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THE WEEKLY CONSTITUTION. ATLANTA. <?.V* TUESDAY JULY 27 1886 CONGRESS. Proceedings of the Two Last Week. With the President and His Ad* visers—General News. The Senate. Washington-, Jnly 21.—The senato at noon proceeded to the coneideratlon of the report in the matter of the election of 8enator Payne and was addressed by Mr. Pugh in ad. vecacy of the poaition taken by hlmeelf, Mean. Sanlibnry, Vance and Euatls, to the effect that there had been no exprouion of belief or auapielon on the part of any menr her of the committee to the effect that Mr. Payee waa connected in the remoteat degree, by act or knowledge, with anything wreng, criminal or immoral in hla election and that no further investigation of the chargee ehonld be made. Mr. Pngh criticised the views of the minor ity, Hoar and Frye, and argued that they were in conflict with precedents of the senate In former cases of a similar character. He had merely desired to present the case briefly, and now in the names of seven ontof the nine members of the committee on privileges and electionr, he moved that that committee be discharged from farther consideration of the subject. Mr. noar addressed the senate in support of the views of himself and Mr. Frye, reesm mending an investigation of the charges. Mr. Logan took the floor to reply to the ar guments of Mr. Hoar to sustain the views ex pressed in the report signed by himself, Messrs. Teller and Evarts, to the effect that an investigation should not be instituted by tno senato. and that committeo should be discharged from its further consideration. He said that the smoke of a lamp would not be discovered on any persnation.that he would make: bnt he would present a plain proposition on law and facts. He then, in a long speech, full of this characteristic, vigorous methods of expression, justified the action of himself and his two re publican colleagues, and devoted a large meas ure of his time to replying to the attacki of the Ohio republican press upon Messrs. Evarts, Teller and hlmaelf. He read from the Cincinnati Commercial Oazette some of these attacks, which he said were intended to bully himself and his two co-algnera into action contrary to their sense of duty and right, and he made a counter attack upon the political record of Murat Hals ted. He also read a letter from Lieutenant-Governor Ken nedy to himself (Logan), in which Governor Kennedy went on to say that Ohio was niton- isbtd at the result of the vote, and that the telegraph reported him (Lo gan) as desiring to keep the vote a eecret. The writer did not wonder much at that—that a man would want to keep his vote secret when it was purchased. It was but a part of the eternal fitness of things. He had read the letter merely to let the country know this gentleman’s opinion of the three senators. If Governor Kennedy derived any benefit from ithe was entitled to it. He (Lo gan) had no criticism to make upon it. except that* he was sorry that a man holding so high a position should make use of such language against a man who was nearly as good as himself. It might strike some people as strange that ho should read these newspaper paragraphs and letters; but he did it for the purpose of showing the malignity behind them against certain republican sena tors and to show the character of the attack that was made by republicans upon republicans for their destruction. The men who would resort to such vile attacks were men who did not desire the success of the party,bnt rather desired the destruction of certain men who would not bow to their beck and call. He would not repeat the words that wete said to him aa to what would be done if he bowed to demand made of him, and violated his conscience. If be had done that he would be a good fellow. But he would rather lose his right arm, and never be permitted to let hlstongne lisp another word, than be drawn by a man behind a newspaper, or elsewhere, to do what ha did not beliove was right. In conclusion, he said that he had been actuated in this matter, not by impulse; not by being aggrieved; not by attacks, but by a calm and deliberate examination of testimony and of the law in ths case. Hobad done his duty, and would stand by It, for his action was right and just and proper. [Applauso on the floor and In the galleries.] Hr. Teller followed Mr. Logan on ths same line of argument, and, after speaking some time, gave way to a motion to adjourn, hold ing the floor to conclude his remarks to morrow. ’ The Bouse. Judge Reagan has succeeded in getting the bonse to consider the intcr-stato com merce bill. As was anticipated he will insist on the sub stitution of hi* bill for ths Cullom bill. Tho house will probably prefer the Beagan bill, and will tack It on as an amendment to the senate bill, after striking out all of that bill except the enacting clause. The differences between the two houses will then be referred to a committee of conference, but there Is no hope of an agreement or a compromise. If there is to be any interstate commerce legisla tion by this congress it must be the Cullom hill or sciurthing very like it. Judge Reagan and bis friends by insisting on his bill are simply preventing the enactment of any law en this subject, for the present at least. Tho house then went into committee of the whole on revenue measures, with a view of reaching the oleomargarine bill. In order to clear the track of unfinished business, being a bill to regulato the manufacture of vinegar from grain—Mr. Hatch, of Missouri, moved that it be reported to the house with a recom mendation that its enacting clause be stricken onto The only bill passed at the evening session of the house was one amending the act to modify the postal money order system. It provides for tbs tramsmfssion of small sums, nnder five dollars, through tho malls. Tho postmaster general may authorise postmasters at money order offices, or at such other offices as he may designate, to issue money orders; and those money orders shall be designated and known as “postal notes" and a fee of three cents shall be charged for the issue thereof The senate amendments to the oleomargar ine bill was then concurred in—yeas 174, nays 75, Ths bill now goes to the president for his action. ______ The Oleomargarine Bill. The senate then took up ths oleomargarine bill, and Mr. Vance proceeded to argue against Ifr. Vance characterised it as the most vi cious of all legislation everiattempted in the senate—the most outrageously violative of the constitution and of individual and personal rights. It was really “protection gone to eetd." It was an attempt to use the taxing powers of the government for private purpoi.-a carried to its logical extent. It reminded him of what a naturalist once told him. When governor of North Carolina ho had favored Uie introduction of block bars. A naturalist told him that black bass introduced into a pond would destroy every other fish. “All the better," he said. But that waa not all—hs was told after tbey bad cleaned out over other fish and frog and tadpole, they tumel on one another and ate each other up. So this doctrine of protection was the black bate of American politics. It began on thisarticio or that article, so aa to exclude foreign competi tion, and having succeeded in Imposing a pro tective tariff on more than fbur thousand arti cles of foreign production, it now began to de vour its own species—It now began to eat np American Industry. On tho principle or the bill congress would have to tax kaolin to pre vent the adulteration of candy; glueoes, to prevent the adnHeration of sngar; chicory, to prevent tho adulteration of coflee, and Anally congress would have to descend to an investigation of the mystery of sausage and boardinghouse hash. The bill would result, not at Darwin’s doctrine of the survival of the fittest, but In the survival of the nnfltteat, because any business that cams to congress and invoked the arm of the law to keep it alive at the expense of another busi ness waa unfit to live, and thus it was that “Protection’s battle once begun— Bequeathed by bowling sirs to son— Only could be rougnt and won By taxing every son of a gun In the name of American liberty." [Laughter], He was opposed to,the bill not only because of its unconstitutionality, bnt on account of its inexpediency and the oppression which it would bring about, for on OTory hearthstone would be a government spy. What difference was there between this proposed law and a club of atrlkera who refuted to let non-union men work? As much as he abhorred both, ho bad infinitely more respect for the clnbof strikers than he had for a legislative sneak In the protective interest. One was manly and open, and acknowledged itself to be the violation of law, while the other was an attempt by a perversion of the law and the constitution to secure one interest an ad vantage over its rival. He had great respect for the cow, but how waa the product of the udder entitled to more respect than that of the ilb. If butter waa to bo protected, why not.beef{iteak also? Ho intimated that the supporters of the bill were influenced by po litical considerations; and said that butter, like conscience, made cowherds of them all. [Langhter.[ The necessity of “grease" to car ry the state of New York two years hence was what affected them. Mr. Ingalla in elucidating that question pro duced a vial of coloring matter and comment ed upon the circular accompanying it The preparation, he said, “pretended" to be manu factured at Burlington, Vt, [Laugh at the expense of Mr. Edmunds.] "This vial,” he raid, “was warranted by the firm which put it up, perfected butter color”—at Burlington, Vt.—“for dairy purposea”—was warranted to color 300 pounds of winter butter. It had been pretended, he aaid, that the dairymen of Vermont and elsewhere were en gaged (In their bncolic honesty and simplicity) in a struggle with the hercu lean efforts of manufacturers of otoomarga rine. One sentence in the circular recom mended the coloring matter as giving butterja “tint like the highest grade of Jersey bntter, and no expert can detect it." The fourth recommendation In that circular was that tho- coloring matter was economical. In use It re quired no labor, and waa cheaper than other coloring matter, the vials were of three sloes, costing twenty-five cents, fifty cents and one dollar, and coloring respectively three hun dred, seven hundred and fifty and two thou sand pounds of butter. Ho almost hesitated to read the last paragraph. [Several senators —“Let us have it.”] It was; “We warrant it to add at least five cents per pound to the value of white butter [laughter], and return a dollar for every cent it costs.” “Tbir,”(sa!d Mr. Ingalls, holding no the vial), “is the preparation. It looks like tinctnre of Iodine. It Is manufactured at Burlington, Vermont, for the use of dairymen, and is warranted to add five cents per pound to every pound of white batter that they make in winter time.” He explained how this "auxiliary of the dairy” had come into his possession, when, aa a member of District of Columbia committee he was investigating the alleged adulterations of food. Mr. Miller rose to reply. Ho was not sure, he said, wbetber this little tragedy—Mr. But ler suggested comedy—whether this little tragedy or comedy, or burlesque, had been re hearsed between the senator from 8outh Caro lina and the senator from Kansas. There teemed to have been a perfect' understanding between them. Tbey must have been “set tingup o’ nights” rehearsing it. The adver tisement given to this Burlington manufact urer of butter coloring could not have been ? ot by him for $50,000 in ready cash. He Ur. Miller) knew nothing about this coloring matter. When the distinguished senator (In galls) was going over its wonderful quail.tee he was carried back to his boyhood days when, “on general training days” he used to sees man standing on a wagon auctioneering hla bogus goods or bogus jewelry, or offering to the people tome “elixir of life.” Whether the eenator had ever had any experience of that kind he (Mr. Miller) did not know, bnt the senator had shoirn great aptness for lk If the senator lklled in his present calling he conld certainly succeed In that kind of work. It had always been known that coloring matter was used In bntter, Jnat as salt was, and no body ever regarded it as a fraud. The senator from Kansas usually came.to the capltolwltb a flaming red neck tie. Why not wear one of the natural color of the cocooon? Because the senator admired tome other color, and that aa true of butter and everything else. Ur. Ingalls said that the senate would hear him witness that, in his observations, he had made no personal attack npon, or personal all (ion to the senator from New Yoik. He had simply presented what he believed to be legitimate argument In the matter. The senator from New York, however, bad seen fit in bis reply to descend into the arena of personalities. His humor was very much like the attempt of a hippo potamus to dance on the slack rope. [Laugh ter.] The senator had seen fit to refer to hla (Ingalls's) yonthflri avocation, and to present tho spectacle ol a country peddler dealing in bosue jewelry and elixirs. To that he (In galls) had this remark to make, that, whatever he might have done, he had never stood before the senate advccating a measuaure in which he had the strongest personal intorest, as the senator from New York had done. That senator was in the dairy business. He owned a dairy Arm and a herd of dairy cattle, putting its produce on tne market as the product of Oak Hill or Oak Leaf creamery, and he used the whole power of hia official station as a senator and as chaii man of the oommlttee to get (in the tint place) the mesaare away from the committee to which it belonged and referred to.bie own committee, and that he stood on tbw floor of the senate day after day, advocating a meas ure which was to increase directly the profits of his own product. After Ur. Ingalla had delivered this sentence ith great emphasis and eflbct, he paused for veral seconds amid the moat profound al ienee. He then proceeded; He had not invited this controversy. He had not made any reference to the senator from New York. If the senator de sired or thought it advisable to pursue the tab- >t on personal grounds k he would find that 10 (Ingalls) would not decline the invitation. A more shameful spectacle had never been presented to the American people than had been presented in regard to this measure. In the other house it had been nnder the leader ship of the chairman of a committee, who waa himself engaged in the dairy business: and, in this body, that gentleman was rein forced by the chairman of the committee on agriculture (Miller) who waa engaged in the same business, and who was to profit directly by the legislation. The senate had heard something about at torneys who were members of congress not being permitted to take fees against the government In cases where land grant rail roads were involved. The impropriety and indecency of members doing such a thing had been dwelt upon, and dwelt upon properly, but if that was improper, how much more improper was it, how much more indefensible waa it, for chairmen of committees of the two hr-uses to present measures in which they had direct p-r-oml interests? And then, when an argument was made against It, tods- tend to the arena of vulgar personalities and diLunciations in order to make the passage of tho measure less obnoxious. Mr. Miller, apparently laboring under great exriument, rose to riply. He denied having referred to the senator’s (Ingalls's) calling in early life. Tbe senator had charged him with being directly interested in this meas ure. He (Miller; was proud of the fact that he had been born and reared on tbe farm. It was true that, for his own delectation, he kspt a few corn and horses and other domestic aalmals. It was true that, at some periods of the year, be mode butter on his Arm and, at other periods of the year, cheese. He had, however, in his experiment for making bntter and cheese expended $10 for every dollar which he got back in return. But whether this bill became a law or not it would not add one Arthlng to any profit which he could possibly receive, for whatever butter was made on his farm sold for prises so high that it was In no way affect ed by the competition of oleomargarine or butterine, or other bogus staff. Should It be said that no man having any material inter est in his country should hold a seat in con gress to represent the industry of the claw to which he belonged. Three-fourths or more of the national legislators were lawyer* And shonld it be said that whether lawyers,farmers or manufacturers they could not honorably discharge their legislative Auctions? He thought not He had no answer to mako to the imputation of the senator from Kansas that he (Miller) was actuated In support of this bill by base and corrupt motives. Having been born and having lived among the dairy classes all bis life, and seeing them today being driven from their farms through bankruptcy, he had felt called npon to raise his voice for their protection and no aneers at the dairymen of the country; no im plications that be was actuated by base and corrupt motives, would close his mouth. He appealed from that infamous charge to his constituents through all tbe great rural dis tricts of New York. He left the judgment of the matter to them and not to any man on the floor [of the senate who ventured to charge him with corruption. Them were words which the senator or any other man would not dare to speak to him outside of the senate chamber. They might shield them selves behind the constitution and behind parliamentary law, but he would go to his conatltnents on that base, infamous charge, and there ho would leave it. This closed the personal altercation between the senators from Kansas and New York. The senate listened to the speeches with great interest and ennolity, and there was an almost painfnf stillness in the chamber as each of them spoke. Then Mr. Butler rose and closed the debsto Ar the day. He repudiated the suggestion that there bad been any prior understanding between hlmaelf and Mr, Ingalls, or that there had been any “rehearsal of tne tragedy.” He sincerely hoped, however, that it would not result in a tragedy. He taw a good many comlo features attached to it— a good many things bad been said in a Pickwickian sense, which he had no doubt each senator would consider cooly when he got outside the chamber. In conclu sion he argued against the bill at a measure which conld result only in oppresalon, calam ity and disappointment. Washington, July 20.—[8necial.]—Senator Blown bit the oleomargarine bill square be tween tbe eyes today In ono of tbe beet and most practical speeches yet made on the sub ject. It was a complete exposition of tbe fraudulency of this meaxnre. In fact, this bill has been from the start the creature of a lobby which has been working for tbe associated dairymen, with the purpose of putting np the price of their butter. 8enator Ingalls made a merciless exposition of the methods of these honest farmers, so- called, when he exhibited in the senate yes terday a bottle of thecolorlng matter they use to convert the cheapest skim milk butter into the flneat grade ofgolden Jersey. The Ingalls amendment reducing tbe tax from five to two cents has passed the senate. It will reduce just three cents a pound the bounty which congress proposes to scoop from the poor poo- S le of the country for the benefit of the rich airy associations which control tho butter trade. Washington, Jnly 20.—Mr. Pugh, waving for the present his notice that he would call up ,the Payne election caw, the senate at 11:45 resumed consideration of the oleomargarine bill and waa addressed by Hr. Brown, in oppo sition to the bill. It waa clear to his mind, he said, that the government had no right to col lect more revenue than was necessary for the efficient and economical administration of tho government. Thlv bill proposed to add an other class to tho property made subject to tho internal revenue system. He would vote on all proper occasions to repeal tho internal revenue system in whole or (If that conld not be done) in part. He favored tariff legislation to raise the necessary reve nue, and so to adjust it as to protect American labor and favor American industry by dis criminating against foreign products. This bill was one not to protect the farmers as a class, but to protect a small class of farmers at the expense of a vast number of Armors. He would like to see legislation by the several states compelling vendoit of oleomargarine to label the article: bnt he was not willing to tax a wholesome article of food oat of existence because it might be sometimes sold for a dif ferent article of food. > Mr. Hawley spoke in support of the bill. Mr. Call argued against tho bill. He op posed it as inexpedient, because its policy in terfered with the right and exclusive power of authority of the states, because it destroyed (and was Intended to destroy) a particular In dustry, and was Intended to have no other eflbct. Mr. Evarts argued in favor of tbe MIL Mr. Ingalls addres ed tbe senate. Ue said that towards the close of tbe debate yesterday, exasperated by personal allusions intended to to offensive, he bad made somo observations which, on reflection, be was persuaded, had exceeded the limits of propriety in debate, and he availed himself of this, tbe firat public occasion to express his regret. Ue then pro, ceeded to argue against the biiL Mr. Ingalls moved to reduce the tax from five cents a pound to two cents. Agreed. Bill and amendments were reported to the senate,the first question being on Mr. Ingalls's amendment to reduce the tax on oleomarga rine from five oenta pound to two cents. It was adopted—yeas 3-1, nays 28. The preliminary amendments were adopted without question, and the bill as amended waa passed—yeas 37, nays 24, aa follows: Yeas—Beasts. Aldrich, Allison, Blackburn,Blair, Cameron, Camden, Chaw, Cockrell, Conger, Cnl- lorn, Dawes, Do'nh, Edmunds, Krarts. Gorman, Hale. Harrison, Hawley Hoar. Ingalls, Logan. Mc Millan, Mabone, Mamie non, Miller, Mitchell or Or eaon. Palmer, Payne, Platt, Plumb, Sawyer. Haw- ell, Sherman, Spooner, Stanford,Teilerand Wilson of Iowa-37. Nays—Messrs. Beck, Berry, Brown, Butler, Call, Coke, Colquitt, Basils, Gtoson, Grey, Hampton, Harris, Hearst. Jones of Arkansas, Maxey, Pngh, Hansom, Rlddleberger, Vance, Veit. voorhocs, Walthall, Whltthome and Wilson of Maryland -24. . The section as to the penalty, as amended, reads as follows: ■ ■SIW 111 Mlf VIHVS SUIIII IIJB4I III ugw wouunu 1 paper psekszes m abort described, or who pact in any package any oleomargarine In any msnm contrary to law. or who falsely brand* an/package or affixts a stamp on any packsce denoting a less •mount of tax than that required by law, aball be fined for each offense not more than 91,000, and be * oned not more than two ysara- Mfiler moved that the senate insist on it> amendments to the bill, and asked the boose for a conference. Agreed to. At that time the bill regulating the menu* facto re of vinegar made from gram waa reach* ed. Then the frienda of the oleomargarine bill reported to different tactlea and instead of ask* tag that the bill be laid aside, Ifr. Hatch took the floor to advocate the measure, his object being to make the bill nnflnished bosinem, to as to prevent the neceesitj of beginning at the head of tbe list tomorrow. In progress to wards tbe oleomargarine bill. He then /fold ed to Mr. Hlscock, who in ahamoront manner, began to talk against time In favor of the bill, and bis remarks were received with good ns* tnred applause and langhter. Mr. Henderson, of Iowa, In an equally bn* mo jour manner, took the other track and vig orously denounced the bill, declaring it to be the most infamons proposition ever brought before an American congress; and be waanof surprised to see an old gray-halred rascal like tbe gentleman from New York advooatlng snob a villainous measure. [Laughter.] He withdrew the oflTenaive remarks and admitted that the gentleman had eome dark hafra in hia j. m. mail. The Regulator and Controller of Low Prieee. Will mail samples of all daaasa of Dry Goods, and pay exp re—go on all orders abort; WUXI Yon will save money and get better variety to select pom by writing os about what yon want and gel* ting oor samples. Tbe large* stock in Atlanta and the acknowledged lows* prices, seanda White- ball it “ head. This bill was only In keeping with tho mixed-up performances which the house had seen on tho psrt of the committeo on ways and means. This was such an infamous proposi tion that he saw no good in It, and he felt like raking the committee fore and aft for bringing in tnch a bill. [Laughter.] The last remark annoyed Mr. Breckenrtdge, °f» Kentucky, who was the author of the bill, and he inquired if it was parliamentary to denounce a measure as infamous? Mr. Henderson—I withdraw the remark. Mr. Breckcnride—I take it, that when he says the proposition is infamous, he speaks that which he knows to be false. Mr. Henderson—I ask permission to take back the offensive remarks. Mr. Hopkins, of Illinois, suggested that the remarks had been mado in a Pickwickian sense. Mr. Breckenridge—They were too strong to be tolerated. # Mr. Henderson—The correction from my venerable friend touches my heart, and I beg to be permitted to withdraw the offbnsivo re marks. I forgot that my friend was a member of tbe committee. When I said it I was think- Oply of the chairman. [Langhter, in which Mr. Morrison heartily joined.] Senator Brown's Speech on the Oleomarga rine Dill. Washington, July 22.—The speech of Sen ator Brown, dolivered In opposition to tho passage of the oleomargarlno bill, has been widely and favorably commented on. The speech, in fall, appears as follows: Mr. Fietident—While the power of taxation oon ferred upon the government of the United States by tbe constitution, is unlimited In Its terms, It is very clear to my mind, that tho government of the United States has no right to collect more money by taxation than the amount necessary to an efficient and economical administration of the government. rbjsinecessary tax may be raised exclusively by I ten millions off of arilclesnow taxed and put it on oleomargarine, as a simple revenue measure; but it is not proposed to do that. There Is no proposi tion now pending npon which any action 1* ex* pectcd at this session or congress, to reduco the revenues of the government! No more revenuo is needed, and this is simply a proposition to lncreaso the revenue. ten millions of dollars, that Is not needed, and •mount actually necessary for tho proper admin* 1st ration of tho government. For almoat half a century prior to tho com mencement of the late unfortunate civil war, our fathers collected the necessary revenue, not by in ternal taxation, but by laws imposing a tariff upon imports. This, in my opinion, is tbe bettermodeor raising the necessary revenue, and this has boon the Judg ment of the American people during the greater portion of tho existence of tbe government. Tbe Internal revenue system has been used In emergencies; as in case of tho war or 1812, whon a system very similar to the system adopted during tbe late war,was put into operation,but theMaw was repealed within about three yean after tho term!* nation of the war. The present internal revenue system was adopted on account of the necessities or the govoromont daring the late war, and sui a war measure. In my opinion It should have been discontinued before this time, and it abould now be discontinued at the earliest practicable period. I will not vote for the present bill, because it increases tbe classes of property made subject to tbe Internal revenue sye* tem, I will vote on all proper occasions, where the vote is likely to avail anything, to repeal the internal revenue system in whole, and if that can and rorter American industry by discriminating in favor of American productions and labor as against foreign productions and labor. In other words, I would raise the revenue by Imposing a tariff npon such imported articles as are raised in this country so as to foster American Industry and protect American labor while raising revenuo for the sup* port of the government. And I would put upon tne free list, wherever the revenue conld be spared, such articles as are raised abroad which cannot be rsl*ed in this country. This much for the general and safe rule as I un derstand It on this question. Now, a few more words as to tho measuro before therenate. The object of this bill seem to be to Impose a tax on oleomargarine of live cents a pound, for the purpose of protecting the butter, which is the product of the dairy* Hut judging from all the publications with which members of congress have been flooded for months past, the true object is to tax oleomarga rine, or butterine. out or existence. Ten eonts per pound was asked for. Fire cents Is in tho bill as it came from the homo. Why should this be done? We arc told that it is necessary to pass such a law in cider to rave the dairy interest from ruin, as tbat fattiest cannot tear the competition of the oleomargarine. I will not undertake to disease the question whether oleomargarine Is a heaitby article of food. Chemists and sol* entifle men of ability and integrity havo pronounced It so. By taxing it, Instead of extermi nating it, the government recognizes it as a wholesome article of food. Then why attempt to tax it out of existence? It is said it is ntco$sary to pass tbe act to tax it for the protection of tho Is offered for rale, and the dairymen will raise their butter In like proportion, or probably in much greater proportion. Now, Mr. President what will be the eflbct of this? It la said it will be an act of justice, as it will protect the farming Interests of this country. There are now say sixty millions of people in the United States. 1 think it has been stated here that tbeie are fifteen thousand dairies, or cream* erles, but suppose wo say that there are four times that number, or sixty thousand per sons, or companies having creame ries, or making bntter for sale. That would be only one pe r cent for one in every hundred of rho srould got tbe —......— umuv* the bill. One per* ron^wonld get the benefit of Jhe protection, the den, by \ In other , _ _ ... people in this country who huy butter than there is who sell butter. Now, Mr. President, notwith standing the rules I have laid down, which I be lieve to be sound, if (here is any case where I would vary from the rule to protect an/bidy, It srould to to protect the farming class of this coun try. But I cannot violata a sound principle or a •wind roie to protect a small fraction of the fam ing class at the txpense of the great body of tbat class; in ether words, I cannot violate a principle to protect one In a hundred of our follow citizens of that class at the expense of the remaining ninety •i d nine, who aro also our fellow citizens. This is very difleren. from the protection of our heme labor and our home Industries against foreign labor and foreign Industries. If this bill Is pissed, he cream cries of this cnntrjr. of which many proprietors may not be prattle* farmers, will get ail the benefits of the act. It will protect tbe butter of the proprietor! of the creameries, and if they are farmers, that number of farmers will receive the benefits of tbe so j, but the farmers who raise beef cattle for sale will re ceive uo benefit from It. In fact, the evbianco more in ths market, on account of tbe use that can be mado of part of the animal by manufaetur* ing it into oleomargarine, which wonld be of but little value for any other use. It will be no pro tection to the farmers who raise sheep, and it will be no protection to tbe farmers who raise hogs. A bog would be worth less In tbe market If no por tion of bis lard could be used as an ingredient in the masofocture of oleomargarine. The act will be no protection to tho very largo Clara of our farmers who raise corn, rice, rye, oate and barley for sale, and the class of farmers who robe beef cattle, sheep, hogs, corn, wheat, rioe. rye, oats and barley, is vastly larger than the small * lea and make butter i act to protect Uie far* — * —* B small number of formers, to protect one lamer of the creamery class, at the expense of probably one hundred far mers, who do not belong to tbat class, but raise other productions lor the market. Mr. President, I have received a great many cone moniestions through the mall on this subject, and so far as I hare been able to judge of them, they came from a few interested parties, who are conducting large creameries, who have combined their efforts to bring an immense pressure to bear open tbe congress of the United States, to foster and protect their interest by a heavy fax on a wholesome article of food, to increase their own —* *lje expense of a vastly larger number of This bill, then, es I understand ft, is not tion ot tbe formers of this country at the expense of a vast majority of them, and again* all other elsrres of tbe population of this country who aw It is estimated that if this bill baoomes a Uw it will yield a revenue of probably ten millions of dollars or more to the treasury offthe (United fctatis, which will be that much collected out of the honest working people of this country, and out of all elaraes ofpcople who ue* butter, er oleo- margarine, as food. The taxon tbe oleomargar ine will rairc tbe price of both butter and oleo margarine, and the consumer will have tops/ mots for It than he now pays. It Is a tax, as al ready stated, neon one American production for tbe bt-niflt of another American production. It tsxrs those who u>e oleomargarine manufactured of American material and by American labor, for the benefit of those who make butter for sale out of American material and by American labor. This is in violation of every known role or practice adopted by the gov ernment in raising its revenues, lithe additional ten millions were necessary to tba support of the government, there would be a better reason for the passage of the act. Bnt It to not pretended that toeh u the ease. We now b&ve a surplus in the treasury, and It la not pretended that we need mere revenue. Congress may la * •“*— **'* class. Tbe class against whom the discrimination is made is a very large class. It is not the protect ion of American commodities, or article* produced by American labor, as against foreign commodities produced by foreign labor, but it lithe protect ion of one class or American production and labor to the detriment of another class of American pro duction and labor. OH' It is a discrimination between American pro ductions and American labor, for the benefit of tho few against tbe many. It is said that oleomar- gerine is manufactured of such materials, and so colored, that it is very difficult to distinguish it from butter, and tbat this close Imitation #? butter operates as a fraud upon those who bay it, fti It Is often sold for butter. I am willing to vote tor otringest laws applica ble to the District of Columbia and the territories, where contrast has jurisdiction of such questions, and I would like to sec laws passed and enforced in all tbe states to compel tho manufacturers and vendors of oleomagarine to label It as such, *o as to inform every purchaser of the fact that It is such, when he makes tbe purchase. But I am not willing to attempt to tax one wholesome artielo of food out or existence because it may sometimes bo sold for another, and different article of food. Tbe proper remedy In my opinion is .to otmpel tho manufacturer and vendor of the Imitation article to sell it for what It really Is, aud not attempt to tax It oat of existence. Tbe same rale would apply to in ferior butter, which, by the use of coloring matter, appears to belong to tho higher grade ot butter, when In fact, it is of the lower grade. It seems to me that lie who by artificial coloring of a very inferior article of butter, sells it in the market f »r the Hurst article, is a« much gnllty of fraud as he wbocolot* oleomargarine In like mauner, and sells It for butler, when it la so close an Imitation ttat thwo who use it cannot tell tho difference. I abould think there wonld beat much propriety In requiring the manufacturer and vendor or In ferior butter which, by coloring appears to bo the superior quality, to label it as “secoud class but ter, colored,” as there would be in requiring the vendor of oleomargarine to label It as such. The law against fraudulent imitation should, I think, be the same In both cases. . For these and oilier reasons which 1 might men tion, I cannot vote for this bill. The Payne Investigation. Washington, July 23.—[8pocial.]—The overwhelming vote by which tho asnato re* tor Payne wxe a surprise oven to hi* friends. They hid coanted on nlno republican votes, bnt when they received flfteen, with several others who were absent, paired In Senator Payne’s favor, they were both gratified and tnrprieed. Senator Payne had intended to conclude tho debate in his own behalf, and an interest ing expoeiton of Ohio politics was expected from him. After 8enator Kvsrts’s masterly effort in his behalf be concluded to let the caoo go to the senato without a word in hla own de fense. When the vote was announced Senator Payne was summoned and warmly congratu lated by frienda of both aides of the chamber. This vote Is a regarded aa a severe rebuke to Senator Sherman, who pushed the prosecution of Psyno with great vigor. Soon after voting Senntor Logan left tho senate and took thfl train for San Francisco, whither he goes to attend the meeting of the Grand Amy of the Bepnblic. It le expected that bis presi dential boom will be actively Inaugurated at tbat place. Mr. Sherman next spoke, Mr. Sowell oosn- pying the chair. Ue Tose, he said, to perform tho most dtaa- E rceablo duty of his Hie. During all tho timo e had been in this body ho had never had occasion to bring before the senate, tho politics of Ohio as distinguished from national nolltioi. In performing what he regardod a public duty to the people of Ohio, and particularly to tho republican people of Ohio, ho wonld do it In no spirit of unxlndness to his colleagne. He had known him (or had known of him) alnce he had strived at the age of manhood. Ho had always known him as a respected and honored citizen of Cleveland, regarded well by his neighbors, and he was glad to say that in this investigation, and in performing thit duty, bo should not have occasion to arraign his col league In the slightest degree. Ho bellovod that, by common consent, tho evidence show ed tbat whenever corruption occurred In the process of election, no knowledge of snch corruption wee brought to his colleagne. He believed also, sincerely believed, tbat if the Investigation wero granted his cal- league’s honor would not be tonohodbythe testimony that Srould be produced. Ho wished to sav, also, to tho senators from XTlInols. New York and Colorado (Logan. Evarts and Teller) that he had no sympathy whatever with the criticisms made upon thoso honored senators. Ho did not think that any of tho newspaper extracts read by Mr. Lo gan yesterday shewed any reflection on ’ their motives. As a matter of courts, newspapers were rnde and rough In their lengusge about public men; bnt if any body expected better treatment from nows* papers be wonld have to live in aa age ter re mote. It was the history of politios that ovary man in public life most be arraigned by the newspapers. If his honored friend from Illi nois were not so universally combative, ha wonld havo found that it wonld bo better not to combat newspapers, became he has not an opportunity of replying to them. Mr. Sherman then proceeded to re vie w the case at length, and to argue that enough had boon presented to the senato to warrant tho Inquiry recommend* ed by Messrs. Frye and Hoar. Mr. Sherman waa frequently Interrupted by Mr. Logan, and a running debate between these gentleman occurred over tho various points Involved. Mr, Sherman, In conclusion, ea(<l: Any view that I can take ot it, I boilers that iijis the duty of the senate of the United States (at It regards / its honor and the Allure of our own country) not. to lesro this matter in Its present condition to be believed by some end disbelieved by others; to be made the subject ofpartr contest and party chicanery-bnt that you should have a fair, foil accusatloi Ifthe< barges are false stamp these I or Ignominy. If they s you shall tbl Don. r ith the brand tree) deal with th. facta proven Juit and right. Mr. Euatla, u. a member or tho eenato committee ,lgnihythe majority report, felt it Incumbent on him to eay a few worde In eup- port of that report. Tho subject wae elao discussed by Meaare. Boar, Frye, Banlebary and Teller. The chair (Mr. Sewell) announced the ques tion to be on tho adoption of tho report or tbo majority of tho oommlttee. Mr. Boer mored es an amendment, tbat tba minority report, calling for an investigation, be adopted instead, Washington, July 23.—In tha eenato Mr. Blair made a long personal explanation In re gard to nawipaper charges tbat somo senator had charged a widow $200 for getting a pen sion claim through tba department. Mr. Blair said bo bad no reason to anppoao these newspaper reporta referred to him any more than to any other senator until ho bad been told by Senator Camden tbstthsy did refer to him (Blair) and were to the eflbct tbat while a member of the house, be had nude inch a charge for obtaining a pension for a widow. Mr. Blair axplained tbe transaction that ha had, before coming to congress, ob tained the award of a pension in question and that tha transaction waa concluded by hts law partner, and tha money collected by hia partner after Mr. Blair come to congreet That a charge of a hundred dollars. If not two hundred, had been made, bnt tbat the woman refused to pay and has nerar paid anything. Mr. Blair mored tbat tha matter and all tha papers presented by blm be referred to tho committee on prirtleges and election*. Mr. Kenna remarked that, as far as b* knew, no on* bad eappoaad or Intimated that then wee eay criminality In tha senator’s ac tion. To ba equally frank, bowarar, ha wonld state that It struck him, and those who bad taken any Interest in tha matter, that tha case presented a question of much Interest in view of the wholesale and Indiscriminate at tacks of tha senator from New Hampshire upon tho president In connection with bis pension vetoes. It waa perhaps somewhat re markable that a widow who had lost her only HD in tbo army and whoaa husband was de mented. should hare an attachment laid npon her Jlttla farm, forreeh services rendered to her. Tbat was regarded aa a matter of tome Interest. The Hirer anil Harbor BIU. Washington, July 23-Tho conferees on the river end harbor appropriation bill had another long session last night without Arriv ing at any streemeat. Five of ths amend ments made by the senatei form the main ob- eltcle in the conference. Tbeeoare Items for the improvement of tbe Potomae flats. Now \ork naibor, Handy bay, the purchase of Tr •l’ 1 '’ c * D f | , * n d the construction oftho Hennepin canal. Although but $2,000,- 000 are appropriated for these Improvement?, yet the undertaking of the work wonld Ii? I?lve an nltlmate total appropriation of $20,0(0,000. and as the house had not had an opportunity of passing on tho items, the con ferees on the part of the house haveSdeterm- ined to report back a disagreement in order to test tho sense of tho body on tho amendments Inqueatlon. Washington, Jnly 21.—Another Ineffect- usl.conference wss had this evening en the rlvi the two house* arc is fer apart as over on too Hen-' Iiei-ln canal, Bandy bay and the Portage lake canal amendments made In Ibe bill by tbe collate. Hit probable lhatanotber effort will be maSoby tbe home conferees to teat tho sense of the home ?“ amendments before entertain ing the Ides of conceding points at feme. There la every prospect ofa compromise on tbo New York nsruor iten. The Fight on Flta-John Porter. The enemies of Fits John Porter havo not exhausted their spleen. They will oppose the confirmation of hia appointment to tho retired ■1st of tho army with tho aamo bitterness which has characterised their entire opposition to hie resaoretfon. Senator Logan will not be here to lead the attack of Porter in executive •easlon, but Senators Harrison and Uandoreon will do all in their power to retud hie inevita ble confirmation. His friends in tha renato ere determined to eecnre favorable action be- fore congreis adjourns. The Morrison ftesolntlon. The Morriaon resolution to reduce tho trots- ury has received such an overwhelming in dorsement from the press and peopls in nil parts of the country that those who at first opposed it most obstinately are now consider- Ing only how they can modify its provision*. It will bo reported favorably to the ienate ■ with an amendment increming tbe amount to bo retained in the treasury from one bnndred millions to ono bnndred ud thirty million* Tbe house will accept such an amendment, and in this abspe the president will, it le thought, surely approve the resold tion. It will not, of course, meet tbe approval of Treasurer Jordan ud the other treasury officials who havo amnmed tho airs of elootatorshlp on this wholo question. ______ Washington Gossip. Washington, July 10.—Apropos of the •harp personalities that paaaed between Sena- store Miller and Ingalla today In tha dlaeni- •ion of the oleomargarine bill, gentlemen who ere said to bo famllllar with theclrcuinstances explain that in hie boyhood Hr. Ingalla waa at one time a peddler, bnt that Mr. Miller was wholly Ignorant of that fact when he attribu ted to Ifr. Iogella an aptitude for that kind ofhniineia. Mr. Ingalla, of course, supposes Mr. Miller was aware of the circumstances, and had twitted him npon tho fact inten tionally. The eenato hill authorising the construction of bridges across Tonneaeeo and Cumberland riven by the Ohio Valley railroad company, waa passed. Also across Flint river, Georgia, by the Amerlcua Preston ud Lnmpbln railroad company; serosa tbe Tsnncaaeo river at Chattanooga; across Hr, Augustine river, Georgia; across the Tennessee river at Sheffield, Ala.; acroai tbe Biabee river at Jackson, Ala. Wakbingtiin, Jnly 20.—What is said to bo the text of tbo new extradition treaty between tbe United States ud Grant Britain, now pending In the ienate, ia published today. Tha convention extends the provisions of article ten of the treaty of 1842 to four crimes not thereto named, as follows: Manslaughter, burglary, emberudeiucnt or larceny Involving the amoant o!$50or £10, ud malleioae Inju ries to property, whereby tbe life of uy porson shall bo endugerad, if inch Injuries constitute a crime according to tbo laws of both ronntrlea. It ia also provided that tho provisions of article ten shall apply to persons convicted of erlmes named In the treaty of 1842 ud the now convention, as well as to thoso charged before trial with thacommlaalon of them. Tho convention is not ratoraotive. No surrender Is to bo demuded for political offense, ud no trial la permitted for uy other ofibnse than one for which the extradition la requested until tho parson extradited has had an opportunity to return to tho atato by which ha waa surrendered. Washington, July 21.—Tho eecratary of tbe interior today rent to the aanato there- C irt of Fred H. Wynn, special ageat oftho nth causes, on tho defective, dependent ud delinqutnt classes. It shows tbe total num ber of ptieonera confined In Jslts, workhouse and penltentiarlre in tbe United States In 1880 to bo 58,0011, ol which 53.004 were males and 5,000 ftmalea: 45.802 native ud 12,808 foreign- erm 41,881 whites, end 10,748 colored. Tbs number of prisoners to each ono million of population is glvsn as 1,009, In 1870 it was 863. Tbo nnmbor of losano persons waa 01,- 950, or 1,834 for sach ono million of popula tion. In 1870 tba total mi 37,432, or 071 for eaob million. Tba number of homeless chil dren of sixteen years ud nnder in 1880 waa 67,423, of which 30,171 ware males ud 27,252 females. The numbar of idiot* receiving apo dal training h H08. This class has increased from 24,527 in 1870 to 70,805 in 1880. In the former year the ratio was 638 to each one million of population, and in tha latter yesr it wae 1,633. The total number of blind in the United States in 1880 we* 481828, or 070 in eeeb 1,000.000 of population, Tne number of blind receiving Initrnellen wae 4,604. Tbo number of deaf melee reported to bevo re ceived special instruction In the various Insti tutions for tba dtaf and dumb is 12,164. Tho numbar of outdoor paupers in 1880 la given aa: Miles, 10,290: females, 11,305: 17,002 are ns- tin a and 3,603 forelgnera; 10,328 white and 2,257 colored. The number of almehoaae pau pers wee: Males, 35,501; females, 30,830, of which 37,603 were white and fi,717 colored. Washington, Jnly 24.—[SpeciaLl—It is tho general hope tbat congress may adjourn one week from Mondey. Both house* were hard at work all day and nntll nearly midnight. Tba conference oommlttee will sit Sunday ud try to present tbe remaining business in good shape on Monday morning. Everything de pends on tbe unite, but there is no good rea son why ono more weak ahonld not flnleh, CRIMEN FOR CONGRESS. LaGxangk, Os., Jnly 20.—(Spectal.l—Tbe ot Taylor county, •*,S!»tirasn,jrod t jti t onci call of < Hon* Al • arroll dividing her veto between Fannin and tion. It was a very harmonious cenyonfioo. CARLTON FOIt CONGRESS. Atiius, Go., Jnly 20.—[SpeciaL]- The dem ocratic congressional convention met Mrs today to —* *n from ti:o etahtn coogree* vtnlloo wss tuM in 0u- cbkiimso. Upon tha lint ballot Carlton « Insled by 22 toli Coloosl Jordon, of Hancock, • Keeae dsltgete, then mored to auks the nom na tion untoimous. This waa seenuded brUt. Wmg- Ifeld. oI Putnam, sfeo a Keese nun. The nutfen wea carried, and Mr. Carl too wee unanl moody notrl rated. Tbo Iteeoo minilook It very quietly, while Camon’i Mend* are Jubilant. Recorder Andereon has reused etmatoreeUMS bronchi before blm under ebsne of rloIsUng pro- llllllpli eajuldtanr.utho taller take It es u Indication that the taw will be tnforced.