came in than six months the thunders of war were after Jefferson on his principles, then Monroe heard, the desolations of which we all felt, and then John Quincy Adams, “the younger Now, I state'to you that, in my judgment, the Adams” he was called. He was a professed real perils of this country arc not Jess alarm- advocate of Jefferson’s principles. He was Fellow-citizens, ladies and gentlemen—ling now to those who look into the future elected as’such in 1S25. Crawford wa3 first •Georgians; I appenr before you to night to 1 than they were then. But where is the peril nominated by the republican party and fair. ^„„_.i _1,L veil mvnn mutton of the now? We have survived the war. A party lie was stricken with paralysis, take counsel with you upon matters of_ the L thia country now, just as in the days of I and quite a number came out— -deepest interest that concern our welfare. I Adams, are looking to centralization and con- all republicans—Jackson, i Clay, Calhoun I mean those fundamental principles of gov- solidalion, to do away with the states, and John Quincy Adams. JThc election went •eminent upon which society is constructed *> J bri«ig all our institutions hare into the house, where, bv the constitution, ■ »• u j *1 _ 'a. „ f I under the control, management and legisla- each state had an equal vote, and John anil upon wh.ch rests the administration I tion of the central power. They wish con- Quincy Adams was elected. Well, in 1828, justice qml the maintenance of law and Tight, solidation and centralization which will end Jackson was rim as the republican candidate No subject can be ol more importance to any in empire and despotism. Thisis the tenden- and elected and in 1832. tiie party again split a snblnnarr nature than that re- W in an alarming degree in the United States in Georgia—all Jeffersonian repub people, of a sublunary nature, tuan that re- thia tin|e ° , licans—upon the construction given lating to their government. I appear, it is I Now, what is bur course? Vigilance, watch- to General Jackson’s celebrated proclamation true, in a representative capacity. My name fulness, understanding the government! You against South Carolina. What was called the ii urMMiud hv the democracy of Geor- hear it commonly stuted that the constitution “state’s rights” party was organized. I was is presented OJ the democracy oi ueor changcd and w * e are under a new order of brought up in that It was subsequently gia as a candidate for governor. * rom things; that the war changed it! The supreme called the "whig party,” a name given to it time immemorial, I may say, in this state, it court of the United States has decided other- by Mr. Calhoun himself. The adherents of has been customary for those who are present- wise. Now it is for you and us, and every- Jackson called themselves “democrats," but lmlidates for *>ub1ic trusts in county I it* tiie United States, to understand the I alt stood upon these principles. Clay , ‘ 1 r * u , ,c . ’ * ° government and have the virtue, patriotism stood upon them. lfe . ,‘>H ■election^, congrestiomd elections and guber-1 ., n q to maintain it- That is with the other repuu.icons, -leading - .i.uouuTiAMlioR^ Wappeat before "the" peO-1 the ” danger—centralisation! You must J off on what is called "the American system,’ pie and to discuss the principles of the gov- recollect, .through all the changes of the war. but there was no difference in the fundamen- , . ,, I\ve are still, as the supreme court of the Uni tal creed. Madison, Monroe. John Quincy- •eminent, ai.d especially those which will I j ed gtates held, an indissoluble union of in- Adams, Jackson, Van Buren, Harrison, govern them in the discharge of their puMic | destructible states. Without the states with Tyler, Taylor, Fillmore. Pierce and Buchanan slufics. Our complex system, state and federal, their rights of local self government the union all stood upon the same, and during tkat time the best eoverninent in tha world ■ I would cease to be. We must unyieldingly and under the administration of these pnnci* . . ] ® . . . T maintain our rights of borne rule or local self- pies the country achieved all of its greatness, As a tederal system, a union oi the states. I government. [Applause.] How is this to be I its extension, its improvements, internal and ours is a matchless system. There is nothing done? Just as Washington said in .the be-1 external, its commerce rose from thousands like it on the face of the earth now, and never | ginning: “When bad men conspire, good | at first up to many millions in a few ye*rs. There have been federal republics and confederacies, but never such a Lc as our j yaur“counTr> I if “ uS the intiuence of magic, ancestors gave to this couniry m *“ •• I will be submerged in imperialism before you The population increased from three to forty more vital truths were ever uttered than that #re aware of i t . j. et nobody say to you, “Are millions. The area of the country was more freedom and free institutions cannot long be I ou after another secession?” No! “Are than doubled. Such was the prosperity of maintained by any people who do not first l'., ou a f ter tbe assertion of another right of se- our country under the administration of these understand the nature ol their government. j jy 0 ; yy c have the honor of the principles. But what I was about to say and second, have n devotion <o it, and tlnrd, I ^uthem people pledged—an honor that never I when I made this digression is thatlwas an inflexible purpose to maintain it. | W!ls forfeited—pledged to the opposite. We brought up in Georgia under-that wing of the then, we have, as I have stated, the grand- I j lave abandoned that right. Whiie I believed I democratic party known as the “States eat „system ot government on t ’ ie I in the right to secede, I never believed in the Rights,” or “Whigs.”. There was no differ- policy of its assertion. The southern men ence between that wing of the party on all nave pledged .themselves to abide by the de- the essentials of government and what was cision, and to stand by the result of the war called the Jeffersonian democracy That is what we have agreed to, and go mU ch for that as to my principles—al- we intend to abide by I ways true to the essentials of this govern ment, | bnt never, never to surrender those reserved as j ann0 unced them to vou, and which,if our the face" of the earth, and it can only be maintained by knowledge of its princi ples, devotion to them and by an inflexible 5 urix)se to maintain them. These are what eflerson described as the grand pillars, or | supporters of our institutions—by virtue, in telligence and patriotism! Our government, the first city south of St-Louis! [Applause]. There is my record; trace it! In the legis lature I was at the bead of the committee od education. All my energies were directed to the establishment of free schools. I advocated law by which taxes should be levied the counties to educate children who could not educate themselves. Everything I could do to encourage intellec tual and moral advancement and progress was done. The eight thousand dollars that goes to the State university I secured after the closest and hardest contest in that house the .whole time I was there, to build up our State university. It was finally fixed as a permanent fund. Is that any small record? At the same' session I entered in 1836 was John S. Lewis, . . the brilliant youug member from Troup, who Felion v oted with the party. When I asked I it, as there is more mistake I introduced tlif bill to astablisb the first fe- the how i to give me three minutes to speak— I on the subject of this two-thirds rule than on I male college in the world—the Wesleyan fe- I thought in three minutes I could show I any other subject, except that Henry Clay I male college at Macon. Some hooted at it them the mischief that was fraught in it. I was the author of the Missouri restriction. I I and laughed at it, but he and I advocated it Dr. Felt .11 stood with the unanimous party I suppose half of this audience thinks lie was, I with all our zeal. The college was established, except myself disallowing me three minutes notwithstanding he openly disavowed it in I the charter granted and now to-day It is to speak, under the gag of the previous ques- tbl Unitod States senate in 1850,and the record I amongst the shining lights and institutions, fion. 1 thought that looked like he was a I proved the correctness of his disavowal. This I hot only of Georgia, but of the whole coun pretty gi od organized democrat. That is the I national convention, was called, and all the I try, [applause] and the first in'the' world! way it lt-oked then. Now, those Potter reso- I states sent up delegates, and they met I Is that any small record? Can I trace it? Why lutions were to reopen the question of Hayes's at Baltimore. The first thing was “How I simply asK what it is in everything title. D had been adjudicated by a high ju- shall we vote?” It was the democratic re- I that makes the progress and historyofGeor- dicittl tribunal constituted by congress. Con- publican, old Jeffersonian party. They said I gia that I have not aided and advanced upon gress had a right to constitute such a tribu- to preserve the symmetry ot the government, I the subject of education. Why, this institu- nal; it had the. right as much I there shall be one delegate for each senator j tion here, the colored institution, the eight as it has the right to settle a congressional and one for each member of the house In I thousand dollars—true I was notin the lcgis- contested election. They passed Hpon the this way the composite nature of the federal I iature or in the convention—but all the title. I i-aoiight it was a bail decision. No system was thought to be maintained. That power that I could use by letter and word one felt worse about- it than I did, but I am was all right. Ttle next question was “How I wasdevoted to the enterprise, urging members for law and order, peace and the settlement many votes shall be necessary to decide?” be- j to put that institution upon the same foot- of rights and titles of all kinds. I considered cause in this system it is a union of states and | ing with thestate university—arid that’annual therefore this question as settled by that tri- as a last resort the election may go into the I endowment now of eight thousand 'dollars bnnal. Hayes was sworn in and this was house. Now, Pennsylvania, New York, Vir- j per year derived much of its support from me. about, or upwards of a year ginia and a few other large states may com- 1 I will not say that I controlled in this matter, afterwards when these resolutions were of-1 bine and nominate a president against the By no means. But l do say that my utmost fered to reopen this question. If it had been choice of a large majority of. the states, and efforts were made with the members to carry done we would have had civil war, and per- l that would not be right. Give us uch I it, and it was carried. hap3 a worse one than we had several years a count as will assure a majority of the states. I Now, then, let us have more education. 1 before. For myself, I was satisfied with civil They thought ttiat right,’ and under the two- J mean .that every facility and every means war and thought if there was an error any thirds rule you could not make a count which I that can be raised to promote it should be the where in our institutions we should correct it would not give a majority of thestates. That I object of patriotism. at the polls, and through tiie peaceful instru- was the origin of the rule, and I To my efforts in congress allow me barely mentalities ol the constitution. Those were it was adhered to in federal I here to allude. I have for years advocated tiie Potter resolutions. Therefore against democratic conventions ever since because it I what is known as the lioode bill to these resolutions I did stand out—solitary and relates exclusively to federal conventions, j distribute the proceeds of the sale alone—oh the democratic side of the house. But never has it been adopted by state con- I of the public lands amongst But to return to the letter in behalf ventions at the north, except one—New Jer- I the states upon the basis of the illiteracy of of Dr. Felton referred to. He was run- sey—and I was informed she. would abandon I the country. In that way our colored popn- ni.ig for a third term. This was in 1878. He I it this year, because it has nothing to do with I lalion being largely more illiterate than the hud u very large majority, as stated, at the I state measures. “Time-honored” in Georgia! j whites the states at .the south would get a last elfc;-ffbn before, ami I did think that the I When and where? It may have been resort- I much larger proportion than the states at the 0 -. iio'.ii ^’-ip there oaght to let him alone, or I cd to in a few nominations in the state on I north, under that bill if we could have passed ought to nominate him. I-wrote a letter to a I particular occasions, but it has certainly not I it. and Mr. Clements, the gallant young rep- young friend who asked my opinion. I I been uniformly adopted since I have been on I resentative from the seventh district, lias In- told him in that very letter that I Delieved in the stage. Any convention can adopt I traduced a similar bill this year. It was pot nominations and organization, but the main I whatever rule it pleases, but I I reached, but our efforts—my own and I think object in nominations and organiza-1 never thought there was any sacredness I Governor Brown’s likewise, have been tion was to ascertain the man who about this particular rule. It is utterly 1 to get congress to do this jus- was the popular favorite; and here there had I wrong to suppose it is tinie-honored in any I tice to the states and make this distribution been two elections, and the district had re-I state, north or south. Was it ever resorted to and I hope, should it pass, we would get at turned him twice, and by such a large ma- in Georgia except once or twice? I do not I least a million dollars a year to build up our jority at the last election, I thought if I was I think when General Gordon was nominated I free schools. That is what I have done in be- in that district I would advise them not to I in 1868 it was adopted, nor in 1871 and 1872 I half of education. I may be pardoned for oppose him—just let hint run; that he was when Governor Smith was nominated, nor in saying that out of my own limited means 1 acting with the democratic party. He acted tae nomination of any of our senators. Ti e 1 have aided in the education of more than one with the democratic organization in the state only time the two-thirds rule was adopted in I hundred young men and women, of Georgia, except in his district; he I Georgia since the war in a nomination of I 1 come to another thing. 1 am charged by acted ttiorougbly with it, in Wash- governor was in 1880, which resulted in a la- some of the people with entering into a com- ington. He conformed to it more than I did I mentable dissension in the party. But if it I bination, or a party, or a sort of trade or in obeying the caucus dictates in matters of | i s right in governor’s nominations why not in I something, I don’t know how they character- legislation. And under those circumstances, I senator’s nominations? If it is right in one I ize it, some one way and some another, just 1 advised that lie should not be opposed in j case it is right in all. Why “time-honored?” ] according to the fancy, with dovernor Ool- his district. Mr. Hill and General Toombs I I have warred against it for years, even in I quitt about the senatorship. Now, all did the same thing. Did they thipk they 1 federal conventions. It will burst up any 11 have got to say to that, is that were encouraging disorganization, or encour- party in the world in twelve years, because 11 never said a word to and distinct, but the judicial powes depends upon the executive—upon the king. So in France, so in Germany, so in all places where they have legislative assemblies. Now, in the United States, each, one of these powers is tif? K , n» e ru,c r bc,Vd* UC or dennwmen.s‘^The I Hbe'rU«, as you wish to transmit them I ?av o rof' upon all occasions the strictest f' 1 ' 1 mm3 *® children, Georgians. 1 appeal to you organization to carry out any meas- law-making, the executive anil the judicial — neVer surrender those rights which belong n Vb and never did 1 bolt the oTthe fedcraPirovernment* are^separa'te dis- to you ' accordin B to the decision of the high- nomination of any party to which of the ,„1 ep ^fhov nrc e 81 judicial tribunal of your government. 1 i belonged—whig or democratia—and I have iu &lSSEd In EnalSrth^'law^maW Uy «° obey the law as expounded by the been ^oc.ated^ah the democratic party nower ami the eiccutn e power me separate S 0l,rts ? he ‘‘ oU 7 s sa - v U " 3 13 ! ,ot an ? ,up,re - now for upwards of twenty-five years. Never e L a .'_ if- 5 »V_T V.. AI :,„ p | It you destroy the states, why we become d j d j re tuse to support the nominee of my merged iuto one grand empire of the Asiatic party except once, and that was when the dem- type. Are you prepared for it? ocrats openly .and avowedly made what was I do not intend to-night to go into an called a'“new departure” and nominated Mr. elaboration of these principles, the acts of the Greeley! [Laughter and applause.] Well, I separate and distinct, equal and coordinate, present congress, or its administration, but if never made any departures. I never depart T)»f'executive is distinct from the judicial you look to your internal revenue laws, to ed from principles—I never shall. [Applause.] and tl le^law-m :»k i n g po weisan d t h cy from the acts of congress noon the subject of the When ifr. Greeley's platform was announced each other There § im oth^’r mvernment of demonetization of silver, of the currency, I did not believe it was right to stand upon it. this kind in the world It was b instituted by tl»e acts affecting the trade of the country, My friends said they didi. t believe in it ourfatheAatPliiladelDhiain 1787 whoimi- and diveFs others.you will observe thattheten any more than I did, but they “wanted to tated* the* dhvine competition of Uiegreat I deucy is to absor'a all power in the hands win!” But! have never wanted to win, ex- RnW nf Hip universe settine in* the*e &epa< of the central government. It is cent I was right! [Cheers.] Ste sSrereto Sri imS 8 SteSt time the people everywhere were Honesty, in my judgment, is the best pol- potentiaUtfef 0 JL they are centered | aroused. They are beginning to be awaken- | icy. Perhaps man^ people . thought then in the *' spoken that these sovereign powers are all delegated! How is it in Georgia? The attempt is made 1 11 * ias been - - ■ to the federal trinity, the judicial bead, the I now ti bring Georgia into this line—the legislative head, and the executive head. | grand old state, the youngest of the These powers, thus constituted, are all_ not thirteen, but she lias _ ever main- only delegated; but specified and limited. | tained with firmness ber rights! lialitieT als thev are centered aroused. They are beginning to De awaKen- icy. rernaps many peopw uwugui. uku te trinity of unitv S reverently to be ed in the norm,, in the northwest, away out that Stephens was m his dotage; but it n of \he lleitv That is the I in California, and men are beginning to see wasn’t six months until all the democracy e ofour tHwermuenu l^>w be it dis-J the tendency of things—that is to consohda I <^me out and were -I » * I differed with them. It so happens I have often differed with them. I have differei with their nominations but I have never bolted the party. I have said, and say now, - 1 believe in nominations as the best OI1H ueivguit-u; UUI aiiu *•••*••---. I Ulllivu nmi ... .... —- T Now, when the government was thus started, tempted to secede, but it was against public secure concert of action- and when a in the beginning there were, two conflicting [policy according to my judgment. However, ,“ e ' parties of men, as there probably always will be. From the beginning of history there has been a struggle between right and power, lib erty and despotism. The friends of liberty ’ made the constitution as it is, with these di visions and restrictions. The advocates of ower strove toMtaiu their ends by construc tion. They were for concentrating all power in a common bead. They were centralists; they were imperialists; they wanted to erect monarchy in this country. That was the lead ers of one party. The other party, led by Mr. -Jefferson,were for holding the powers delegat ed within the prescribed limits of the constitu tion. It was to hold all the officers of the government within the limitations of the con stitution. “The constitution,’’ he maintained, “was but a chain to bind the rulers of the # people.” That struggle then commenced. It was centralism against the reserved rights o£ the states. Mr. Jefferson represented what is known as the republican party at that day, or the democratic party of this day. The party assumed the name first of “republican,” and then "democratic republican,” and contin ued for more than half a century. The great contest between the contending parties took place in 1800. The leading men of the administration of the elder Adams and bis wartv were moving with all the energy they could to centralize all the powers of -averment in a general head- and to iniperialize this whole country. That was •e- ■gsasa'gssi arcs I asaWA rsSSSusstsst by it, unless some fraud of foul _ discovered. I am for a fair nomina tion, a free ballot and fair count. [Applause ] I ask you as true men. as sensi ble men—men feeling an interest in the common cause, is that the way to ad- s I back plighted in faith to the constitution as it remains m it, 1 - i* Now what is Georgia going to do? More *««« ’loabide f 1 money. I expect, will be spent to carry Pl»> 18 money, _ Georgia than most any other state in the union into the centralizing party. That is what is aimed at; but, Georgians, I now.'tn'tlfiagrand demScstmg- and Norrii’ Carolina and South I the-party? Is that the way to build up de- Carolina, and Florida and Louisiana shaH ^iml/^dU^s'ion- surge in vain and on whose summit the ark of f “7^ r, ,h«t thpwav to «u» co„u.uu„sasrsw’ffl-JiSs [Long continuetl applause.] How can prevented? Fellow-citizens, I tell yon it can only be done by or ganization. [Loud applause.] I repeat what Washington said "when bad men con spire good men must unite.” We most work together. We must understand the danger. We must not abuse or quarrel with each other, but we must persuade and bring all to see the danger and act together. And if some lag behind, as Jefferson said when some were slow about sign ing the declaration of independence, let the others move forward slowly, keeping step to the music of the union, and the others will come along afterwards. [Applause.] [A telegram was handed to Mr. Stephens, pies? Is that the wav democrats did in the days of Jefferson? If you have private grievances, that is another matter. But, as a patriotic man, how can you build up the party, unless you organize and act in concert? No more in peace than in war! “But they ask me “how about the letter you wrote in behalf of Dr. Felton four years ago?” I begin by stating this: If I did write a letter countenancing opposition to the will of the majority of tiie party I did wrong, and I do right now in retracing my steps. That is alL But I did no such thing intentionally. [Ap plause.] Dr. Felton ran for congress in 1874. He ran against the party nomination. stand it, Dr. Felton reads that letter now in a I be beaten, and the tied out third-rate horses I a candidate for it, that I had no intention of way to make the people believe it is a recent will be brought in. And that is wbat crippled running. One time I would have been will- letter I have written in his behalf, and claims I tiie democratic party in the beginning, and j ing to go the senate, but this time I did not me as an independent because of my having burst it up in 1860 at Charleston. If the ma- I want it. If I remained in congress I preferred written it. I jority rule had been adopted, then there I to remain inhere I was. 1 was like the scbool- W«U some say, “what about the Casey let- never would have been a disruption of the I boy who complained to his father when he kc r’” i will tell you. When I gave that vote democratic party, there never would have 1 asked him how he was getting along, he said aeainst the Potter resolutions, every paper been this war, tnere never would have been he hadn’t got the hang of the school house except two in my district raised the hue and any secession, and the good old ship of state ye t. [Laughter.] Well,-I have got the hang erv that I was not a democrat. And steps I would have sailed on under the guidance of 1 0 f the house—I haven’t the senate, and do were taken to get delegations to go to the con- the gallant and noble Douglas, for I will no t want to change the place, cressional nominating convention and rule maintain his honor and statesmanship now When I consented to run for governor me out of the party. Dr. Casey was the I that he is dead, as I did when he was living. I it was with ho idea in the world chairman of the district executive [Applause.] but to serve my county, old committee and called the convention of the I If the people of Georgia bad followed my I as I was, seeing an impending cloud and party. He wrote to.me. I told hini I had no I opinion as I gave it at the city hall here in I danger, tfiat l migh be serviceable perhaps to obiection at all to the convention. I told I introducing Mr. Douglas, Jyou never would I my people in the latter days, saying the him I believed in conventions and nomina I have bad any war. 1 give it again with some I country from the degradation that was tious were, for the most part, the proper way I assurance that it is worth something now. I threatening it am* the loss of our liberty. [Ap- to concentrate the public choice. I told linn I As I stated, the first fruit of the two thirds I plause.] But I say that so far as the goyer- I did not object to the time or place of the I rule was the ruling out of Barbour and Dick 1 nprship is concerned, I want you to under meeting of the convention. I told him I be- I Johnson and the putting in of Martin Van I stand, that the maxim of my life in all such lieved in the majority rule, but I said, I Buren. He was a great man in some respects, I matters is and will be to * tote my own and this is the substance of I but I do not think the people of Georgia I skillet.” L Laugliter and applause.] it: “As the attempt is being I estimated him very highly. The leading men I I believe Governor Colquitt. Mr. Ham- made to rule me out of the democratic party tin those days were ruled out, and then in I mond, Mr. Blount, Governor smith, Judge because of my vote on the Potter resolutions. 11856 we were all at Cincinnati. There were j Jackson, Sir. Black, Slajor Barnes, of Augus- and I give you notice that if they do it 11 Pierce, the president, Buchanan and Douglas I ta, General Lawton,.and all whose names 1 shall plead to the juristlictidn and will appeal I—statesman of high order—and there were the I have heard connected with it, are &.1 from them to .the true democracy of the dis- I sneaks or tied-our horses thinking they would quite as able to tote their skillets as I am to trict;” I did not intend to be thus unchurched, I finally come in when neither of these,emi- I carry mine. A do not interfere in these mat- and, as I said in my first speech in Augusta, I nent men could get tjvo-thirda. Douglas .was I ters. By-the-by, I perhaps just as well might no power of that convention, or any I i n my room when Richardson telegraphed I give you the history of that matter of other, could ever drive me out! him: “Buchanan has got a majority of the I toting my own skillet. In • I800 ol the democratic party. [Applause.] 1 convention.” He asked me what he ought to I when I was fighting Enow nothings, and I told them, “It can’t be did!” That is just <i 3 . 1 said: Telegraph Richardson, “Mr. I when they were attempting very much to what I said: “It can’t be did!” [Applause.] Buchanan having a majority of the conven-1 embarrass me in the election, like the men I told them while the Savannan nver runs I tion, withdraw my name and let the majority | did in the days of Christ, when they thought from the mountains to the sea, and the sun | prevail.” He did so, and the next morning 1 they would hedge Him in, and they put the rose in the east and set in the west, and while I Mr. Buchanan was, nominated. 1 I question to Him, “Is it lawful to pay tribute the internal fires ot earth burn, so long I I told him. “Buchanan, nor you, I toCajsar?” you know how he answered it. So could never be driven from those I nor Pierce can ever get two-thirds; tiie others, I they came _ to me with the ques* great fundamental essential principles j the tied-out horses, will get it. We cannot I tion, “how will you vote for governor?” I which I was reared; which are I elect them and Buchanan we can.” The I told them I should illustrate my case as now taught and inculcated by the I telegram went the next morning, and Bach- 1 General Dodge, of IV isconsin, had once re- democratic party of Georgia. [Applause.] j anan was nominated, and Brecfieuridge was | lated an incident in his life. He told me 1 went through my district and canvassed for I taken up and the convention adjourned in a during the war of ’12 he was taken a prisoner the convention. The result was I received jubilee. And that is the history of the two- with a number of others, and the Indians . the unanimous nomination save one in one of J thirds rule, and the only president we could I were taking them out two or three hundred the fullest conventions that ever assembled have elected then was nominated really un- miles. The Indians made all the prisoners in the district. In the meantime the Potter q e r the majority rule. In our state 1 have carry the cooking and camp utensils. The resolutions were abandoned by the. party | always been, as two years ago and now, I second night he got a little tired of it, and north and south, showing that I was right in | in favor of the majority rule. | stopped and threw down his burden and said:, opposing their passage. 1 In mv judgment, the conven- j "Mr. Indian, from this time out every man s But to return to the letter in behalf of Dr. tion did right. I was perfectly indifferentrso got to rote his own skillet. [Laughter Felton in 1878 He had declared himself tq far as I was individually concerned, as my and applause]. Here is Governor Johnson be an indewndent democrat. He acted with friends knew. In all such matters I conform running, clever, good man. Judge Andrews the demSv in the stkte all except to the expressed will of the majority of my running, clever, good mai th^ democracy m party . jua f as Jefferson said. "The vital priu- Overby running upon the temperance cause, locauy, in «» . . !r. t—. I oWtint* nip^nuA I very good man, and I intend to let them alone if they will let me alone. when I wrote that letter. What is Dr. Fel- I But it is said by many that my record, apart 1 Now, each of these candidates for governor ron*s position now’ In December last. I from the two-thirds questim, is not good, may tote his own skillet and I will tote mine, tifink *the Niarkhmn house inference was What is my record? It is a pretty long one. I think they are abundantly able to do it,” and held His interview* 1 pubhfhed shortlv be- I commenced n in the legislature in 1836, so I think of the honorable men who are now fere,” as I recollect it, was openly and avowed- I when the great question uppermost^ was the I candidates for the senate of the United UCUWUaUG /pui VI IUC umvu, w I : —o , . - , that organization, state and federal, on whicn I bnt for me this grand , , , , the hopes of this stole and the continent rest, with the west would never have been built, bonds. His avowed purpose now is to destroy this ’ Atlanta would never hav! had existence. I have not traded nor thought of That is the answer : am in favor of bogus When did I ever have anything to do [Continue' "s Fifth Page.] ^INDISTINCT PRINT SuB