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8 GROVER’S MESSAGE To the Fiftieth Congress of the United states. RECEIVED WITH FAVORABLE COMMENT Washington, December 15. —The senate Chamber wore a frosh and tasteful appearance this morning. The floors and galleries were newly carpeted and desks glistened in their coat of varnish, the odor of which mingled faintly with that of bouquets and gorgeous floral devices which enlivened the picture. The senator most favored In the matter of flowers was Mr. Daniel, of Virginia. The de vices were all of mammoth proportions and covered not only his desk and chair, but over lapped ujwn the desks of his neighbors. A huge horseshoe, a ladder of a half dozen rounds and a shield comprising the coat-of nrniH of Virginia was chief among the pieces. TJie senators began to arrive and take their scats before 11 o’clock, Senators Stewart and Iliscock being the first corners. The galleries wore early crowded and to overflowing. Mrs. Cleveland, clad in a cos tume of dark green, and accompanied by Mrs. Gilder, Mrs. Kingsford and several other lady friends, occupied seats reserved for the family of the president in one of the private galleries. The diplomatic gallery was filled by members of tho various legations, the front scat la ing occupied by the Chinose minister, his secreta ries and associates. The minister wore a mag- < nificent rolio of light blue satin and his com panion < wore clad as richly, though in more subdued colors. The following papers worn, thereupon, sub mitted and read : Certificate of the governor i of Florida, making the temporary appoint- i inonl of .1. .1. Finlay, as senator from tho lili | of March, 1887, until the legislature should 1 fill tlio vacancy caused by the expiration of i the term of Senamr Jones, ('ertificatc. oi‘the i governor of Floridaof the election, by the legislature of Samuel FiiS'-o, certilicatcs of the I governor of New Jersey of the eleciion of Itu- t fus Blodgett, of the governor of West Vir- i ginia, of the unpointiiK nt, by him. of Daniel 1 .11 Lucas,to iillitho vnneacy caused by thc< xpi ration of the term of Senator Camden, ami i of the governor of West Virginia of a sum- t maty of the proceedings i>y which the. legislature, in special soislon. elected < barbs J. Faulkner as senator to fill the vacancy; tlio credentials of William E, f’bandler; protest of Daniel If. Lucas i ngainsl the administration of the oath of oflice to Charles .1. Faulkner. Tim grounds of pro test nro: First, that the executive of the slate 1 of West Virginia has not certified the election | of Charles .1. Faulkner under se tl of I lie. state, as required by the act of congress. Second, for i the reasons sol out in the, brief of Daniel B. Lucas, a cony of which aecompmiied the pro test. Third, bocaaso Charles J. Faulkner was at the time and state of his alleged election, on the sth of May, 1887, judge of the 13th judicial t district of West Virginia, and, therefore, inoli- < giblc to the ollie© of senator. KfESEH IN I HE HOUSE. Washington, Du<ember s.—Long before . the hour of noon the galleries of the 1 house wore crowded to their utmost capacity with_apcrtat<>ra drawn together to witness the ] opi ujjig scenes of the new congress. Ladies were in the majority and their gay costumes lent an air of animation to the chambers. At noon the clerk of the house called the body to order, and was about to call the roll, when a crank in the gallery started A SALVATION AHMY HYMN, which ho Kang lustily until ejected by a door- 1 keeper, which was nut until several minutes hart < lapsed, as the crowd impeded the official 1 in his attempt to reach the musician. 1 Tlie pages were kept busy carrying be- i luted bouquets and floral designs to proper re- i cipients. Among the bandsonm,st deigns was i one presented to Mr. Lawler, of Illinois. It vtiin a, tablet of roses on which was inscribed, in mirplo immortelles, ‘ Labor’s Champion.” 'the vote resulted as follows: Total num ber of vubs cast old: im- Curlis) 16.1; for Reed, US: for Brumm of Bcnnsylv;!. la, 2. Os the four Independents Andeismi,of "an, vot’d for CaiM.slc; Nichols of North Carolina and Smith of Wis-< nsin, for Brumm, while Hop- , kins, of Virginia did not vote. The speaker rapped the house to order and ( addressed the members as follows: Gentlemen of the house of Representatives:—ln assuming for tho th rd time duties of the laborious and r spun..iMe office for which you have just i cbi>-<ii id. 1 do ircio lender my grateful thinks i for the distinguished favor eon hired, and to assure you II will be my conMiuit endeavor to justiiy ihc eoutbleuce expres, e«l in me by a lair mid im parllal administration ol* the law governing your 1 pror. < dlu m. N<« leu th of service in this trying 1 position can ever enable an incumbent to begin allots of a new term without an oppressive feeling of einbitriHssmcnt and apprehension. In hi-1, experience in this place Increases rat her ’ than diminishes the sense of personal official re- ’ B|x>iihibility. and I can, therefore, sav, without as -1. ctathm, thatou no previous ouvhmuu have J un- j derlaken the dis. hntgv of my duly here with less ( loiiiidvnre in my own ea|Mi<Jty to discharge tLe.n well, or with so strong a feeling of dependence un the .-upport us others. None of us can hope tu sat lst\ thvjuM expectations of our respective con stituents, or to discharge the full measure of our re Upon-ah Lty to the public at largo, unless we enter ou the important and difficult work before us with n dvlurndmulon to cultivate a spirit of forbearance imd conciliation, nnd to assist, each"other al all times m tn< uminlcm.nee of order and decorum) I u our proceeding*. lu ins vitons "to* promote the prompt mid rogu'ar transa ion of public buslnes, the pivsldiug ull'u u of a l .uiy like 1 Ins i • almost entirely dependent upon th© co op oration ul gentlemen on the fluor mid His a very great in cement to me to know from pas’ exj er.< uce that ho can always re y upon your m t V ’ Mtpport when Im is right, iiihlvii y.mr kind uni* 1 ur ewnwhen he is wrong I shall doubtless have ireqiivut m c udon to invoke your in dulgence, but I tv» ( you will never huve.int cuure to comp »dn licit t lifs been nbt:•••<!. There lais Kern rely ever been a time in our history when the continue I | rospe:ity of the country depended so largely on ivi'.islaiioh in e< n uess as now, tor the lea 'H tiihl the dangers which al this time threaten e uumen ml anil industrial inter ests of the people : ic the direct results olbhixvs wh ch c u'one <un modify and repeal. Neither the executive dvpar’mcnt of the gvip’-al government nor local authorities of the m veral h ates, can deal etlectivily with the situation which imw v.'iitionts us. Whm> \<u h dond must bo done lure, mid it nothing is done, the i\sponsibilily must r.'st hme. It must b” evident to < very one v, ho has lakru even a partial survey of public allairs, tlmt I the time has no a come when a icvtsion ufmn rc\e- ■ liuv laws nnd a reduction ol taxation is absolutely | necessary in order i »| r.wnt the Inland un .ver- I Oils a. eumu’.atam of nio my in theirvas, ry. Whether { this on -.iit, or ought not to have been done hereto- i lore, is a question w hich it would l e uaclcxs now t > dIMUHM. it i- >uffi ient for ub to know that the financial Ciiniuion oftiie; overnnu nt and the private busim s o: the people alike demand the p ompt considera tion of these subi. cis and tin- speedy euarimcnt ot Borne Miltiluntiai invaMU'C of relief. I nfoitumitcly wo me iiu’.'.a eJ by danger-. ■ om opposite dir « dans. I White a policy of non a lion must inevitably ■. Boonvr or later, in sv; u>u* injury to the country, we | Cannot Im? unmindful ol Um fact that hasty mid in- | coiisiderat legislation u i sut’jvcis mow or h*s us I i'vctiug I artinma tnl ant iudUßtriaiintewstti might ’ produce, temp >rajilv nt ba t. dixunbanc-’s tHid ’ cmt'ar:a»MHieni» winch am.ao prudent wmm would | entirely avoid. Thu invvdmeut made by labur i employed in nume.ous and ya'uablu industriv> which have grown up under our present system of taxat'on ought iwt l<» 1< rueviy dislurlei by slid- i den an I rani, u* chutq < - in the no'biy to w in h tin y i have a Rusted th him Tvs; bid luuju.*4 deunuuk of , an*»ver lu\ t t»eople, and the obviuu- inquire- I inents of e.ii.-incial m tiers, cannot entirely be | gnu«ed without e?ri< ndy ni.ietdu.,, a much greater ; inn! mote v. .de y extend d nimrru than any that | could 5 o -ibly be injurious!. aCbc*cd by a nuAlerate ' hug reduction of duties. No pan of our ' is u»le mo more im.nc lintoly i r vitally Interested ' hi the iMUtinuauce of tinmwlal pwwqnjr.iy than those who ln‘ or tbr Upon them and j their ftunties must always fall the ; nt vd ditwi t oub c tisequvnres us a mone\ ' cr.s.s rn t ttwy. too. me always last to real ire Hie < b- uetit ot a return to uro-;n rOUB times. Their wages I arc iibtiiy $ first to :a’i w Leu a crisis cumo and tnc I last to r.M’ w hru i. ; in ay. Our eftbrt should | l»e to h *o: I i v.«■‘♦a y rein f t»»adl without tnjury to I the iuteti s o: any and. therefore, that a course of Ivgialalnni ahouln i prism d which wfl! guarantee I the la'■ string p ,v ot the country main«t the j»malyxmg <‘tie« t u a . neral and i nffimgej fuiau- ’ ciul dej're-sion. at 1m im- -,inw time not interfere ' with I v r-tuiidy eanphnum i t or deprive them of any pan o the just reward- their til. It tins ci n t»e done wwl I ’- li<\c i. can it our dcliber.it o »> arc condueled w ith wlmlimu mid pa’.rr oiisin, w . htl • giavityuf the situation detmnids, ’ this cohgrixs will i H\v<au<* to congratulate list If i on an w 1 J vcmeut n ! i< h i r umsea an i pros < > mtn .• many yeamtooohMk raw rtmiuk' mu u* <t u d.b.d - nncwbnt out us the 1 t : p 1 , - i. i ent nly |x rtinvut to the ■cc .!■ n. Liu I 14. i you will v.\ctu>c Weil), gentivm.c, lxe«u>< they* relate to subjects, t x °“il- < .met Hon of the qina ..ms wLi h th* a v , . ,n Vl .he m .vd land the talc nut ‘ .1 iwi.ia al parties, but wi.at 1“ far | 11.*r- nr<- rt • t the p-rmafiKi.t vcilfare of the j u .r' t luU 11 * 1 ’ 1,1 “cnel ixuiMiiuvncy in the . DU- IhiV'. 'V 1 ' IU f° r |Ue , U- I .*u j uvuv.*u,v t a. w» wiiiUiyuuhaveu»aigned I THE MEEKLY CONSTITUTION, ATLANTA, GA.. TUESDAY. DECEMBER 13. 1837. me, nnd without attempting tn detain you further, we will proceed to complete the organization of the Louse. READING THE MESSAGE. Washington, December 6.—[Special.]—The president’s message created a genuine sensa tion today. In the house and senate its rend ing was listened to with the greatest interest, not over thirty minutes being consumed by the clerk. Mr. Randall gave to the reading the closest attention, and then betook himself to the printed copy. Mr. Mills, of Texas, being asked about the message, said, “splendid; it could not possibly be better.” Mr. Randall refused to express an opinion at present, declaring that he intended to give it a more careful reading. Mr. Springer believed that the principles enunciated in the document woula become planks in the next democratic platform. Mr. Crisp thought the message one that was likely to give general satisfaction to the coun try at large. Mb Townshend said that it was the best message that had ever been read to congress— that eatery sentence went to the heart of the wood. Mr. Buchanan, of the republicans, smiled with satisfaction and said, “Well, it puts the democrats on record, and we have got them now where we have wanted them for a long time.” Dr. Carlton agreed w ith the principles of the message in everything save as to tlie internal revenue tax. lie wanted it understood that bo was against that, first, last and all the time. Mr. McKinley, of the republicans, thought it was taken from the records of the Cobden club nnd was ironically effusive in his pro testations of pleasure. The nomination today of L. Q. C. Lamar for supreme court judge, Postmaster General Vilas for secretary of the interior, and Dick inson for postmaster general were no surprise to the people .or th* 1 country. It was antici pated. Tho nominations were not confirmed j by the senate, but will probably be confirmed within ten days. They were sent to tho com mit b-.e under the rules. There is some talk to-night about taking Lamar from tin cabinet, and putting him on the bench, leaving nosouthern rupn sent itive in the cabinet, but t'nis talk is counterbalanced by the positive as- i<i«m that Mr. Lamar would not h;« *• be* n disturbed at. all. Lad it not bi-.eii at his request. It is generally known that the president regardshim as one of the foremost men and statesmen in the country, 'i’here is some doubt express* <1 as to the con firmuiion of Mr. Lamar, owing to his age, but it is confidently asserted (hat being an ex scnator, ami having very many friends in that body, ho will certainly go through. Washington, December 0 —The senatcand house roue sod soon after meeting, to await tho presld* nt’s message. At 1; 10 o'clock the senate reassembled and the message was read. The Message. Following is the message: To tho Congress of the United States* You are confronted, at the threshold of your legislative duties, with a condition of the national finances, which imj erfttivcly demands immediate and care ful eoiuiidt ration. The amount of money annually exacted through the uponition of the present laws, from the industries and necessities of the people, largely exceeds the sum ne c-snry to meet the ex penses of the government. When we consider that the theory ot the institutions guaianteca to every citizen the enjoyment of all the fruit of ids industry mid enterprise with only such deduction as may be his share towards the careful and economical nia'iitenaneo of the government which pro tects him, It is plain that the exaction of more than this is indefensible extortion and a c il pablo betrayal of American fairness and justice. This wrong inflicted upon those who bear the bur den of national taxation, like other wrongs multi plies a brood of evil consequences. The public treas ury, which should only exist as a conduit convey ing th© people’s tribute to its legitimate object of expenditure, becomes a hoarding place for money needlessly withdraivn from trade ami the people's u e, thus crippling our national energies, suspend ing our country's dovel >pment, preventing invest meat in productive enterprise,threatening financial <1 >(urbum*e and iuviting suhemo.’i of public pluuder. Thiscmidltl' n (.four treasury is 11 >t altogcth r new, ami it has more than once of 1 itc been submitted to the people's representatives In the congress who alone can apply u remedy, and yet the situation still continues with luvravated incidents, more than ever presaging fl.i mcial convulsion ami widespread d'saster. Il will not du to neglect this situation be cause its dangers are not now palpably imminent and api'urent, t hey exist none the less certainly, and await the unforeseen ami unexpected occasion, w hen suddenly they will be precipitated upon us. On tho UUth day of June, ISSS, the excess of rev enues over public expenditures, after complying with the aunt al requirement of the sinking fund, wa-tl7,S''.i,7:is.M; during the year ended June3o, lss(», tu h wee s amounted to S-tP,405..M5.20; nnd during the year ended June 30, 1837, it reached the Mini of d. The du .mil contribution to tho sinking fund dur ing the three ycais alove specified, amounting, in the aggregate to 058,320.91, and de looted from the surplus, as stated, were made by calling in lor that purposo outstanding three percent bonds of the government. During the six months prior to June'3o, 1887, the surplus revenue had grown so large by repeated accumulations, and it was io ired the withdrawal of this great sum of money needed by the people, would so afreet the business of the countiy that tho sum of tf7‘.’,Nd,l(X) of such surplus w n applied 10 the 1 aymentoftl.eprincipal and inter c.-tol tin? thru? per cent bonds still outstanding, stud which were then payable at the option of the gov ernment. The previous condition of financial affairs among th<‘ still needing reli t, immediately after the Join day of June, 1887, tue remniml rof the thn e |u r cont bonds li en outstanding, amounting with |.»i incipal and inter..'-1 to the sum us ,sCn>, wcn 'ealle Lin and applie 1 totheidnking fund C 'Utri butiou for il e eurient fixe i uj>on. Notw itbsianding these nclioiK of the treasury department, repre sentations of distre>s in business circles nut only ecnlinuc L but I", re.:, e l. ami absolute peril seemed at han 1. In these circumstances tho contribution to the saiking turn! lor the rm rent fiscal year was al once completed l*y the expenditure of &27,6<1 1 28’>.5.> in the pme! a- of government bonds, not yet due. Waring fouriui 1 four and a half per cent interest, the premium paid thereon averaging about twenty four per cent u»r the former nnd eLiht per cent for the latter. In add lion to this the intered accruing du.ihgt.ie cunei.t ’ocaijbear upon the outstand ing bonded imL'htedntss of tho government w .l> tosa.iM extvn , anticipated, ami banks st .eel * las <i p • t i >of publlemom y wen* permitted to s mew i ut increase I heir deposits, while the expe d'entß thus vmpl yed to release to the people the money lyin . :dk m the treasury served to avert im r.iedu.tu dangers. But surplus revenues hav<‘ con tinued to accumulate, the exi oss tor the present year amount.ng. on the first day of De. ember, to L> ~B.’. j . I'.', Hildas, iumted to reach the sum ot S 11,- OUc.uX’o 1 the .’>Oth of June next, nt which date it is ex)n'vtc I that this sum added to prior accumula tions will uw’ell tbv surplus in the treasury to 8110,- 00,000 There seems to b? no assurance that, with Mich a withdrawal from use us the 1 eople’s cireu! it Ing medium our business community may not. in the near lUture. be subjected to the same distress w hich w as quite Lit‘ly produced from tho same cause and while tho furn iture* oG tv national treiuury should la? few and simple, and w hile its best condition would b«' teaclivd. I belli vc. by its entire diseonneetiou with , private bus ness interests, yet w hen, by a perversion | of its purposes, it iiHy holds money uselessly sub i traced frpin the channels of trade, there soeius to 1 be reason tor the < hum that some legitimate means I should bo devised by the government to restore, In I an enu rceney, w ithout waste or extraxa■•auve, such . money to its plceu iuuuug the people. i In Mich an emergency arises there now exists no . clear and und übted exevntric j>Qwer 01 relief. : Heretofore the (redemption of three per cent bonds j which woru payalJvHttho option ofthe govern I rnent, has oticre I a means of the disbursement of thr ev>\js nt our revunnea: but these bunds have ■ ail b eu retired and there are nobomis out^anding, the pavment of which wehnvenrVJH t.» insist 1 up >n. The eont; itmtion t »tho sinking fund, which j finnislh s the omiM.m for e«|»onditure in the pur- I eleiseof bomb. Las been ahculy imide for the cur- I rent yea; so that therei> no outlay in that direc- I tion. lu the present state of legislation the only vre -1 t' iiso <>f my existing executive power to restore, at I this time, any part of our surplus revenues to tho ; peoi'le by its expeinhu.reevus ssinthe supposition the secretary ot the treasury may enter th© j umrk' t mid puivha c the l ends us the government ' not yet due, ala rate of premium to be agreed upon. ' The only provision of law from which such a i»owvr ■ could l»e ilurivvd is louud in an appropriation Lull • packed a number of year* n o; and it is subject to I the Mitplciuu that it WHS iiUcudu lush uqM.w»r\ and hmiled ui iu lappr.cat.uu, iuslead of confeiimg a ' coniinuhu d’serett »n a”.d mith■•rity. NocondltuMi ought to <x.st which would justify the grant of j power to a sing'e offlei d np »n his Judgment of it nce< stv to w iihholu tYom or rel> a ' to the bus • | nexsofthei'oopiu. tn an uniremd manner, money held in th. -,r. asury and thus efect. at his will, the tiliam i d‘•.t .-ttioa of t u C ’.uitry, and it it is v ‘ to lodge in the heen trry ol the treasure tl o ; authority, in the present juncture, to purchase . bonds, u should : p'.ainly \. . i;d. and provided, ©< 1 far : s iMXvdhle, with s u b choeksand limitations «' wdHie.im llwsodaml > ri -l.t and direret*.. n a . I at the same time relict u lam ftvm uudue jc.q'oiui In condd. nt on of tho question of purchasing I bon 1< a «ineanß of r - o’iug to the rtreulaUon the 1 snip u- in ucy ham .mulati: g in Uet vasury. 11 ; b Luu id lx burn© Lu unud that premiums mu t, us I course, be paid upon such purchase, that there may b»! a large part of these loads held es investments which cannot lx; purchased at any price, and that combinations among holders who arc willing to j sell may unreasonably enhanc' the cost of such bonds to the government. It has been suggested I that the present bonded debt might l»e refun led at ■ a less rate of interest, ami the di Herei. e bet w een ! the old and new securities, in cash, thus finding use for tho surplus in the treasury. 1 The success of the plan.it is apparent, must do i pend upon the volition of the holders of the present tx>r.d<i, and it is not entirely certain that the induce ment which must be offered wouldresi.lt in more financial benefit to the government th n the pur chase of bonds, while the latter projG.-iu n would reduce the principal ot the debt by actual payment instead of extending it. The preposition to deposit the money held by the government in bonds throughout the country for use by the people, is, it sic ns to mo, cxcee lingly objectionable in principal as establishing bx> close a relationship between the operations or the government treasury and the business of the country, and too extensive a collec tion of their money, thus fostering an unnatural re liance in private business of public funds. If this scheme should lx* adopted, it should only be done as a temporary expedient to meet an urgent necessity. Legislative and ex© nitive effort should generally Imj in the opposite direction, and should have a tend ency to divorce as much, and as fust, as can (safely be done, the treasury department from private en terprise. Os course it is not expected t hat unnecessary and extravagant appropriations will be made for the pur pose of avoiding tnc accumulation of an excess or revenue. Such expenditure, be-ide the demoraliza tion of all just conceptions of public duty which it entails, stimulates a nabit of reckless improvidence not in the least consistent with the mission of our peopl •or the high and beneficent purposes of our government. I have deemed it my duty to thus bring t > the knowledge of my countrym- ri, as well as to the attention of the re pres an tat Ives charged with the responsibility of legislative relief, the privity of our financial situation. The failure of the congress heretofore to provide against the danger which it was quite evi dent the very nature of the difficulty must neces sarily produce, caused a condition of financial dis tre -. and apprehension, since your la*-tadjournment, w hich taxed to the utmost all the authority and ex pedients within executive cmtrol; and these ap j> ?ar now t» be exhausted. If disaster rc.sul's from the continued inaction of congress, the responsibil ity must rest where it belongs. Though the situa tion lhu< far considered is fraught with danger which should be fully realized, and though it presents features w rong to the people, ns well ?.s peril to the coun try, it. is Lui a result growing out of a perfectly pal pable and apparent caurc. constantly reproducing the same alarming circumstances—a congested na tional tr< usury and a depleted monetary condition in tn • bis-iae-' of the country. It need hardly be stated that while the present s;tmtfon demands a remedy, we can only be saved from a like predica ment ii the future by the removal of its cause. Our scheme of taxation, by means of which this nced> less surplus is taken from Uie people and put into the public treasury, consists of a tariff or duty levied upon the importations from abroad and internal revenue taxes levied upon the consumption of to bacco and spirituous and m lit liquors. REVISION <>F THE TARIFF. Jt must be conceded that none of the things sub jected to internal revenue taxation are, strictly speaking, necessaries; there appears to be no just complaint of this taxation by the consumers of these articles, and there seems to benothing so well able to bear the burden without hardship to any l>ortlon of the people. But our in es.mt tariff laws, the vicious, inequitable and illogical source of un necessary taxation ought to be at once revised and amended. These laws In their primary and plain effect raise the price to consumers of all articles im ported and subject to duty by precisely the sum paid for such duties. Thus the amount of the duty measures the tax paid by those who purchase for use those Inijnirted articles. M uiy of these things, however, are raised or manufactured in our own country, and the duties now levied upon for eign goods and products are called protection to these home manufactures, because they render it possible for those of our people who nn manufac turer, to make these taxed articles and sell them for a price equal to that demanded for the imported SI,OOO IN COLD GIVEN AWAY! On January 1 st we will give our subscribers SI,OOO in Gold in this way The name of every subscriber sent in between now and January Ist will be put in a box; the box shaken; a name taken out by an agent blindfolded. That name gets SSOO in Gold I Tho box is shaken and another name taken out. That name gets $200; tho next $1 00, and so on. We make two guarantees about these presents: First. They cost you nothing. You subscribe for the paper, pay the regular price, getting the cheapest, best, biggest American paper. In addition, you get your name in our box. Whoever gets the SSOO will get it is a free present. 2d. Every subscriber’s chance is equal. We do not care who gets the presents. They may go to Maine or Texas. The box will be shaken an hour, and the names turned over and over. A hole is then cut and a name pulled out. That gets SSOO. Shaken again and another name—for s2oo—and so on. These are pure and simple presents—part of our profits that we give you back. Now DON’T subscribe just to get the presents. Study the paper carefully. You will see it is the biggest, best and cheapast paper in the world. Take the paper for the paper’s sake. You will be sure to get your money’s worth. Some one will get SSOO besides. It may be you. If so it will be just picked up, and you will be all the happier because you didn’t expect it. Only one thing is important—sub scribe at once. Don’t delay. goods that have paid custom’s duty. So it happens that while comparatively few use these imported articles, millions of our people, who never use and never saw any of the foreign products, purchase and use things of the same kind made in this country a;id pay therefor nearly, or quite, tho same enhanced price which the duty aids tithe imported articles. Those who buy im parts pay the duty charged thereon into the public treasury, but the great majority of our citizens who buy domestic articles of the same class, pay a sum at least approximately equal to the duty to the home manufacturer. This reference to the operation of our tariff’laws is not made byway of instruction, but in order that we may lie con stantly remindol of the manner in which they im puse a burden upon those who consume domestic products as well as those who consume Imported ar tich s, and thus create a tax upon all our people. It is not proposed to entirely relieve the countiy of this taxation. It must be extensively continued ns the source of the government’s income: and in a readjustment of our tai iff the interests of American labor engaged in manufacture should be carefully con-ddered, as well as the preservation ot our manu factures. It may be called protection, or by any other name, but relief from tnc hardships anti dan gers of o ir present tariff laws should be devised with especial precaution against imperilling the existence ot uur manufacturing interests; but this existence should not mean ft condition which, without regard to the public welfare, or a national exigency, must always insure the realization of immense profits in stead of moderately profitable returns. As the vol ume and diversity of our national activities in crease. new recruits are added to those who desire a continuation of the advantages which they conceive the present systemof tariff taxation directly affords them. Stubbornly, have all efforts to reform the present condition been resisted by those of oar fel low citizens (thus engaged, that they can hardly complain of the suspicion entertained’ t > ascertain that there exists an organized eombintaion all along the line to maintain their advantage. We are in ti e midst of centennial celebrations, and with Incoming pride we rejoice iu American skill and ingenuity; in American energy and cn leruri*©. and in the wonderful natural advantages and resources developed by a century's natural growth. Yet when an attempt is made to justify a scheme winch permits a tax to lie laid uj»on every consumer in the land for the benefit of our manu facturers. quite beyond a reasonable demand for governmental regard, it suits the purp» s s of advo c.iuytocali our manufacturers infant industries, slid Deed'ng the highest and greater degree of favor and fostering care that can l*e wrung from federal legislation. It is also said that the increase in the price of do mestic manufactures, resulting from the present tariff, isn©c-s«ury in order that higher wages nifty be ptitd tu our workingmen, employe I in manufac tories than is paid for what is called th© pauper labor of Europe. All will aekuowfe Ige the force of an argument which involves the welfare and liberal coiupcnsution of <U“ laboring juxipfe. Our labor is honorable tn the eyes of every American citizen, and as it lies at the foundation of our development and progress, nis entitle*!, without affectati n or hy pucrisy, tu the utmoA regard. The standard of our lalMtrvr should not be measured by that of any other country less favored, and they arc entitled to their full share of all our advantages. By the last c<.iißUS if was made to appear that of the 17.itiXi.0ih) of our ix>|»ulaUon engaged in all kinds of industries iv < ; rv employed in agriculture, *?’" 111 V IO ‘ k ss i‘ oal nnd p-rs nal servL 0 876« q wliom are domestic servants an I laborers,) while 1.810.2 <• ar©employed in trade and transpor tation and l\B ,112 arc classed u* employed in man ufacturing and mining. For prescut purposes, however, the hist number given should l»o onridt rably reduced. Without at tempting to enumerate all. it will be (.xmceded that th ie should le iledmtid Horn those whi-’h it in clude carpenters and joiners; 2<«. KM m.lli ne s. dressmakers and seamstress 12 .2 . black sn.\ith - «bd tailotuse-; 10..'. 173 ina- and i.v l engaged in uumv.faeturiug »-. r c dturnl implements, aggregate to 1.2H.02L leaving 2 623.080 persons employe I in such manufacturing Industrie as are claimed lu be lieuefiled by a high tariff. Io thes ‘ the atqeul > xn.idc tu s i\c theiremplov meld and maintain their wage* bv resisting ’a dung? Ti.en should le no di<;vs ti »n to auswer mi h mi. gestio vi bv the allegation that they nre in a minority among iho-e wbo labor, and. tuerefore. should lurego an alvanlageiu the iinur«*s; u: low prnco k«r the m«qurdy| ihe.r cuujpcuMUion, as it may be affected by the operation of tariff laws should a‘ all tun s be scrupulously kept in view; and yet, with slight reflec’ion, they will not overlook the fact that they ar? consumers w ith the rest; that they, too, have iheirow n w ants and those of their families io supply from their earnings, and that the jiiif ES of the neceFsirics of life, as well as the amount of their wages, will regulate the measure of their welfare and comfort, but the reduction of taxa tion demanded should be so measured as not to ne cessitate or justify either the loss of employment by the workingman nor the lessening of his wages, and the profits still rema ning loathe manufacturers alter a necessary adjustment, should furnish no excuse for t?ie saeriii'-eof the interests of his employe*, either in their opjxntunity to work or in the diminitimi of their compensation. Nor can the workers in manufactories fail to understand that while a high tariff is claimed to be necessary to allow' the payment of remunerative wages, it certainly results in a very large increase in the price of nearly all sorts of manufactories, which in almost countless forms he needs for the use of himself und his family. He receives at the desk of his employers his wages, and parhaj* before he reaches his home is obliged in a purchase for family Use of an article which cm braccs his own labor, to return in the jayment of the increase in price which the tariff permits, the hard earned compensation of many days of toil. 'Die fanner and the agriculturist who manufacture nothing, but who pay the increased price which the tariff imposes upon every agricultural implement, upon all he wears and upon ail he uses ana owned, except the increase of his flocks and herds an I such things ns his hu-bandry produces from the soil, is invited to aid in maintaining the present structure, and he is told that a high duty on imported wool is net ess iry for the benefit of those who nave sheep to shear inorder that the price of their wool may be in creased. They, of course, are not reminded that the farmer w ho has no sheep is by this scheme obliged in his purchases of clothing and woolen goods to jay a tribute to his fellow-farmer as well as to the manufacturer and merchant; nor is any men tion made of the fact that the sheep owners them selves nnd their households n.u t wear clothin, r ami use other articles manufactured from the wool they sell at tariff prices and thus, as consumers, must return their share of this increased price to the tradesman. I think it may be fairly assumed that n large proportion of the sheep ow'ned by the farmers throughout the country are found in small flocks, numbering from twenty-five to fifty. The duty on the grade of imported wool which these sheep yield is ten cents each pound, if of tho value of thirty cents or less, and twelve cents if of the value of more than thirty cents. If the liberal estimate ol s.x pounds be allow ed for each fleece, the duty thereon would be sixty or sixty-two cents, and may be better taken as the ut most enhancement of the price to the fanner by reas-m of this duty. Eighteen dollar* would thus represent the increased pric j of the wool from twen ty i.ve s’ic.'p and thirty-six dollars that from the wool of fiity sheep, and at present values this addi tion would amount to about one-third of its price. If upon its sale the farmer receive this ora less tariff’ prom, the wool leaves his hands charged with pre cisely that sum which Is all its charges will adhere to it, until it roaches the consumer. When manufactured into cloth and other maleii.d for use, its cost is not only increased to the extent of the farmers’ tariff’profit, but a further sum has been added fur the benefit of the manufacturer under the operation of other tariff law’s. In the meantime, the day arrives when the farmer finds it ne ary to purchase woolen clothes and material to clothe’ himself and family for tho winter. Wh( n he faces the tradesman for that purpose, he dis covers that he is obliged not only to return, in the way of increased prices, his tariff profit on the wool he sold and which then, perhaps, lies before him in a manufactured form, but that he must add a con siderable sum thereto to meet a further linercase in cost caused by a tariff duty on the manufacture. Thus, in tho end. he is aroused to the fact that ho paid upon a moderate purchase as a result of the tariff scheme, which when he sold his wool seemed so probable, an increase in price more than sufficient tosweep aw ay all the tariff pro fit proceived upon the wool produced and sold. When the number of farmers engaged in wool rais ing is compared with all the farmers m the country and the small proportion of population is consider ed; when it is made apparent that in the case or a large part of those w’hoown sheep the benefit of tho present tariff on wool is illusory; and above all when it must be conceded that the rat© of the cost of the living caused by such a tariff, becomes a burden upon this? with moderate means, ami the poor, the employed an I unemploy ed, the sick and well, and the young and old, and that it constitutes a tax which, with relentless grasp, is fastened upon the clothing of every man, woman and child in the land, reasons arc suggested why the removal or reduction us this duty should lx; included in a revision of our tariff' laws—in sneak ing of the increased cost to the consumer or our home manufactures .resulting from a duty laid upon import ’d articles of the same description. Tiie fact is not overlooked that competition among our domestic producers sometimes has the effect of helping tho price of their products below the high est limit allowed by such duty. But it is notoriou < that tho competition is too strongly, bv combinations quite prevalent at this time, and frequently called trusts, which have for their objects the regulation of the supply and price of commodities made and sold by members ot the combination. The people can hardlv hope for any consideration in the operation or these selfish schemes. If, however, in the absence of such com bination a healthy and free competition reduces the price of any particular dutiable article us home pro duction, below the limit which it might otherwise reach under our tariff laws, and if with such reduced price, its manufacture continues to thrive, it is entirely evident that one thing has been discovered which should be full y scrutinized in an effort to reduce taxation. The necessity of a combination to maintain the price of a commodity to the tai ill’ point furnishds proof that some one is willing to accept lower prices tor such commodity, and that prices arc remunerative and lower prices produced by competition prov© the same thing. Thus, where ether of these conditions exist, a case w ould seem to be presented for au easy reduction of taxation. The considerations which have been presented to enforcing tariff'laws are in tended only to enforce an earnest recommendation that the surplus revenues ot tlie gov ernment bo prevented by the reduction of our customs duties and nt the same time to em phasize u suggestion that in accomplishing this pur iose, w e may discharge a double duty to our people by granting to them a measure of relief from tariff’ taxation in quarters where it is most needed and from sources wherein can be most fairly and justly accorded, nor can the presentations made of such considerations be with any degree of fairness re garded as evidence of unfriendliness toward our manufacturers’ interests or us any lack of a] p;c eiation of their value and importance. These industries constitute a leading and most sub stantial element of our national greatness and ftir ni>h the proud pnx)f of our country’s progress. But if, in the emergency that presses upon us, our manufacturers are lu-’ked to surrender something for the public good and to avert disaster, their patriot ism, as well as a grateful recognition of the advan tages already afforded, should lead them to willing co-operat i<>n. No demand is made that they should forego all the benetiu of governmental regard: but they cannot fail to be admonished of their duty, as well ns their enlightened self-interest and safety, when they are reminded of the fact ’ that financial i«auic and collapse, to which the present session tends, affords no greater shelter or }>rotectton to our manufacturers than to our other important enterprise®. Opportunity for safe, careful ami deliberate reform is now offered, and none of us should Im? unmindful of a time when our abused arid irritated peonle, heedless of those w ho have resisted timely and reasonable relief, may insist upon a radical and sweeping rectification of their wrongs. The difficulty attending a wire and fair revision of our tariff law *is not underestimated. It will re quire on the iar: of the congress, great labor and care, and especially a bread and rational contempla tion of the subject,’and a iratriurie disregard of such local and selfish claims as arc unreasonable ami reckless of the welfare of the entire country. In h r our present laws more than four th msand articles are subject to duly. Many of there do not, in any way. cumjiet© with < ur own manufactures and many are tiardly w orth atten tion as subjects of revenue. A considerable reduc tion can bo made in the aggregate by adding them to the free list. The taxation of luxuries prereuU' no features of hardship; but the irtcemrici of life. umhl and consumed bv all tlie people, the duty upon which adds to the cost of living in every home, should be greatly cheapened. Ihe radical redur lieu of the dutie* impo>ud upon raw material us -U m mauufi.c ures, or IU Dee impui talma, B, of course, au impcrtaul factor in any effort to reduce the price of these necessaries, w’ould not only release them from the increased cost caused by the tariff’ on such material, but the manufactured product being thus cheapened, that part of the tariff’now laid upon such products as a compensation to our manufacturers for rhe present price of raw material could be accordingly modified. Such reductions, or free importations, would serve beside to largely reduce the revenue. It is not ap parent how such a change can have any injurious effect upon our manufacturers; on the contrary it would appear to give them a better chance in for eign markets w itn the manufacturers of other coun tries who cheapen their wares by free material. Thus, our people might have the opportunity of extending their sales beyond the limits of home consumption—save them from the depression, in terruption in business and loss caused by a glutted domestic market and affording their employes more certain and steady labor, with its resulting quiet and contentment. The question thus imperatively presented fur solution should be approached in a spirit higher than party anxiety, and considered in the light of that regard for patriotic duty which should characterize the action of those interested w ith the weal of a confiding i>eople. Bur the obligation to declared party policy and principle is not wanting to urge prompt and effec tive action. Both of the great political parties how represented in the government have, by repeated and authorative declaration, condemned the con- ’ dition of our laws, which permit wrongs upon the people of unnecessary revenue and have in the most solemn manner promised its correction—and neither, as citizens nor partisans of our country, made a move to condone the deliberate violation of these pledges. Our progress toward a wise conclusion will not be improved by dwelling on theoriesjof protection and free trade. |This savors too much of bandying epithets; it is a condition which confronts us, not a theory. The relief from this condition may im prove as a light reduction of tlio advantages which we award our home production, but t ie ent: e witlidrawal of such advantage should nut be con templated. The question of free trade is absolute ly irrelevant and the persistent claim made in cer tain quarters that all efforts to relieve the people from unjust and unnecessary taxation are schemes of so-called freetraders is mischievous and far re moved fiom an 5’ consideration for the public good. The simple and plain duty which we ow’e the people is to reduce taxa ion to the necessary expenses of an economical optr ition of the government and to restore to the business of the country the money which we hold in the treasury through the perver sion of government powers. These things can and should be done with safety to all industries, without danger to the opportunity for remunerative labor, which cur v.or.iingmen need, and with benefit to them and all our people by cheapening their means of subsistence and increasing the measure of their comforts. THE STATE OF THE UNION. The constitution provides that the president “shall, from time to time, give to the congress in formation of the state of the union.” It has been the custom of the executive, in compliance with this provision, to annually exhibit to the congress, at the opening of its session, the general condition of the country, and to detail with some particularity the operations of the different executive depart ments. It would be especially agreeable to follow this course at the present time and to call attention to the valuable accomplishments of these departments during the last fiscal year, but I am so much impressed with the paramount importance of the subject to which this communica tion has thus far been devoted, that I shail forego the addition of any other topic, and only urge upon your immediate consideration to tho “State of the Union,” as shown in the present condition of our treasury and our general fiscal situation, upon which every element of our safety and prosperity depends. The reports of the heads of the departments, which will be submitted, contain full and explicit information touching the transaction of the busi ness entrusted to them and such recommendations relative tn legislation in the public interest as they deem advisable. I ask for these reports and recommendations, the deliberate examination and action of the legisla tive branches of the government There are other subjects not embraced in the de partmental reports demanding legislative consider ation and which I should be glad to submit. Some of them, however, have been earnestly presented in previous messages and to them I beg leave to repeat prior recommendations. As the law makes no provisions for any report from the department of state, a brief history of the transactions of that important department, together with other matters which it may hereatter be deemed essential to commend to tho attention of the congress, may furnish the occasion fora future com munica'.ion. Grovep. Cleveland. Washington, D. C., December 6th, 1887. COMMENT OF THE PRESS New York, December 6.—Tomorrow’s pa pers will have exhaustive editorial articles on the president’s message. The Times has not a line but praise for the document. The World Siays: The admirable message of the president has given to the d( m >• ratio party what it lias long lacked, an issue and a Eleader. The issue is tax reform. The leader is the president. We congratulate the demo cratic party and Mr. Cleveland himself upon his bold, s igacious and statesmanlike action. The Sun says: It is not a commonplace document, for it is sim ple, intelligible and coherent: and the quality of brevity is chiefly due to the fact that all other topics of national interest are dismissed in a lump or post poned as inconsequential in the presence of one problem of supreme importance—th© question of tariff’revision. We find him betrayed here and there, no doubt unconsciously, into ah exhibition of slight irritation against American man ufacturers as a class, almost as if they were conspirators and public enemies. Beyond recom mendation, of the free admission on raw materials and the general principle that necessaries of life, rather than luxuries, should be effected,/ the president docs not undertake to indicate to congress specific methods up >n which tariff reduction should, in his opinion, proceed. The message is not too long for busy men to read, and ills the busy men of the United States that have the greatest iiitercst in seeing tbr themselves just what President Cleve land says in this most remarkable, and in some respects, most important document, that he has produced since his political career began. The Herald closes its article: The message will not please extremists of cither side—free-traders or protectionists. But it will, we believe, piers? and satisfy the people at large, and it puts upon both parties in congress the solemn duty to relieve the country from a most serious danger. London, December 7.—The Morning Post commenting on President Cleveland’s mess age says: The message will produce a profound sensation in Europe, as wi ll as in America, and will strength en the free traders case throughout the world. Tho Daily News says: Seldom has an American president had a more important or impressive lesson to teach. The fact is that although President Cleveland makes a pre t* n e of shutting his eyes to it, the policy of protec tion has been reduced to a practical and theoretical absurdity. The stone now set rolling will not stop until the idol of protection is broken iu pieces. MR. BLAINE’SVIEWS. New York, December 7.—The Tribune’s Paris correspondent cables to that paper a re port, giving the views of Mr. Blaine on the president’s message. Mr. Blaine said to the Tribune’s representative: “I have been reading an extract of the pres ident’s message and have been especially in terested in the comment of the London papers. These papers all assume to declare the message is a free-trade manifesto, and evidently are an ticipating an enlarged market for English fabrics in the United States as a consequence of the president’s recommendations. Perhaps that fact stamps the character of the message more clearly than any word of mine can.” “You don’t mean actual free trade without duty?” queried the reporter. “No,” replied Mr. Blaine. “Nor do tho Lon don papers mean that. They simply mean that the president has recommended what in the United States is known as revenue tariff, re jecting the protective feature as an object and not even permitting protection to result freely as an incident to revenue duties.” “I don’t know that I quite comprehend that last point,” said the reporter. “I mean,” said Mr. Blaine, “that for the first time in the history of tho United States a president recommends retaining internal tax in order that the tariff may be forced down oven below a fair revenue standard. He recom mends that tax on tobacco be retained and that many millions annually shall be levied on the domestic product which would far better come from a tariff on foreign fabrics.” Mr. Blaine favors the repeal of the tobacco tax. He said: “I should urge that it be done at once, even before the Christinas holidays. It would, in the first place, bring great relief to the growers of tobacco all over the country, and would, moreover, materially lessen the price of the article to consumers. Tobacco, to millions of men, is a necessity. The president calls it a luxury, but it is a luxury in no other sense than tea and coffee are luxuries. The only excuse for such tax is the actual necessity un der which the government found itself during the war and the years immediately following. To retain th© tax now in order to destroy pro tection which would incidentally follow' from raising the amount of money on foreign im ports is certainly a most extraordinary policy for our government.” “Well, then. Mr. Blaine, would you advise a repeal of the whisky tax also?/ “No, I would nut. Other considerations than those of financial aAuiinistratiun are to I l>© taken into account with regard to whisky. There is a moral side to it. To cheapen the price of whisky is to increase the consumption enormously. There would be ’ little use in urging a reform J wrought by high license. In many places in the , national guverumeut, it would neutralize the good effect by making whisky within reach of every one nt twenty cents per gallon. Whisky would be everywhere distilled, if the surveil lance of tho government were withdrawn by a remission of the tax, and illicit sales could not then be prevented even by a policy as rigorous and searching as that with which Russia pursues the nihilists. 1 It would destroy high license at once in all the states. Whisky has been the cause of all harm in the United States. I would try to make it do some good. I w’ould use the tax to for tify our cities and seaboards. “In view of the powerful letter addressed to the democratic party on the subject of fortifications by the late Samuel J. Tilden, in 1885, I am amazed that no attention has been paid to the subject by the democratic admin istration. Never before in the history of the world has any government allowed great cities on the seaboard, like Philadelphia. New Y'ork t Boston, Baltimore, New Orleans and San Francisco to remain defenseless.” THEY ARE VERY MAD. Washington, December 7.—The conference of wool growers and dealers, called by the president of the national association of wool growers, now in session here, adopted today the following: The wool dealers and wool growers of the United States, representing a capital of over five hundred million dollars, and a constituency of a million wool growers and wool dealers, assembled in con ference in the city of Washington, the 7ih day of December, 1887, having read the t n inal message of the president to the fiftieth congress, declare that the sentiments of the message arc a direct (attack upon their industry, one of the most important ;of the country, and in positive violation of the na tional democratic platform ot 1884, as in © .-prated by party leaders, and accepted by the rank and Illa of the party, that the argument made by the presi dent for the removal of our protection against foreign competition Is au old one, repeatedly made by the enemies of an industrial progress, and effectively answerc i in nearly every school district in qur laud, and so thoroughly disproved <>y tho logic of facts and the demonstration of experience and history as to need no answer from us. We ac knowledge that our “small holdings,” in a scattered and unorganized condition, make us the easv prey of freetraders, but we had the right to expect some thing different from the chief executive of the na tion. at once the most happy, prosperous and con tented of any of the world, made so oy the policy of protection : n .l development which he now seeks to d-’stroy. We had the right to expect that our presi dent would favor the wool growers of the United States, un i confess our deep disappointn ©nt that instead, he favored the interests of our foreign com petitors. Justly alarmed at his position, we make an appeal from his recommendations to all the people; to seven and three-fourths millions of our citizens en gaged in agriculture; to millions engaged in manufacturing; to the army of wage earners, who wages are maintained by the protective system ; to the tradesman and merchant whose prosperity de pends upon ours; confident that judgment and de cision will be based upon justice and patrotism, and, therefore, for the maintaince of the American policy of protection, to which the country is in debted for its unexampled development and pros* perity. To demonstrate the injustice of the president’s policy, and the fallacy of tlie remedj- he proposes for a reduction of the surplus, we point to the fact that if the whole am mint of revenue received from wool was abolished, it would reduce the surplus about five millions; or less than ten cents per capita of the population,which is paid by foreigners, while the old war taxes, he recommends retained, yield over one hundred and nineteen millions and is a direct tax per capita of two dollars each, and is what makes up the great bulk of the surplus of on© hundred and forty millions, and which fosters a most dangerous mono; oly. We would further add the following statistics in regard to the wool industries: The annual revenue derived from imports of wool under the tariff’ of 1867 was less than 81,700,000. Under the reduced tariff of 1883. the revenue last year was over five millions. The number of sheep in the country in 1884 was 50,626,626; in 18S7, 41,759,314, a decrease of nearly six millions and a dmunition of the annual wool product of over thirty-five million pounds, thus showing that reducing the tariff by the act of 1883 has increased the revenue from imported wools and diminished the number of sheep in the United States about 12 per cent and the annual production in the same proportion. The president’s policy would bring about the destruction of this industry, and the same policy of reduction or abolition of the tariff would end in disaster to all other industrial productive enterprises of th© country. Mr. Randall and tho democrats who follow his lead upon the tariff question have not yet spoken, but their silence is by no means re garded as favorable to the president’s message. Your correspondent is assured that Mr. Ran dall’s position is this: that he realizes that tho surplus is too large and must bo reduced, but that it will not do to begin an indiscriminate reduction of the list. The work must be ap proached with prudence and caution, so that the reduction mad© will not disturb, retard or injure any American industry or enterprise. TO MEET AT CHICAGO. Washington, December B.—The republican national committee was called to order at eleven o’clock this morning in room 150, Ar lington hotel, by B. F. Jones, of Pennsylva nia, its chairman; Samuel Fessenden, of Con necticut, acting as secretary. In a brief speech Chairman Jones stated the object of the meet* ing as follows : Gentlemen of the committee: As stated in the call, this meeting is for the purj ose of selecting the time and place for holding the next republican conven tion; also to consider such other matters as may properly be brought before it. As everything con nected. however remotely, with the government of this great country is important, our action today may have far reaching results. We should, there fore, carefully consider such subjects as may b© brought before us that we may decide wisely. We may congratulate ourselves on the improved prospects of the republican party since the national commit too met in this city four years ago for the same purpose that we are now assembled. At that time the majority against the republican party in the north, at the’last preceding general state elec tions, counted up into hundreds of thousands. The great states of New York, Pennsylvania and Ohio Lad democratic governors: New York’s elected by nearly 200,000 phuality, which was reduced for the same candidate in the presidential election to less than 1,100. Though by accident the democratic party have the presidency and prestige of success, tlie signs are auspicious lor the election of a repub lican president in 1888. The momentum acquired by twenty-five years of prevalence ol republican principles has not yet Jost its force, and tho material inte- ests of the country are still prosperous as a result of ft republican industrial leg islation. l<(c?nt utterances, however, indicate# determination to end this prosperity by adverse legislation, forced upon the country by an adminis tration hostile to American industry; and also indi cate the necessity of the return to power ol tl:e re publican party in the national government, so tiiat American industry, wool growing and sugar raising equally with iron’making and tcxt.Je production, may have continued prosperity, and employes in these industries constant employment and con tinued good wages, such as American workmen should receive. Delegates were present to urge tho claims of Minneapolis, Omaha, Chicago, St. Louis, Cin cinnati and Philadelphia. Each delegation was given fifteen minutes to present its case. Colonel Wm. C. Elam, of Richmond, jiresent cd an argument iu favor of tho republican party of that state. He was accompanied, ha said, by members of the senate and house of representatives of Virginia, and by its five or six republican members of congress; and they represented the republican party of Virginia. Tho first formal ballot resulted as follows: Whole nnumber of ballots cast, 47; necessary to a choice, 24. Chicago received 22, Omaha 4, Cincinnati 9, Minneapolis 8, Philadelphia 3, St. Louis 1. Second formal ballot: Chicago 25, Omaha 1, Cincinnati 13, Minneapolis 8. Mr. Gallagher, delegate from the New York workingmen’s party, was, on applica tion, admitted to present the views ol that party. Ho asked of tho committee sum© recognition of the cause of labor. He wanted the committee to further tho views of th© labor party in the direction of a high protec tive tariff, a strong navy, more coast defenHOs, internal improvements, compulsory educa tion and other matters, and to use up the sur plus and protect tlie labor us the American workingmen. They ask for the enfranchise ment of the white slaves, as they had witness ed that of black slaves. Washington, December 10.—[Special.]— There is considerable talk tonight about th© senate refusing to confirm the nomination of Postmaster-General Vilas as secretary of the interior. There is no objection to Colonel Vilas per sonally. The probable reason that is the basis for the supposed objection is found in the fact that he has a brother out in California some where, whois engaged or interested in certain land matters. These land matters have gotten before tho interior department in some way, j and it is suggested that if Mr. Vilas is cun- I firmed, that he will have to pass upon matters in which his blood kin is much interested. Washington, December 7.—A lett»T from the secretary of was laid before tho I senate stating that an appropriation of 577,- 495 is required to complete the publication of the final report on the census of 1880, four of . the twenty-two volumes being still uupriuted. I Laid on the table.